■-  ■ " /.'•'>vc> 


"j  ->v<jsV 

-f 


Division  Q33 

Section  . A1  9 8 


-V.-  V7. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/japan00murr_1 


story  of  the  Nations 

A Series  of  Historical  Studies  intended  to  present  in 
graphic  narratives  the  stories  of  the  different 
nations  that  have  attained  prominence  in  history. 


In  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  national 
life  is  distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and 
noteworthy  periods  and  episodes  are  presented  for 
the  reader  in  their  philosophical  relations  to  each 
other  as  well  as  to  universal  history. 


12°,  Illustrated,  cloth,  each 
Half  Leather,  each 
No.  62  and  following  Nos. 
Each 

Half  leather,  gilt  top,  each. 


. $1.50 

. $1-75 
net  $1.35 
(By  mail)  $1.50 
. net  $1.60 
(By  mail)  $i.75 


FOR  FULL  LIST  SEE  END  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


JAPAN 


I 


Frontispiece. 


BELL  AT  KYOTO. 


(Litr  the 


JAPAN 


DAVID  MURRAY,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 


SUPERINTENDENT  OF  EDUCATION  IN  THE  EMPIRE  OF  JAPAN,  AND  ADVISER  TO  THE 
IMPERIAL  MINISTER  OF  EDUCATION,  FROM  1873  TO  1879 


REVISED  EDITION,  CONTINUING  THE  HISTORY  TO  THE 
CLOSE  OF  1905,  WITH  THE  PROVISIONS  OF  THE 
TREATY  OF  PORTSMOUTH  BETWEEN 
RUSSIA  AND  JAPAN,  AND 

SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS 

BY 

BARON  KENTARO  KANEKO,  LL.D. 


NEW  YORK 

G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 

LONDON  : T.  FISHER  UNWIN 
1906 


Copyright,  1894 

BY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 


COYPRIGHT.  igo6 
BY 

G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 
(For  Revised  Edition) 


'Cbe  1f?nicf?erbocftcr  press,  IRcw  ]5orl? 


PUBLISHER’S  NOTE. 

HE  death  in  March,  1905,  of  David  Murray, 


the  author  of  this  volume,  prevented  him 


from  carrying  out  his  intention  of  bringing  the 
narrative  down  to  include  the  important  events  of 
the  last  fifteen  years  in  the  “Story  of  Japan.’’ 

The  chapters  presenting  the  record  of  these  fifteen 
years,  including  an  account  of  the  more  important 
and  epoch-making  of  the  events  in  the  Russo- 
Japanese  War  of  1904-05,  have  been  prepared  by 
Albert  White  Vorse. 

The  Baron  Kentaro  Kaneko,  LL.D.,  who  has 
himself  been  charged  with  important  responsibilities 
by  the  Imperial  Government  of  his  country,  has 
most  generously  contributed  two  very  interesting 
and  important  chapters  to  this  new  edition,  this 
contribution  being  made  in  recognition  of  the  valu- 
able work  done  by  David  Murray,  LL.D.,  who 
served  during  the  years  from  1873  to  1879  as  spe- 
cial adviser  to  the  Imperial  Janpanese  Minister  of 
Education,  who  was  able  to  render  most  valuable 
co-operation  in  the  foundation  of  the  present  Jap- 
anese system  of  Education,  and,  to  quote  Baron 


111 


IV 


PUBLISHER'S  NOTE. 


Kaneko’s  own  words,  “through  whose  earnest  and 
untiring  efforts  the  Japan  of  to-day  and  the  ideal  of 
the  Japan  of  the  future  have  been  brought  to  the 
knowledge  of  a wondering  and  admiring  world.” 
April  2,  iqo6. 


PREFACE. 


It  is  the  object  of  this  book  to  trace  the  story  of 
Japan  from  its  beginnings  to  the  establishment  of 
constitutional  government.  Concerned  as  this  story 
is  with  the  period  of  vague  and  legendary  antiquity 
as  well  as  with  the  disorders  of  mediaeval  time  and 
with  centuries  of  seclusion,  it  is  plain  that  it  is  not 
an  easy  task  to  present  a trustworthy  and  connected 
account  of  the  momentous  changes  through  which 
the  empire  has  been  called  to  pass.  It  would  be 
impossible  to  state  in  detail  the  sources  from  which 
I have  derived  the  material  for  this  work.  I place 
first  and  as  most  important  a residence  of  several 
years  in  Japan,  during  which  I became  familiar  with 
the  character  of  the  Japanese  people  and  with  the 
traditions  and  events  of  their  history.  Most  of  the 
works  treating  of  Japan  during  and  prior  to  the 
period  of  her  seclusion,  as  well  as  the  more  recent 
works,  I have  had  occasion  to  consult.  They  will  be 
found  referred  to  in  the  following  pages.  Beyond 
all  others,  however,  I desire  to  acknowledge  my  obli- 

V 


VI 


PREFACE. 


gations  to  the  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Japan.  A list  of  the  contributors  to  these  trans- 
actions would  include  such  names  as  Satow,  Aston, 
Chamberlain,  McClatchie,  Gubbins,  Geerts,  Milne, 
Whitney,  Wigmore  and  others,  whose  investigations 
have  made  possible  a reasonably  complete  knowledge 
of  Japan.  The  Transactio7is  of  the  German  Asiatic 
Society  are  scarcely  less  noteworthy  than  those  of 
her  sister  society.  To  these  invaluable  sources  of 
information  are  to  be  added  Chamberlain’s  Things 
Japa7icse,  Rein’s  Japa7i  and  the  I/id7istries  of  Japan, 
Griffis’  Mikado's  E7npire,  Mounsey’s  Sats7i77ia  Rebel- 
lio7i,  Dening’s  Life  of  Hideyoshi,  the  published  papers 
of  Professor  E.  S.  Morse,  and  the  two  handbooks 
prepared  successively  by  Mr.  Satow  and  Mr.  Cham- 
berlain. 

To  friends  who  have  taken  an  interest  in  this  pub- 
lication I owe  many  thanks  for  valuable  and  timely 
help : to  Dr.  J.  C.  Hepburn,  who  for  so  many  years 
was  a resident  in  Yokohama  ; to  Mr.  Benjamin  Smith 
Lyman  of  Philadelphia  who  still  retains  his  interest 
in  and  knowledge  of  things  Japanese;  to  Mr.  Tateno, 
the  Japanese  Minister  at  Washington,  and  to  the 
departments  of  the  Japanese  government  which 
have  furnished  me  material  assistance. 

In  the  spelling  of  Japanese  words  I have  followed, 
with  a few  exceptions,  the  system  of  the  Roman 
Alphabet  Association  (Romaji  Kai)  as  given  in  its 
published  statement.  I have  also  had  constantly  at 
hand  Hepburn’s  Dictio7iary,  the  Dictio7iary  of  Totv7is 
and  Roads,  by  Dr.  W.  N.  Whitney,  and  Murray  s 
Handbook  of  Japan,  by  B.  H.  Chamberlain.  In 


preface. 


vii 

accordance  with  these  authorities,  in  the  pronun- 
ciation of  Japanese  words  the  consonants  are  to  be 
taken  at  their  usual  English  values  and  the  vowels 
at  their  values  in  Italian  or  German. 

David  MurraYo 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER 

I.  THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO 

II.  THE  ORIGINAL  AND  SURVIVING  RACES. 

III.  MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS  ..... 

IV.  FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE  .... 

V.  NATIVE  CULTURE  AND  CONTINENTAL  IN- 
FLUENCES ...... 

VI.  THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN 

VII.  EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN  .... 

VIII.  FROM  THE  ASHIKAGA  SHOGUNS  TO  THE 
DEATH  OF  NOBUNAGA  .... 

IX.  TOYOTOMI  HIDEYOSHI  ..... 

X.  THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  SHO- 

GUNATE  

XI.  CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CEN- 
TURY   

XII.  FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN 

XIII.  COMMODORE  PERRY  AND  WHAT  FOLLOWED  . 

XIV.  REVOLUTIONARY  PRELUDES. 

XV.  THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE  . . . . 

XVI.  THE  CONSTITUTION  AND  THE  WAR  WITH 

CHINA  ....... 

XVII.  THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA 
RESOURCES  AND  IDF.A^  OF  MODERN  JAPAN,  BY 

BARON  KENTARO  KANEKO,  LL.D.I 


PAGE 

I 

20 

32 

51 

81 

II7 

I5I 

169 

193 

225 

240 

269 

309 

335 

367 

397 

418 


IX 


X 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

I.  THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR  AND  THE  RE- 
SOURCES OF  JAPAN  . . . -457 

II.  japan’s  policy  and  ideals:  domestic 

AND  FOREIGN  .....  473 

appendix  I.  LIST  OF  EMPERORS  . . -491 

II.  LIST  OF  YEARrPERIODS  . . . 496 

III.  LIST  OF  SHOGUNS  ....  504 

IV.  LAWS  OF  SHOTOKU  TAISHI  . . 51O 

V.  THE  NEGOTIATIONS  BETWEEN  JA- 

PAN AND  RUSSIA,  1903-1904  . 515 

INDEX 553 

INDEX  TO  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS  . . . 564 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


BELL  AT  KYOTO Frontispiece 

* SHIN  J OiSTS I 

f MAP  OF  LEGENDARY  JAPAN  .....  lO 

AINO  FAMILY 21 

SHINTO  TEMPLE  ...  ■ • • 59 

J BURIED  IMAGES 67 

I MAGATAMA  AND  KUDATAMA  ....  89 

PORTRAIT  OF  MICHIZANE I3I 

STATUE  OF  YORITOMO 149 

PORTRAIT  OF  ST.  FRANCIS  XAVIER  . . . • 175 

PORTRAIT  OF  HIDEYOSHI 223 

TOKUGAWA  CREST 239 

§ PLEASURE  YACHTS  AND  MERCHANT  VESSEL  . . 263 

PORTRAIT  OF  lEYASU  ......  270 

* MIXING  INK  FOR  WRITING 2J2 

STYLES  OF  LETTERS  ......  273 

* JAPANESE  SYLLABARY 274 

SWORD-MAKER 283 

*From  Regamey’s  “ yapan  in  Art  and  Industry.” 

I From  Chamberlain’s  “ Translation  of  Kojiki.” 

J From  Henry  von  Siebold’s  “ Japanese  Archeeology.” 

From  Charlevoix’s  “ Ilistoire  et  Description  de  JaponP 


XI 


XII 


ILL  USTRA  TIONS. 


PAGE 

SWORD,  SPEARS,  AND  MATCHLOCK  ....  285 

* lantern  , . . . ^ . 286 

DAIBUTSU  AT  KAMAKURA 287 

BELL  AT  KYOTO 289 

OBAN,  GOLD  COIN,  1 727 307 

CAUTERIZING  WITH  MOXA 308 

COMMODORE  M.  C.  PERRY 315 

* WRESTLERS 334 

PORTRAIT  OF  KIDO  TAKEYOSHI  ....  357 

PORTRAIT  OF  UDAIJIN  IWAKURA  lOMOMI  . 359 

PORTRAIT  OF  THE  REIGNING  EMPEROR  . , 363 

IMPERIAL  CRESTS  .......  365 

GATHERING  LACQUER 366 

PORTRAIT  OF  MORI  ARINORI 383 

PORTRAIT  OF  OKUBO  TOSHIMICHI  ...  393 

PORTRAIT  OF  ITO  HIROBUMI  .....  395 

ADMIRAL  TOGO 43° 

GENERAL  KUROKI  433 

MAP  OF  JAPAN.  (compiled  FROM  MANY  JAPANESE 

AND  FOREIGN  SOURCES)  . . . facing  552 


* From  Rcgamey’s  “ Jal^an  in  Art  and  Industry." 


SHINTOISTS. 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO. 

The  first  knowledge  of  the  Japanese  empire  was 
brought  to  Europe  by  Marco  Polo  after  his  return 
from  his  travels  in  China  in  A.D.  1295.  He  had 
been  told  in  China  of  “ Chipangu,'  an  island  tow- 
ards the  east  in  the  high  seas,  1500  miles  from  the 
continent ; and  a very  great  island  it  is.  The  peo- 
ple are  white,  civilized,  and  well  favored.  They 
are  idolaters,  and  are  dependent  on  nobody.  And 
I can  tell  you  the  quantity  of  gold  they  have  is 
endless  ; for  they  find  it  in  their  own  islands.”  The 
name  Chipangu  is  the  transliteration  of  the  Chinese 
name  which  modern  scholars  write  Chi-pen-kue,  by 
which  Japan  was  then  known  in  China.  From  it 
the  Japanese  derived  the  name  Nippon,  and  then 
prefixed  the  term  Dai  (great),  making  it  Dai  Nippon, 
the  name  which  is  now  used  by  them  to  designate 

' The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo,  the  Venetian  ; translated  by  Colo- 
nel Henry  Yule,  C.B.  Second  edition,  London,  1875,  vol.  ii.,  p.  235. 


J 


2 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


their  empire.  Europeans  transformed  the  Chinese 
name  into  Japan,  or  Japon,  by  which  the  country  is 
known  among  them  at  present. 

Marco  Polo’s  mention  of  this  island  produced  a 
great  impression  on  the  discoverers  of  the  fifteenth 
century.  In  Toscanelli’s  map,  used  by  Columbus 
as  the  basis  of  his  voyages,  “ Cipango  ” occupies  a 
prominent  place  to  the  east  of  Asia,  with  no  Ameri- 
can continent  between  it  and  Europe.  It  was  the 
aim  of  Columbus,  and  of  many  subsequent  explorers, 
to  find  a route  to  this  reputedly  rich  island  and  to 
the  eastern  shores  of  Asia. 

The  islands  composing  the  empire  of  Japan  are 
situated  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  Pacific 
ocean.  They  are  part  of  the  long  line  of  volcanic 
islands  stretching  from  the  peninsula  of  Kamtschatka 
on  the  north  to  Formosa  on  the  south.  The  direc- 
tion in  which  they  lie  is  northeast  and  southwest, 
and  in  a general  way  they  are  parallel  to  the 
continent. 

The  latitude  of  the  most  northern  point  of  Yezo 
is  45°  35',  and  the  latitude  of  the  most  southern 
point  of  Kyushu  is  31°.  The  longitude  of  the  most 
eastern  point  of  Yezo  is  146°  17',  and  the  longitude 
of  the  most  western  point  of  Kyushu  is  130°  31'. 
The  four  principal  islands  therefore  extend  through 
14°  35'  of  latitude  and  15°  46'  of  longitude. 

The  Kurile  islands ' extending  from  Yezo  north- 
east to  the  straits  separating  Kamtschatka  from  the 
island  of  Shumushu  belong  also  to  Japan.  This  last 

'These  islands  belonged  to  Russia  until  1875,  when  by  a treaty 
they  were  ceded  to  Japan  in  exchange  for  the  rights  of  possession 
which  she  held  in  the  island  of  Saghalien. 


THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


3 


island  has  a latitude  of  51°  5'  and  a longitude  of 
157°  10'.  In  like  manner  the  Ryukyu  islands,  lying 
in  a southwest  direction  from  Kyushu  belong  to  Ja- 
pan. The  most  distant  island  has  a latitude  of  24° 
and  a longitude  of  123°  45'.  The  whole  Japanese 
possessions  therefore  extend  through  a latitude  of 
27°  5'  and  a longitude  of  33°  25'. 

The  empire  consists  of  four  large  islands  and  not 
less  than  three  thousand  small  ones.  Some  of  these 
small  islands  are  large  enough  to  constitute  distinct 
provinces,  but  the  greater  part  are  too  small  to  have 
a separate  political  existence,  and  are  attached  for 
administrative  purposes  to  the  parts  of  the  large 
islands  opposite  to  which  they  lie.  The  principal 
island  is  situated  between  Yezo  on  the  north  and 
Kyushu  on  the  south. 

From  Omasaki,  the  northern  extremity  at  the 
Tsugaru  straits,  to  Tokyo,  the  capital,  the  island 
runs  nearly  north  and  south  a distance  of  about  590 
miles,  and  from  Tokyo  to  the  Shimonoseki  straits 
the  greatest  extension  of  the  island  is  nearly  east  and 
west,  a distance  of  about  540  miles.  That  is,  meas- 
uring in  the  direction  of  the  greatest  extension,  the 
island  is  about  1130  miles  long.  The  width  of  the 
island  is  nowhere  greater  than  two  hundred  miles 
and  for  much  of  its  length  not  more  than  one 
hundred  miles. 

Among  the  Japanese  this  island  has  no  separate 
name.'  It  is  often  called  by  them  Hondo"  which 

' E.  M.  Satow,  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  i.,  p.  30. 

^ This  word  is  not  a proper  name  but  a descri|)tive  designation, 
and  must  be  understood  in  tliis  way  when  used  by  Dr.  Griffis  in  his 


4 


THE  STORY  OE  JAPAN. 


may  be  translated  Main  island.  By  this  translated 
name  the  principal  island  will  be  designated  in  these 
pages.  The  term  Nippon  or  more  frequently  Dai 
Nippon  (Great  Nippon)  is  used  by  them  to  designate 
the  entire  empire,  and  it  is  not  to  be  understood  as 
restricted  to  the  principal  island. 

The  second  largest  island  is  Yezo,  lying  northeast 
from  the  Main  island  and  separated  from  it  by  the 
Tsugaru  straits.  Its  longest  line  is  from  Cape 
Shiretoko  at  its  northeast  extremity  to  Cape  Shira- 
kami  on  Tsugaru  straits,  about  350  miles  ; and 
from  its  northern  point.  Cape  Soya  on  the  La  Per- 
ouse  straits  to  Yerimosaki,  it  measures  about  270 
miles.  The  centre  of  the  island  is  an  elevated  peak, 
from  which  rivers  flow  in  all  directions  to  the  ocean. 
Hakodate  the  principal  port  is  situated  on  Tsugaru 
straits  and  possesses  one  of  the  most  commodious 
harbors  of  the  empire. 

The  third  in  size  of  the  great  islands  of  Japan  is 
Kyushu,  a name  meaning  nine  provinces,  referring 
to  the  manner  in  which  it  was  divided  in  early  times. 
It  lies  south  from  the  western  extremity  of  the  Main 
island.  Its  greatest  extension  is  from  north  to 
south,  being  about  200  miles.  Its  width  from  east 
to  west  varies  from  sixty  to  ninety  miles.  Its 

Mikado's  Empire  and  by  Dr.  Rein  in  his  two  works  on  Japan.  In 
the  successive  issues  of  the  Kisume  Stalistique,  published  by  the 
Statistical  Bureau,  the  term  Nippon  is  used  to  designate  the  principal 
island.  This  name  has  the  advantage  of  having  been  used  exten- 
sively in  foreign  books,  but  its  restricted  use  is  contrary  to  the  cus- 
tom of  Japan.  After  much  consideration  we  have  determined  to 
designate  the  principal  island  by  the  term  “ Main  island,”  which  is 
the  translation  of  the  word  Hondo. 


THE  JAPAHESE  archipelago.  5 

temperature  and  products  partake  of  a tropical 
character. 

To  the  east  of  Kyushu  lies  Shikoku  (meaning  four 
provinces)  which  is  the  fourth  of  the  great  islands 
of  Japan.  It  is  about  one  half  as  large  as  Kyushu, 
which  in  climate  and  productions  it  much  resembles. 
It  is  south  of  the  western  extension  of  the  Main 
island  and  is  nearly  parallel  to  it.  Its  length  is 
about  170  miles. 

In  the  early  history  of  Japan  one  of  its  names 
among  the  natives  was  Oyashima,  meaning  the 
Great  Eight  Islands.  The  islands  included  in  this 
name  were  : the  Main  island,  Kyushu,  Shikoku, 
Awaji,  Sado,  Tsushima,  Oki,  and  Iki.  The  large 
island  of  Yezo  had  not  then  been  conquered  and 
added  to  the  empire. 

Awaji  is  situated  in  the  Inland  sea  between  the 
Main  island  and  Shikoku.  It  is  about  fifty  miles 
long  and  has  an  area  of  218  square  miles.  Sado  is 
situated  in  the  Japan  sea,  off  the  northwest  coast 
of  the  Main  island.  It  is  about  forty-eight  miles 
long  and  has  an  area  of  about  335  square  miles. 
Tsushima  lies  half-way  between  Japan  and  Korea, 
and  has  a length  of  about  forty-six  miles,  and  an 
area  of  about  262  square  miles.  Oki  lies  off  the 
coast  of  Izumo  and  has  an  area  of  about  130  square 
miles.  Finally  Iki,  the  smallest  of  the  original 
great  eight  islands,  lies  west  of  the  northern  ex- 
tremity of  Kyushu  and  has  an  area  of  fifty  square 
miles. 

The  Japanese  islands  are  invested  on  the  east 
by  the  Pacific  ocean.  They  are  separated  from 


6 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAH. 


the  continent  by  the  Okhotsk  sea,  the  Japan  sea, 
and  the  Yellow  sea.  The  Kuro  Shiwo  (black  cur- 
rent) flows  from  the  tropical  waters  in  a northeast 
direction,  skirting  the  islands  of  Japan  on  their  east 
coasts,  and  deflecting  its  course  to  the  eastward 
carries  its  ameliorating  influences  to  the  west  coast 
of  America.  It  is  divided  by  the  projecting  southern 
extremity  of  the  island  of  Kyushu,  and  a perceptible 
portion  of  it  flows  on  the  west  coast  of  the  Japanese 
islands  through  the  Japan  sea  and  out  again  into 
the  Pacific  ocean  through  the  Tsugaru  and  the  La 
Perouse  straits.  The  effect  of  the  Kuro  Shiwo 
upon  the  climate  and  productions  of  the  lands  along 
which  it  flows  is  not  greatly  different  from  that  of 
the  Gulf  Stream  in  the  Atlantic  ocean,  which  in 
situation,  direction,  and  volume  it  resembles. 

The  body  of  water  known  among  foreigners  as 
the  Inland  sea,  but  which  the  Japanese  call  Seto-no- 
Uchi-Umi  (the  sea  within  the  straits),  is  a picturesque 
sheet  of  water  situated  between  the  Linschoten 
straits  on  the  east  and  the  Shimonoseki  straits  on 
the  west.  The  latter  is  seven  miles  long  and  at  its 
narrowest  part  not  more  than  two  thousand  feet 
wide.  It  separates  Kyushu  on  the  south  from  the 
Main  island  on  the  north.  The  Inland  sea  is  occu- 
pied by  an  almost  countless  number  of  islands,  which 
bear  evidence  of  volcanic  origin,  and  are  covered 
with  lu.xuriant  vegetation.  The  lines  of  steamers 
from  Shanghai  and  Nagasaki  to  the  various  ports  on 
the  Main  island,  and  numberless  smaller  craft  in 
every  direction,  run  through  the  Inland  sea. 

The  principal  islands  of  Japan  are  interspersed 


THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


7 


with  mountains,  hills  and  valleys.  Yezo  the  most 
northern  of  these  islands  is  traversed  by  two  ranges 
of  mountains ; the  one  being  the  extension  of  the 
island  of  Saghalien,  the  other  the  extension  of  the 
Kurile  islands.  These  two  ranges  cross  each  other 
at  the  centre  of  the  island,  and  here  the  greatest 
elevation  is  to  be  found.  The  shape  given  to  the 
island  by  these  intersecting  ranges  is  that  of  a four- 
pointed  star.  The  rivers  in  nearly  all  cases  flow 
from  the  centre  outward  to  the  sea.  There  are  few 
large  rivers.  The  most  important  is  the  Ishikari 
which  empties  into  Ishikari  bay.  The  valley  of 
this  river  is  the  most  rich  and  fertile  part  of  the 
island. 

The  mountain  ranges  on  the  Main  island  extend 
usually  in  the  greatest  direction  of  the  island.  In  the 
northern  and  central  portions  the  ranges  chiefly  run 
north  and  south.  In  the  western  extension  of  this 
island  the  mountain  ranges  run  in  nearly  an  east  and 
west  direction.  The  ordinary  height  attained  by 
these  ranges  is  not  great,  but  there  are  many  volcanic 
peaks  which  rise  out  of  the  surrounding  mass  to  a 
great  elevation.  The  highest  mountain  in  Japan  is 
Fuji-san  (sometimes  called  Fuji-yama).  It  is  almost 
conical  in  shape ; although  one  side  has  been  de- 
formed by  a volcanic  eruption  which  occurred  in 
1707.  It  stands  not  far  from  the  coast,  and  is  di- 
rectly in  view  from  the  steamers  entering  the  bay  of 
Tokyo  on  their  way  to  Yokohama.  It  is  about  sixty 
miles  from  Tokyo  in  a direct  line,  and  there  are 
many  places  in  the  city  from  which  it  can  be  seen. 
Its  top  is  covered  with  snow  during  ten  months  of 


8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


the  year,  which  the  heat  of  August  and  September 
melts  away.  The  height  of  Fuji-san  according  to  the 
measurement  of  English  naval  officers  is  12,365  feet.* 

Ne.xt  to  Fuji-san  the  mountains  most  worthy  of 
notice  are  Gas-san  in  Uzen,  Mitake  in  Shinano,  the 
Nikko  mountains  in  Shimotsuke,  Haku-san  in  Kaga, 
Kirishima-yama  in  Hyuga,  and  Asama-yama  in 
Shinano.  Asama-yama  is  about  8,000  feet  high,  and 
is  an  active  volcano. 

From  time  immemorial  the  Japanese  islands  have 
been  affected  with  earthquakes.  Occasionally  they 
have  been  severe  and  destructive,  but  usually  slight 
and  ineffective.  It  is  said  that  not  less  than  five 
hundred  shocks’*  occur  in  Japan  each  year.  The  last 
severe  earthquake  was  in  the  autumn  of  1891,  when 
the  central  part  of  the  Main  island,  especially  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Gifu,  was  destructively  disturbed. 
During  the  long  history  of  the  empire  many  notable 
cases®  have  occurred.  Mr.  Hattori-Ichijo  in  a paper 
read  before  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  March,  1878, 
has  compiled  a list  of  destructive  earthquakes,  and 
has  deduced  from  it  some  important  generalizations. 

' See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  108. 

* See  Chamberlain’s  Things  Japanese,  second  edition,  p.  122. 

® One  of  the  most  notable  of  these  is  that  which  occurred  in  1596 
when  Hideyoshi  was  at  Fushimi.  In  1854  a series  of  shocks  fol- 
lowed by  tidal  waves  occurred  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Main  island. 
The  town  of  Shimoda,  which  had  been  opened  as  a port  for  foreign 
trade  was  almost  destroyed,  and  the  Russian  frigate  Diana  which 
was  lying  there  was  so  injured  that  she  had  to  be  abandoned.  In 
1855  a severe  earthquake  occurred  at  Yedo,  which  was  accompanied 
by  a great  fire.  About  16,000  dwelling-houses  and  other  buildings 
are  said  to  have  been  destroyed,  and  a large  number  of  lives  were 
lost.  Transactions  of  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  vi.,  p.  249. 


THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


9 


Closely  associated  with  earthquakes  in  Japan  as 
elsewhere  are  the  phenomena  of  volcanoes.  The 
whole  archipelago  bears  evidence  of  volcanic  forma- 
tion. The  long  line  of  islands  stretching  from 
Kamt-schatka  to  Borneo  is  plainly  the  product  of 
continued  volcanic  action.  Dr.  Rein  ' enumerates 
eighteen  active  volcanoes  now  in  existence  within 
the  empire.  Fuji-san  in  all  its  beauty  was  no  doubt 
thrown  up  as  a volcano.  The  last  time  it  was  in 
action  was  in  1707,  when  in  connection  with  a series 
of  severe  earthquake  shocks,  an  eruption  took  place 
on  the  south  side  of  the  mountain,  and  its  symmet- 
rical form  was  destroyed  by  the  production  of  the 
new  crater,  Hoye-san. 

Among  the  mountainous  districts  many  small  lakes 
are  found,  a few  of  which  are  large  enough  to  be 
navigated.  In  Yezo  there  are  six  considerable  lakes. 
In  the  Main  island  the  largest  lake  is  Biwa,  in  the 
beautiful  mountain  region  north  of  Kyoto.  It  re- 
ceived its  name  from  its  fancied  resemblance  to  the 
shape  of  a musical  instrument  called  a h'wa.  There 
is  a legend  that  this  lake  came  into  existence  in  a 
single  night,  when  the  volcanic  mountain  Fuji-san 
300  miles  distant  was  raised  to  its  present  height. 
It  is  about  fifty  miles  long  and  about  twenty  miles 
broad  at  its  greatest  width.  It  is  said  to  be  not  less 
than  330  feet  at  its  greatest  depth.  It  is  navigated 
by  steamboats  and  smaller  craft.  It  is  situated 
about  350  feet  above  the  ocean.  Lake  Suwa  in 
Shinano  is  2,635  above  the  ocean.  Lake  Chu- 

' Rein’s  Japan,  p.  44.  In  Things  Japanese  second  edition,  p. 
122,  Japan  is  credited  with  no  less  than  fifty-“ne  active  volcanoes. 


lO  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

zenji  in  the  Nikko  mountains  is  4,400  feet  : and 
Hakone  lake  near  Yokohama  is  2,400  feet. 

Owing  to  the  narrowness  of  the  Main  island,  there 
are  no  rivers  of  a large  size.  Most  of  them  take 
their  rise  in  the  mountainous  regions  of  the  middle 
of  the  islands,  and  by  a more  or  less  circuitous  route 
find  their  way  to  the  ocean.  The  Tone-gawa  {gaiua 
means  river)  is  the  longest  and  broadest  of  the 
rivers  of  Japan.  It  rises  in  Kotsuke  and  flows  in  an 
eastern  direction,  receiving  many  tributaries,  attains 
a breadth  of  more  than  a mile,  and  with  a current 
much  narrowed,  empties  into  the  Pacific  ocean  at 
Chbshi  point.  It  is  about  170  miles  long  and  is 
navigated  by  boats  for  a great  distance.  The 
Shinano-gawa,  which  may  be  named  as  second  in 
size,  rises  in  the  province  of  Shinano,  flows  in  a 
northern  direction,  and  empties  into  the  Japan  sea 
at  Ni-igata.  The  Kiso-gawa  also  rises  in  the  high 
lands  of  Shinano,  and,  flowing  southward,  empties 
into  Owari  bay.  The  Fuji-kawa'  takes  its  rise  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  province  of  Kai,  and  in  its 
course  skirting  the  base  of  Fuji-san  on  the  west, 
empties  into  Suruga  bay.  It  is  chiefly  notable  for 
being  one  of  the  swiftest  streams  in  Japan  and  liable 
to  sudden  and  great  floods. 

To  these  rivers  may  be  added  the  Yodo-gawa, 
which  is  the  outlet  of  Lake  Biwa,  in  the  province  of 
Omi,  and  which  flows  through  Kyoto,  and  empties 
into  the  Inland  sea  at  Osaka.  This  river  is  navigable 
for  flat-bottomed  steamboats  as  far  as  Kyoto.  In 

* The  word  gawa  (river)  takes  the  form  kawa  when  euphony  so 
requires. 


The  above  legendary  map  is  from  Professor  Chamberlain’s  translation  of  the  JCofiki,  as  published  in  the  supplement  to  volume 

of  the  Astatic  Society  Transactions. 


THE  Japanese  archipelago. 


II 


the  islands  of  Kyushu  and  Shikoku  there  are  no 
large  rivers ; but  there  are  many  streams  which  give 
to  these  islands  their  richness  and  fertility. 

The  climate  of  Japan,  as  might  be  expected  from 
its  great  stretch  from  north  to  south,  and  the  varied 
circumstances  of  ocean  currents,  winds,  and  moun- 
tains, is  very  different  in  the  different  parts.  The 
latitude  of  Tokyo  is  35°,  which  is  not  very  different 
from  that  of  Cyprus  in  the  Mediterranean,  or  the 
city  of  Raleigh  in  North  Carolina.  Besides  the 
latitude  of  the  islands  of  Japan,  the  most  noticeable 
cause  of  their  climatic  condition  is  the  Kuro  Shiwo 
(black  current).  This  current  flows  from  the  tropical 
regions  near  the  Philippine  islands,  impinges  on  the 
southern  islands,  and  is  divided  by  them  into  two 
unequal  parts.  The  greater  part  skirts  the  Japanese 
islands  on  their  east  coast,  imparting  to  them  that 
warm  dnd  moist  atmosphere,  which  is  one  source  of 
the  fertility  of  their  soil  and  beauty  of  their  vegeta- 
tion. To  this  important  cause  must  be  added  an- 
other, which  is  closely  related  to  it  in  its  effects. 
The  Japanese  islands  are  in  the  region  of  the  north- 
east monsoon,'  which  affects  in  a marked  degree  the 
climate  of  all  parts  over  which  the  winds  extend. 
The  same  monsoon  blows  over  the  eastern  countries 
of  the  continent,  but  the  insular  character  of  Japan 
and  the  proximity  of  the  warm  current  on  both  sides 
of  the  islands  give  to  the  winds  which  prevail  a 
character  which  they  do  not  possess  on  the  con- 

' Dr.  Rein  was  the  first  clearly  to  apprehend  and  state  the  influence 
of  the  northeast  monsoon  on  the  climate  of  Japan.  See  Rein’s 
Japan,  p.  104. 


12 


THE  STORY  OF  JaPAH. 


tinent.  During  the  greater  part  of  September  the 
northern  wind  blows,  which  brings  a colder  temper- 
ature, condensing  the  moisture  contained  in  the 
atmosphere.  This  month  is  therefore  generally  a 
rainy  month.  Gradually  the  atmosphere  becomes 
more  dry,  and  the  beautiful  autumn  and  early  winter 
follow  in  course. 

The  winter  is  very  different  in  the  different  parts. 
On  the  east  coast  the  temperature  is  very  moderate. 
Even  as  far  north  as  Tokyo  the  snow  rarely  falls  to 
a depth  of  more  than  a few  inches,  and  then  rapidly 
melts  away.  Ice  seldom  forms  to  a thickness,  even 
on  protected  waters,  to  permit  skating.  In  all  this 
region,  however,  snow  covers  the  high  mountains. 

On  the  west  coast  of  the  Main  island  the  conditions 
are  very  different.  The  winds  of  the  continent  take 
up  the  moisture  of  the  Japan  sea,  and  carry  it  to 
the  west  coast,  and  then,  coming  in  contact  with  high 
ranges  of  mountains  which  run  down  the  middle  of 
the  island,  impart  their  moisture  in  the  form  of  rain 
in  summer,  and  snow  in  winter.  These  circumstances 
produce  extraordinary  falls  of  snow  on  the  west 
coast.  This  is  particularly  true  of  the  provinces  of 
Kaga,  Noto,  Etchu,  Echigo,  and  even  farther  north, 
especially  in  the  mountainous  regions.  In  the 
northern  part  of  these  districts  the  snow  is  often  as 
much  as  twenty  feet  deep  during  the  winter  months. 
The  inhabitants  are  obliged  to  live  in  the  second 
stories  of  their  houses  and  often  find  it  necessary  to 
make  steps  from  their  houses  out  to  the  top  of  the 
snow.  One  effect  of  these  deep  snows  is  to  cover  up 
with  a safe  protection  the  shrubs  and  tender  plants 


THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


13 


which  would  otherwise  be  exposed  to  the  chilling 
winds  of  winter.  By  this  means  the  tea-shrub  and 
the  camellia,  which  could  not  withstand  the  open 
winter  winds,  are  protected  so  as  to  grow  luxuriantly. 

The  southern  islands  are  materially  warmer  than 
the  Main  island.  The  tropical  current  together  with 
the  warm  sunshine  due  to  their  low  latitude,  im- 
merses them  in  a moist  and  warm  atmosphere. 
Their  productions  are  of  a sub-tropical  character. 
Cotton,  rice,  tobacco,  sugar,  sweet  potatoes,  oranges, 
yams,  and  other  plants  of  a warm  latitude,  flourish 
in  Kyushu  and  Shikoku.  The  high  mountains  and 
the  well  watered  valleys,  the  abundance  of  forest 
trees,  and  wild  and  luxuriant  vegetation,*  give  to 
these  islands  an  aspect  of  perennial  verdure. 

The  productions  of  the  Main  island  are,  as  might 
be  expected,  far  more  various.  In  the  southern 
part,  especially  that  part  bordering  on  the  Inland 
sea,  the  productions  are  to  a large  extent  similar  to 
those  in  the  southern  islands.  Rice  and  cotton  are 
raised  in  great  abundance.  Tea  flourishes  particu- 
larly in  the  provinces  near  Kyoto  and  also  in  the 
rich  valleys  of  the  east  coast.  Silk-raising  is  a 
principal  occupation.  Nearly  one  half  in  value  of 
all  the  exports  from  Japan  is  raw  and  manufactured 
silk,  and  a large  part  of  the  remainder  is  tea.  The 
principal  food  raised  in  nearly  all  the  islands  is  rice. 
The  streams  of  water  which  abound  everywhere 
make  the  irrigation  which  rice  cultivation  requires 
easy  and  effective.  Besides  the  rice  which  is  raised 

' Camellia  trees  are  frequently  found  from  twenty  to  twenty-five 
feet  high. 


14 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


in  paddy  land  there  is  also  a variety  called  upland 
rice.  This  grows  without  irrigation  but  is  inferior 
to  the  principal  variety  in  productiveness.  In  the 
early  rituals  of  the  Shinto  temples  prayers  were 
always  offered  for  the  five  cereals.  These  were 
understood  to  be  rice,  millet,  barley,  beans,  and 
sorghum.  All  these  have  been  cultivated  from  early 
times,  and  can  be  successfully  raised  in  almost  all 
parts  of  the  islands.  Rice  cannot,  however,  be  raised 
north  of  the  Main  island.  Millet,  barley,  and  beans 
are  cultivated  everywhere,  and  are  the  principal 
articles  of  food  among  the  country  population. 
Buckwheat  is  also  cultivated  in  all  northern  parts. 
It  is  believed  to  have  been  introduced  from  Man- 
churia where  it  is  found  growing  wild. 

The  domestic  animals  of  Japan  are  by  no  means 
so  abundant  as  in  the  corresponding  parts  of  the 
continent.  The  horse  has  existed  here  from  antiquity 
but  was  only  used  for  riding  or  as  a pack-horse,  but 
never  until  recently  was  used  for  driving.  The  cow, 
owing  perhaps  to  the  restrictive  influence  of  the 
Buddhist  doctrines,  was  never  used  for  food.  Even 
milk,  butter,  and  cheese,  which  from  time  immemorial 
formed  such  important  articles  of  food  throughout 
Europe  and  among  the  nomadic  peoples  of  Asia, 
were  never  used.  Sheep  are  almost  unknown  even 
to  this  day,  and  where  they  have  been  introduced 
it  is  only  in  very  recent  times  and  by  foreign  enter- 
prise. Goats  are  sometimes  but  not  commonly 
found.  On  the  island  of  Oshima,'  off  the  province 
of  Izu,  they  had  multiplied  to  so  great  an  extent 

' Chamberlain,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions . vol.  xi.,  p.  162. 


THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


15 


and  were  so  destructive  to  vegetation  that  about 
1850  the  inhabitants  combined  to  extirpate  them. 
Swine  are  found  in  the  Ryukyu  islands,  where  they 
had  been  brought  from  China  and  they  are  found 
only  incidentally  in  other  places  when  introduced  by 
foreigners.  Dogs  and  cats  and  barnyard  fowl  are 
found  in  all  the  islands. 

Wild  animals  are  only  moderately  abundant,  as  is 
natural  in  a country  so  thickly  inhabited.  The  black 
bear  is  found  frequently  in  the  well-wooded  moun- 
tains of  Yezo  and  the  northern  part  of  the  Main 
island.  The  great  bear,  called  also  by  the  Japanese 
the  red  bear,  and  which  is  the  same  as  the  grizzly 
bear  of  North  America,  is  also  common  in  the  Kurile 
islands  and  in  Yezo.  The  wolf  is  sometimes  found 
and  the  fox  is  common.  The  superstitions  concern- 
ing the  fox  are  as  remarkable  as  those  in  the  north 
of  Europe,  and  have  doubtless  prevented  its  destruc- 
tion. Deer  are  found  in  abundance  in  almost  all 
parts  of  the  islands.  They  are,  however,  most  com- 
mon in  Yezo  where  irnmense  herds  feed  upon  the 
plentiful  herbage. 

The  waters  around  Japan  abound  in  fish.  The 
coast  is  indented  by  bays  and  inlets  which  give 
opportunity  for  fishing.  The  warm  currents  flowing 
past  the  islands  bring  a great  variety  of  fish  which 
otherwise  would  not  reach  these  islands.  By  far  the 
most  common  article  of  food,  other  than  vegetable, 
is  the  fish  of  various  kinds  and  the  shell-fish  which 
are  caught  on  the  coasts  and  carried  inland  to  almost 
all  parts. 

The  division  of  the  empire  into  provinces  {kicni') 


l6 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


was  an  important  step  in  practical  administration, 
and  it  is  often  referred  to  in  these  pages.  This  divi- 
sion was  first  made  by  the  Emperor  Seimu  A.D. 
1 31-190,  when  thirty-two  provinces  were  constituted. 
The  northern  boundary  of  the  empire  was  indicated 
by  a line  across  the  Main  island  from  Sendai  bay  to 
a place  on  the  west  coast  nearly  corresponding  to 
the  present  situation  of  Ni-igata.  North  of  this  line 
was  the  acknowledged  territory  of  the  Ainos,  and 
even  south  of  it  were  many  tracts  which  were  the 
disputed  border. 

The  Empress  Jingo,  after  her  return  from  the 
expedition  against  Korea  in  A.D.  303,  introduced 
the  Korean  system  of  division,  by  constituting  the 
home  provinces  and  circuits.  After  some  changes 
and  subdivisions  in  subsequent  times  the  apportion- 
ment was  settled  as  follows : Gokinai  or  the  five 
home  provinces,  viz.  Yamashiro,  Yamato,  Kawachi, 
Izumi,  and  Settsu  ; Tokaido,  or  eastern  sea  circuit, 
15  provinces;  Tozando,  or  mountain  circuit, 

eight  provinces ; Sanindo,  or  mountain  back  circuit, 
eight  provinces;  Sanyodo,  or  mountain  front  circuit, 
eight  provinces  ; and  Saikaidd,  or  western  sea  circuit, 
nine  provinces  ; in  all  si.xty-eight  provinces.  After 
the  close  of  the  war  of  restoration  in  1868,  the  large 
territories  in  the  north  of  the  Main  island  represented 
by  the  provinces  of  Mutsu  and  Dewa,  which  had 
been  conquered  from  the  Ainos,  were  subdivided 
into  seven  provinces,  thus  making  seventy-three. 
Still  later  the  island  of  Yezo,  with  which  were  as- 
sociated the  Kurile  islands,  was  created  a circuit 
under  the  name  of  Hok-kaidd,  or  north  sea  circuit. 


THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO. 


17 


having  eleven  provinces,  The  number  of  existing 
provinces  therefore  is  eighty-four.  In  recent  times 
these  eighty-four  provinces  have  for  administrative 
purposes  been  consolidated  into  three  imperial  cities 
( fii J,  forty-seven  prefectures  f ken ),  and  one  territory 
(did).  The  imperial  cities  (fu)  are  Tokyo,  Osaka, 
and  Kyoto;  the  one  territory  (did)  comprises  the 
island  of  Yezo  and  the  adjacent  small  islands  in- 
cluding the  Kuriles  ; and  the  prefectures  (ken)  have 
been  formed  from  the  provinces  by  combining  and 
consolidating  them  in  accordance  with  their  con- 
venience and  proximity. 

There  are  only  a few  large  cities  in  Japan,  but 
very  many  of  a small  size.*  Tokyo,"  the  capital,  con- 
tains 1,803,584  inhabitants.  Osaka,  the  second  largest 
city,  contains  1,026,767;  Kyoto, the  old  capital,  379,409; 
Nagoya,  284,829;  Kob6,  283,839;  and  Yokohama, 
324,775.  There  are  eight  cities  containing  as  many  as 
100,000  inhabitants.  Besides  these  there  are  seven 
cities  which  have  between  100,000  and  60,000;  nine 
which  have  between  60,000  and  40,000,  and  twenty- 
five  which  have  between  40,000  and  30,000.  The 
number  of  smaller  towns  is  very  great.  The  division 
of  the  country  into  daimiates,  and  the  maintenance 
of  a daimyd  town  in  each  led  to  the  establishment  of 
many  cities  and  large  villages. 


' Tliese  details  of  the  population,  area,  etc.,  are  taken  from  various 
government  publications,  and  refer  to  the  years  1903  and  1904  unless 
otherwise  stated. 

^In  the  population  of  the  imperial  cities  is  included  that  of  the 
suburban  districts  politically  attached  to  them. 


I8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  population  of  the  empire  of  Japan  is  to  a large 
extent  massed  in  cities  and  villages.  Even  in  the 
country,  among  the  farmers,  the  people  are  gathered 
in  settlements  with  wide  spaces  of  cultivated  and 
uncultivated  land  between.  This  is  due  in  a great 
measure  to  the  character  of  the  crops  and  to  the 
primitive  nature  of  the  cultivation.  Rice,  which  is 
the  most  common  crop,  requires  irrigation  for  its 
successful  tillage.  This  limits  the  area  occupied  to 
the  valleys  and  to  those  hillsides  where  the  streams 
can  be  diverted  to  the  rice  fields.  The  area  of  land 
under  actual  cultivation  is  about  12,000,000  acres. 
It  has  been  estimated  that  the  average  amount  of 
land  under  cultivation  is  only  three  quarters  of  an 
acre  for  each  of  those  engaged  in  farming.  This 
amount  seems  to  us  very  little  and  can  onl}^  be 
explained  by  the  character  of  the  cultivation.  The 
land  almost  always  is  made  to  bear  two  crops  each 
year.  As  soon  as  one  crop  is  cleared  away,  and  often 
even  before  that,  another  is  planted. 

According  to  ofificial  estimates  in  1903,  the  popu- 
lation of  the  Japanese  empire  is  as  follows  : 

Kwazoku  (nobles) 4-55  ^ 

Shizoku  {samurai) 2,105,698 

Heimin  (common  people),  . . . 41,648,868 


Total 43.759.117 

The  population  of  the  several  large  islands  and 
their  dependencies  is  given  below  from  the  statistics 
of  1903: 


THE  JAPANESE  ARCHIPELAGO.  IQ 

Main  island  and  dependencies  ....  35>459>993 

Shikoku  and  dependencies 3'^^7>^9^ 

Kyushu  and  dependencies 7-260,834 

Hokkaido 843,615 

Total 46,732,138 

The  population  for  1906  is  estimated  at  48,610,000 
or  including  Formosa,  at  51,742,000. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  ORIGINAL  AND  SURVIVING  RACES. 

In  the  present  population  of  Japan  there  are  two 
distinct  races,  the  Ainos  and  the  Japanese.  Of  the 
former  there  is  only  a small  number  now  remaining 
in  the  island  of  Yezo.  There  was  also  a remnant  in 
the  island  of  Saghalien,  but  in  1875,  when  a treaty 
was  made  with  Russia  ceding  the  Japanese  claim 
to  the  southern  half  of  Saghalien  in  exchange  for 
the  Kurile  islands,  permission  was  granted  for  all 
Japanese  subjects  who  wished,  to  remove  to  the 
Japanese  island  of  Yezo.  Accordingly  among  other 
Japanese  subjects  seven  hundred  and  fifty  Ainos 
removed  to  the  valley  of  the  Ishikari,  where  they 
have  continued  to  reside. 

The  Ainos  are  probably  the  original  race,  who  in 
early  times  inhabited  the  Main  island  down  to  the 
Hakon6  pass  and  possibly  farther  to  the  south. 
From  Japanese  history  we  learn  that  the  military 
forces  of  the  empire  were  constantly  employed  to 
suppress  the  disturbances  caused  by  the  barbarous 
people  of  the  north.  The  necessity  of  this  forcible 
repression,  which  frequently  recurred,  was  a chief 
reason  for  the  formation  of  a military  class  in  the 


30 


AINO  FAMILY. 


22 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


early  history  of  Japan.  One  of  the  duties  imposed 
on  Yamato-dake  by  his  imperial  father  (a.D.  71-130) 
was  to  chastise  and  subdue  the  Yemishi.  This  is  the 
name  by  which  the  barbarous  peoples  of  the  north 
and  east  were  known  among  the  Japanese.  Accord- 
ing to  Chamberlain  ' in  his  translation  of  Kojiki,  the 
Chinese  characters  with  which  the  Yemishi  is  written 
mean  Prawn  Barbarians,  in  allusion  to  the  long 
beards  which  make  their  faces  resemble  a prawn’s 
head.  The  hairy  people  now  known  as  Ainos  are 
almost  certainly  referred  to.  The  origin  of  the  term 
Aino  is  unknown.  By  the  Japanese  it  is  believed 
to  be  derived  from  inu,  meaning  a dog,  and  to  have 
been  bestowed  on  them  in  contempt.  The  name  is 
not  used  by  the  Ainos  themselves.  In  common 
with  the  inhabitants  of  the  Kurile  islands  and  the 
Japanese  portion  of  Saghalien  they  call  themselves 
Yezo. 

The  present  characteristics  of  the  Ainos  have  led 
many  to  doubt  whether  they  are  really  the  descend- 
ants of  the  hardy  barbarians  who  so  long  withstood 
the  military  power  of  the  Japanese.  But  the  effect  of 
centuries  of  repression  and  conquest  must  be  taken 
into  account.  The  Ainos  have  become  the  peace- 
able and  inoffensive  people  which  we  now  find  them, 
by  many  generations  of  cruel  and  imperious  re- 
straint. That  they  should  have  become  in  this 
sequence  of  events  a quiet  and  submissive  people  is 
not  wonderful.  The  number  of  Ainos  in  the  island 
of  Yezo  is  given  in  1880,  which  is  the  last  census 
made  of  them,  as  16,637’:  and  this  number  is  be- 

' Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  supplement  to  vol.  x.,  p.  213. 

* Batchelor,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  x.,  p.  21 1. 


THE  ORIGINAL  AND  SURVIVING  RACES.  23 

lieved  to  be  gradually  decreasing.  Travellers  who 
have  visited  them  unite  in  testifying  to  their  great 
amiability  and  docility.  Physically  they  are  a sturdy 
and  well  developed  race.  The  characteristic  which 
has  been  noticed  in  them  more  than  any  other  is  the 
abundant  growth  of  hair.  The  men  have  a heavy 
and  bushy  head  of  hair  and  a full  beard  which  is 
allowed  to  grow  down  to  their  chests.  Other  parts 
of  the  body  are  also  covered  with  a growth  which 
far  surpasses  that  of  the  ordinary  races.  In  the 
matter  of  food,  clothing,  houses  and  implements, 
they  remain  in  the  most  primitive  condition.  In 
personal  habits  they  are  far  less  cleanly  than  their 
Japanese  neighbors.  Travellers'  who  have  remained 
with  them  for  many  weeks  assert  that  in  all  that 
time  they  never  saw  them  w'ash  either  their  persons 
or  their  clothes. 

They  practise  few  arts.  The  making  of  pottery 
even  in  its  rudest  forms  is  unknown.  All  vessels  in 
use  are  obtained  by  barter  from  the  Japanese.  Oc- 
casionally an  old-fashioned  Japanese  matchlock  gun 
is  found  among  them,  but  mainly  their  hunting  is 
carried  on  with  bows  and  arrows.  Their  fishing  is 
conducted  with  the  rude  apparatus  which  their  an- 
cestors used.  They  have  no  written  language,  and 
even  the  pictorial  writing,  which  has  often  been 
found  among  rude  people,  seems  to  be  utterly  un- 
known among  them.  Their  religious  ideas"  are  of 
the  most  vague  and  incoherent  description.  The  ob- 
jects of  worship  are  chiefly  inanimate  objects  such  as 
rivers,  rocks  and  mountains.  They  seem  to  have  a 

’ Batchelor,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  x.,  p.  216. 

* Miss  Bird’s  Unbeaten  Tracks  in  yapan,  vol.  ii.,  p.  96. 


24 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


certain  fear  of  the  spirit  land.  They  do  not  readily 
talk  about  their  deceased  ancestors.  Their  places  of 
burial  are  concealed,  and  foreigners  rarely  obtain 
access  to  them. 

In  their  rude  superstitions  the  bear  seems  to  have 
a singular  part.  Whether  their  traditions  concern- 
ing this  animal  had  their  origin  in  some  earlier  fear 
of  the  bear  as  a ferocious  neighbor  it  is  impossible 
to  determine.  In  every  community  the  men  capture 
each  spring  a young  cub  which  they  bring  home. 
They  entrust  it  to  a woman  who  feeds  it  on  the  milk 
from  her  breast.  When  it  is  too  old  to  be  further 
nursed  in  this  way,  it  is  confined  in  a bear  cage  pro- 
vided for  the  purpose.  Then  in  the  autumn  of  the 
following  year  the  grand  bear  festival  is  held.  At 
an  appointed  signal  the  door  of  the  cage  is  opened 
and  the  bear,  which  has  been  infuriated  by  hunger 
and  teasing  attacks,  rushes  out.  The  assembled 
hunters  rush  upon  him  with  bows  and  arrows,  clubs 
and  knives,  and  after  an  exciting  struggle  despatch 
him.  The  carcass  is  cut  in  pieces  and  distributed 
among  the  families  of  the  community,  who  feast 
upon  it  with  great  delight.  Mingled  with  this  rough 
and  exciting  scene  is  much  sak^  drinking.  This  is 
one  accomplishment  which  they  have  learned  from 
the  Japanese.  The  men  are  all  confirmed  sake  drink- 
ers, and  both  men  and  women  persistent  smokers. 
Of  the  meaning  and  object  of  this  bear  feast  the 
Ainos  themselves  are  ignorant.  It  goes  back  to  a 
period  beyond  their  present  traditions.  Whether  it 
has  in  it  an  element  of  bear  worship  it  is  impossible 
to  learn. 


THE  ORIGINAL  AND  SURVIVING  RACES.  25 


The  remains  of  the  Stone  age  which  are  found  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  Main  island  are  usually 
attributed  to  the  Ainos.  These  remains  have  been 
collected  and  studied  both  by  native  scholars  and 
by  foreigners.  Among  the  most  important  of  them 
have  been  the  articles  found  in  shell  heaps  uncovered 
in  different  parts  of  the  empire.  The  first  ‘ to  which 
foreign  attention  was  drawn  was  that  at  Omori,  near 
Tokyo.  Since  then  many  others  have  been  opened 
and  many  valuable  finds  have  been  reported.  The 
shell  heaps  have  evidently  been  used  like  kitchen- 
middens  in  Europe  and  elsewhere,  as  places  for 
dumping  the  refuse  of  shell-fish  used  for  food. 
These  became  places  for  the  throwing  of  useless 
and  broken  articles  used  in  the  household,  and  thus 
have  been  the  means  of  preserving  many  of  the 
implements  used  in  prehistoric  times.  The  most 
significant  discovery  made  in  these  shell  heaps  was 
that  at  Omori,  of  the  bones  of  human  beings  arti- 
ficially broken  in  such  a way  as  to  indicate  that  can- 
pi  bal  ism  had  been  prevalent  at  the  time.  Whether 
this  can  be  assumed  as  sufficient  proof  of  so  grave  a 
charge  has  been  disputed.  It  is  claimed’  that  in  at 
least  seven  similar  shell  heaps  no  human  bones  and 
no  evidences  of  cannibalism  were  found.  If  how- 
ever the  case  is  considered  as  sufficiently  proved,  it 
is  clear  from  this  as  well  as  from  many  other  circum- 
stances that  the  Ainos  of  that  early  day  were  by  no 
means  the  mild  and  gentle  race  which  we  now  find 

' Professor  E.  S.  Morse,  Memoirs  of  the  University  of  Tokio, 
vol.  i.,  part  i. 

* Henry  von  Siebold,  Notes  on  fapanese  Archceology,  p.  14. 


26 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


them.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Marco  Polo' 
mentions  cannibalism  as  one  of  the  customs  which 
were  believed  to  exist  in  Japan  in  his  day. 

Besides  the  Ainos  there  is  evidence  of  the  exist- 
ence of  another  savage  tribe,  which  at  an  early  date 
seems  to  have  been  found  in  many  parts  of  the  Main 
island,  and  at  a later  date  in  the  island  of  Yezo  and 
the  Kurile  islands  on  the  north.  They  are  the  so- 
called  pit-dwellers.  In  the  very  earliest  writings  of 
the  Japanese  we  find  references  to  them.  They  dug 
pits  in  the  earth  and  built  over  them  a roof,  and 
used  these  pits  or  cellars  as  rooms  in  which  to  sleep. 
The  Japanese  conquerors  in  the  central  parts  of 
the  Main  island  had  many  conflicts  with  these  pit- 
dwellers.  And  in  the  north  and  east  they  as  well  as 
the  Ainos  were  encountered  by  the  military  forces 
of  the  empire.  They  were  probably  driven  north 
by  the  more  powerful  Ainos  and  have  almost  disap- 
peared. Abundant  evidence  “ however  is  found  in 
the  island  of  Yezo  of  their  previous  existence.  The 
Ainos  in  their  traditions  call  them  Koro-pok-guru,’ 
or  hole-men.  Among  the  Japanese  they  are  spoken 
of  as  Ko-bito,  or  dwarfs.  There  are  said  to  be  still 

' “ But  I must  tell  you  one  thing  still  concerning  that  island  (Japan) 
(and  ’tis  the  same  with  the  other  Indian  Islands),  that  if  the  natives 
take  prisoner  an  enemy  who  cannot  pay  a ransom,  he  who  hath  the 
prisoner  summons  all  his  friends  and  relations,  and  they  put  the  pris- 
oner to  death,  and  then  they  cook  him  and  eat  him,  and  they  say  there 
is  no  meat  in  the  world  so  good!” — The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo, 
London,  1875,  vol.  ii.,  p.  245. 

* Professor  Milne,  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan, 
vol.  viii.,  p.  82. 

* Rev.  John  Batchelor,  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan, 
vol.  X. , p.  209. 


THE  ORIGINAL  AND  SURVIVING  RACES.  2J 
s 

in  Yezo  the  remains  of  villages  where  these  men 
lived  in  earlier  times.  In  the  Kurile  islands,  in  the 
peninsula  of  Kamtschatka,  and  in  the  southern  part 
of  Saghalien  remnants  of  this  primitive  people  are 
met  with. 

Turning  now  to  the  Japanese  race  which  extends 
from  the  Kurile  islands  on  the  north  to  the  Ryukyu 
islands  on  the  south,  we  see  at  once  that  it  is  a 
mixed  race  containing  widely  different  elements. 
Even  after  the  many  centuries  during  which  the 
amalgamation  has  been  going  on,  we  recognize  still 
the  varying  types  to  which  the  individuals  tend.  In 
the  south  more  than  in  the  north,  and  more  among 
the  ruling  classes  than  in  the  laboring  classes  there 
are  specimens  of  a delicate,  refined  appearance,  face 
oval,  eyes  oblique,  nose  slightly  Roman,  and  frame 
delicate  but  well  proportioned.  Then  there  is 
another  type  which  has  been  recognized  by  all  ob- 
servers. It  is  found  more  in  the  north  than  the 
south  and  is  much  more  common  among  the  labor- 
ing population  than  among  the  higher  classes.  The 
face  is  broad  and  the  cheek  bones  prominent.  The 
nose  is  flat  and  the  eyes  are  horizontal.  The  frame 
is  robust  and  muscular,  but  not  so  well  proportioned 
and  regular  as  in  the  former  type.  These  two 
types  with  many  intervening  links  are  found  every- 
where. The  characteristics  are  perhaps  more  marked 
among  the  women  than  the  men.  Especially  among 
the  aristocracy  the  women  have  been  less  affected 
by  weather  and  exposure  and  physical  exertion  than 
the  men.  In  the  regions  about  Kyoto  and  in  the 
western  portions  of  the  Main  island  the  prevalence 


28 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


of  what  may  be  called  the  aristocratic  type  is  most 
marked.  Even  in  the  time  of  the  Dutch  trade 
with  Japan,  Kaempfer  ' refers  to  the  women  of  Saga, 
on  the  south  coast  of  the  Inland  sea,  as  “ handsomer 
than  in  any  other  Asiatic  country.”  The  northern 
regions,  including  the  old  provinces  of  Mutsu  and 
Dewa,  show  a much  larger  element  of  the  more 
robust  type.  The  men  are  more  muscular  and  of  a 
darker  complexion.  Their  faces  are  broader  and 
flatter  and  their  hair  and  beard  more  abundant. 
They  show  probably  the  influence  of  the  admixture 
with  the  Aino  race,  which  within  historic  times  in- 
habited these  provinces. 

Dr.  Baelz,  a German  scholar  who  has  spent  many 
years  in  Japan,  has  devoted  much  study  to  the  races 
of  Japan,  and  has  made  elaborate  measurements 
both  of  living  specimens  and  skeletons.  His  conclu- 
sions may  be  safely  followed,  as  having  been  reached 
by  adequate  study  and  by  personal  investigation.’ 
Mainly  following  him  therefore  we  give  briefly  the 
results  of  the  best  thought  in  regard  to  the  eth- 
nography of  the  races  now  inhabiting  the  Japanese 
islands. 

The  Ainos  of  the  present  day  are  the  descendants 
of  the  original  occupants  of  northern  and  central 
portions  of  the  Main  island.  Their  share  in  the 
ancestry  of  the  present  Japanese  people  is  not  great, 
but  still  sensible,  and  has  contributed  to  the  per- 
sonal peculiarities  which  are  found  in  the  inhabitants 

’ Hildreth’s  Japan,  etc.,  p.  337. 

* Mittheilungen  der  Detttschen  Geselhchaft,  etc.,  as  reviewed  in 
The  Chrisanthemum , May,  1883 


THE  ORIGINAL  AND  SURVIVING  RACES.  2Q 


of  these  regions.  They  probably  came  originally 
from  the  continent  by  way  of  the  Kurile  islands,  or 
by  the  island  of  Saghalien.  They  belong  to  the 
northern  group  of  the  Mongolians  who  inhabit  the 
regions  about  Kamtschatka  and  adjacent  parts  of 
Siberia.  They  have  left  marks  of  their  occupancy 
on  the  Main  island  as  far  south  as  the  Hakone  pass, 
in  the  shell  heaps,  flint  arrow-heads,  and  remains  of 
primitive  pottery  which  are  still  found.  These 
marks  indicate  a low  degree  of  civilization,  and  the 
persistence  with  which  they  withstood  the  Japanese 
conquerors,  and  the  harshness  and  contempt  with 
which  they  were  always  treated,  have  prevented  them 
from  mingling  to  any  great  extent  with  their  con- 
querors or  accepting  their  culture. 

The  twofold  character  of  the  Japanese  race  as  it  is 
seen  at  present  can  best  be  explained  by  two  exten- 
sive migrations  from  the  continent.  The  first  of 
these  migrations  probably  took  place  from  Korea, 
whence  they  landed  on  the  Main  island  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Izumo.  This  will  account  for  the  mytho- 
logical legends  which  in  the  early  Japanese  accounts 
cluster  to  so  great  an  extent  around  Izumo.  It  will 
also  explain  why  it  was  that  when  Jimmu  Tenno 
came  on  his  expedition  from  the  island  of  Kyushu, 
he  found  on  the  Main  island  inhabitants  who  in  all 
essential  particulars  resembled  his  own  forces,  and 
with  whom  he  formed  alliances.  This  first  migra- 
tion seems  to  have  belonged  to  a rougher  and  more 
barbarous  tribe  of  the  Mongolian  race,  and  has  given 
rise  to  the  more  robust  and  muscular  element  now 
found  among  the  people. 


30 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  second  migration  may  have  come  across  by 
the  same  route  and  landed  on  the  island  of  Kyushu. 
They  may  have  marched  across  the  island  or  skirted 
around  its  southern  cape  and  spread  themselves  out 
in  the  province  of  Hyuga,  where  in  the  Japanese 
accounts  we  first  find  them.  This  migration  prob- 
ably occurred  long  after  the  first,  and  came  evidently 
from  a more  cultured  tribe  of  the  great  Mongolian 
race.  That  they  came  from  the  same  race  is  evident 
from  their  understanding  the  same  language,  and 
having  habits  and  methods  of  government  which 
were  net  a surprise  to  the  new-comers,  and  in  which 
they  readily  co-operated.  On  the  contrarj^,  the  ruder 
tribes  at  the  north  of  the  Main  island  were  spoken  of 
as  Yemishi, — that  is,  barbarians,  and  recognized  from 
the  first  as  different  and  inferior. 

While  the  natural  and  easiest  route  to  Japan  would 
be  by  way  of  the  peninsula  of  Korea,  and  by  the 
narrow  straits  about  125  miles  in  width, — divided 
into  two  shorter  parts  by  the  island  Tsushima  lying 
about  half-way  between, — it  is  possible  that  this 
second  migration  may  have  taken  place  through 
Formosa  and  the  Ryukyu  islands.  This  would  per- 
haps account  better  for  the  Malay  element  which  is 
claimed  by  many  to  be  found  in  the  population  of 
the  southern  islands.  This  is  attempted  to  be  ac- 
counted for  by  the  drifting  of  Malay  castaways  along 
the  equatorial  current  upon  the  Ryukyu  islands, 
whence  they  spread  to  the  southern  islands  of  Japan. 
But  the  existence  of  this  Malay  element  is  denied 
by  many  observers  who  have  visited  the  Ryukyu 
islands  and  aver  that  among  the  islanders  there  is  no 


THE  ORIGINAL  AND  SURVIVING  RACES.  3 1 


evidence  of  the  existence  at  any  time  of  a Malay  im- 
migration, that  the  language  is  only  slightly  different 
from  the  Japanese,  and  in  personal  appearance  they 
are  as  like  to  the  Koreans  and  Chinese  as  the  Japan- 
ese themselves. 

Some  of  the  most  important  measurements  which 
Dr.  Baelz  has  made  of  the  Japanese  races  are  here 
given,  converted  into  English  measures  for  more 
ready  comprehension. 

The  average  height  of  the  males  among  the 
Japanese,  as  obtained  by  the  measurements  of  skele- 
tons verified  by  measurements  of  living  specimens, 
is  5.02  feet,  ranging  from  4.76  feet  to  5.44  feet.  The 
average  height  of  the  females  measured  was  4.66 
feet,  ranging  from  4.46  feet  to  4.92  feet.  Referring 
to  the  skulls  measured  by  him  he  says  that  relatively 
they  are  large,  as  is  always  the  case  among  people 
of  small  size. 

The  measurements  of  the  Ainos  by  Dr.  Scheube 
as  given  by  Dr.  Rein  * are  : average  height  of  males 
4.9  feet  to  5.2  feet,  and  of  females  4.8  feet  to  5.0 
feet,  which  do  not  differ  very  greatly  from  the  meas- 
urements of  the  Japanese  as  given  by  Dr.  Baelz. 


Rein’s  Japan,  p.  383. 


CHAPTER  III. 

MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 

The  art  of  writing  and  printing  was  not  intro- 
duced into  Japan  until  A.D.  284,  when  it  was  brought 
from  China.  Up  to  that  time  therefore  no  written 
accounts  existed  or  could  exist  of  the  early  history 
of  the  country.  Oral  tradition  was  the  only  agency 
by  which  a knowledge  of  the  events  of  that  epoch 
could  be  preserved  and  transmitted.  That  such  a 
method  of  preserving  history'  is  uncertain  and  ques- 
tionable no  one  can  doubt.  We  may  expect  to  find 
therefore  in  the  accounts  which  have  come  down  to 
us  of  those  centuries  which  transpired  before  written 
records  were  introduced,  much  that  is  contradictory 
and  unintelligible,  and  much  out  of  which  the  truth 
can  be  gleaned  only  by  the  most  painstaking  re- 
search. 

The  oldest  book  of  Japanese  history  which  has 
come  down  to  us  is  called  Kojiki^  or  Records  of  A71- 

' “ We  know  that  for  all  points  of  detail  and  for  keeping  a correct 
account  of  time,  tradition  is  worthless.” — The  History  of  Rome,  by 
Rev.  Thomas  Arnold,  D.D.,  1864,  p.  10. 

^ For  easy  access  to  this  valuable  Japanese  work  we  are  indebted  to 
the  translation  by  Basil  Hall  Chamberlain,  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Japan,  vol.  x..  Supplement. 

32 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


33 


dent  Matters.  This  work  was  undertaken  by  the 
direction  of  the  Emperor  Temmu  (a.D.  673-686),  who 
became  impressed  with  the  necessity  of  collecting 
the  ancient  traditions  which  were  still  extant,  and 
preserving  them  in  a permanent  record.  Before  the 
work  was  ended  the  emperor  died,  and  for  twenty- 
five  years  the  collected  traditions  were  preserved  in 
the  memory  of  Hiyeda-no-are.  At  the  end  of  that 
time  the  Empress  Gemmyo  superintended  its  com- 
pletion, and  it  was  finally  presented  to  the  Court  in 
A.D.  71 1.  By  a comparison  of  this  work  with  Nihongi, 
or  Chronicles  of  Japan,  which  was  completed  A.D.  720, 
only  nine  years  after  the  other,  we  are  convinced 
that  the  era  of  Chinese  classicism  had  not  yet  fallen 
upon  the  country.  The  style  of  the  older  book  is  a 
purer  Japanese,  and  imparts  to  us  the  traditions  of 
Japanese  history  uncolored  by  Chinese  philosophical 
ideas  and  classic  pedantry  which  shortly  after  over- 
whelmed Japanese  literature.  But  in  many  par- 
ticulars these  two  works,  almost  equally  ancient, 
supplement  and  explain  each  other.  The  events 
given  in  the  two  are  in  most  respects  the  same,  the 
principal  difference  being  that  the  Chronicles  is 
much  more  tinctured  with  Chinese  philosophy,  and 
the  myths  concerning  the  creation  especially  show 
the  influence  of  that  dual  system  which  had  been 
introduced  to  give  a philosophical  aspect  to  the 
Japanese  cosmogony. 

The  Kojiki'  has  been  translated  into  English,  to 

' See  Chamberlain's  translation  of  Kojiki,  or  Records  of  Ancient 
Matters,  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  fapan,  vol.  x..  Sup- 
plement. 


34 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


which  have  been  added  a valuable  introduction  and 
notes.  The  Nihongi  ( Chronicles  of  Japan ) has  never 
been  translated  entire  into  English,  but  has  been 
used  by  scholars  in  connection  with  the  Kojiki. 
Among  the  Japanese  it  has  always  been  more  highly 
esteemed  than  the  Kojiki,  perhaps  because  of  its 
more  learned  and  classical  style. 

Besides  these  two  historical  works  the  student  of 
early  times  finds  his  chief  assistance  in  the  Shinto 
rituals  * contained  in  a work  called  Yengishiki  ( Code 
of  Ceretnonial  Law ).  They  have  been  in  part  trans- 
lated by  Mr.  Satow,  who  for  many  years  was  the 
learned  Japanese  secretary  of  the  British  legation, 
and  who  read  two  papers  on  them  before  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Japan,  and  afterward  prepared  an  article 
on  the  same  subject  for  the  Westminster  Review.^ 

It  will  be  apparent  from  these  circumstances  that 
the  knowledge  of  the  earlier  events,  indeed  of  all 
preceding  the  ninth  century,  must  be  derived  from 
tradition  and  cannot  claim  the  same  certainty  as 
when  based  on  contemporaneous  documents.  Not 
only  the  whole  of  the  so-called  divine  age,  but  the 
reigns  of  the  emperors  from  Jimmu  to  Richu,  must 
be  reckoned  as  belonging  to  the  traditional  period 
of  Japanese  history,  and  must  be  sifted  and  weighed 
by  the  processes  of  reason. 

Relying  on  the  narratives  of  the  Kojiki  and  the 
Nihongi,  Japanese  scholars  have  constructed  a table 
of  the  emperors  which  has  been  accepted  by  the  great 

• Satow,  “ Ancient  Japanese  Rituals,”  Transactions  of  iJu  Asiatic 
Society  of  Japan,  vols.  vii.  and  ix. 

* Satow,  Westminster  Revieiv,  July,  1878. 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


35 


mass  of  the  readers,  both  foreign  and  native.  It  will 
be  found  in  the  Appendix.'  It  must  be  remembered 
that  the  names  of  these  early  emperors,  their  ages  at 
the  time  of  accession  and  at  the  time  of  death,  and 
the  length  of  reign,  must  have  all  been  handed  down 
by  tradition  during  almost  a thousand  years.  That 
errors  and  uncertainties  should  have  crept  in  seems 
inevitable.  Either  the  names  and  order  of  the  suc- 
cessive emperors,  or  the  length  of  time  during  which 
they  reigned  would  be  liable  to  be  misstated.  If  we 
examine  the  list  of  emperors’*  we  find  that  the  ages 
at  death  of  the  first  seventeen,  beginning  with  Jimmu 
and  ending  with  Nintoku,  sum  up  1853  years,  with 
an  average  of  109  years”  for  each.  The  age  of 
Jimmu  is  given  as  127  years,  of  Koan  137  years,  of 
Korei  128  years,  of  Keiko  143  years,  of  Nintoku,  the 
last,  1 10  years,  etc.  Then  suddenly  the  ages  of  the 
emperors  from  Richu  onward  drop  to  67,  60,  80,  56, 
etc.,  so  that  the  ages  of  the  seventeen  emperors,  begin- 
ning with  Richu,  have  an  average  of  only  61^  years. 
This  reasonable  average  extends  down  through  the 
long  series  to  the  present  time.  It  is  plain  that  up 
to  this  time  there  must  have  existed  a different  sys- 
tem of  reckoning  the  ages  than  that  which  pertained 
afterwards.  Either  the  original  epoch  of  the  Em- 
peror Jimmu  has  been  rendered  more  remote  and 


' See  Appendix  I. 

* Bramsen,  yapanese  Chronological  Tables,  p.  30. 

® I remember  presenting  this  point  to  a Japanese  scholar  in  this 
way,  and  he  answered  me  that  he  thought  this  great  age  of  the  Jap- 
anese emperors  no  more  wonderful  or  unreasonable  than  the  ages  of 
the  patriarchs  in  the  Bible. 


36 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


the  lives  of  the  emperors  have  been  prolonged  to  fill 
up  the  space,  or,  if  we  assume  the  epoch  of  Jimmu 
to  be  correct,  we  must  suppose  that  a number  of  the 
emperors  have  been  dropped  from  the  count. 

The  sudden  depression  in  the  ages  occurs  about  the 
time  of  the  introduction  of  writing  from  China,  which 
occurred  in  A.D.  284.  Wani,  who  came  from  Korea 
to  Japan  bringing  continental  culture  with  him,  was 
appointed  tutor  to  the  heir-apparent  who  became 
the  Emperor  Nintoku.  During  his  and  subsequent 
reigns  a knowledge  of  Chinese  writing  gradually 
spread,  so  that  the  annals  of  the  Imperial  court  were 
kept  in  regular  and  stated  order.  This  will  account 
without  difficulty  for  the  sudden  change  and  for  the 
irregularity  of  the  early. chronology. 

Notwithstanding  the  almost  absolute  certainty 
of  error  which  exists  in  the  received  Japanese  chro- 
nology, it  is  by  far  more  convenient  to  accept  it  in 
the  form  it  is  presented  to  us,  and  use  it  as  if  it  were 
true.  The  early  history  must  be  treated  as  tra- 
ditional and  only  the  later  period  from  the  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century  can  be  accepted  as  in  any 
sense  historical.  Yet  the  events  of  the  earlier  period 
which  have  been  preserved  for  us  by  oral  tradition 
are  capable  with  due  care  and  inspection  of  furnish- 
ing important  lessons  and  disclosing  many  facts  in 
regard  to  the  lives  and  characteristics  of  the  primi- 
tive Japanese. 

In  writing  the  history  of  Rome,  Dr.  Thomas  Ar- 
nold ‘ said  that  the  only  way  to  treat  its  early  history 

’ “ I wished  to  give  these  legends  at  once  with  the  best  effect,  and 
at  the  same  time  with  a perpetual  mark,  not  to  be  mistaken  by  the 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


37 


was  to  give  the  early  legends  in  as  nearly  the  form  in 
which  they  had  been  handed  down  as  possible  ; that 
in  this  way  the  spirit  of  the  people  would  be  pre- 
served and  the  residuum  of  truth  in  them  would 
become  the  heritage  of  the  present  generation.  We 
have  tried  to  treat  the  myths  and  legends  of  Japanese 
history  in  this  manner,  and  have  given  the  principal 
stories  as  they  are  preserved  among  the  Japanese. 

The  Origin  of  the  Celestial  Deities. 

The  scene  opens  in  the  plain  of  high  heaven. 
When  heaven  and  earth  began  there  were  three 
deities'  in  existence,  that  is: 

Master-of-the-August-Centre-of-Heaven, 
High-August-Producing-Wondrous-Deity, 
Divine-Producing- Wondrous-Deity. 

These  three  came  into  existence  without  creation 
and  afterwards  died. 

Then  two  other  deities  were  born  from  a thing 
that  sprouted  up  like  unto  a reed  shoot  when  the 
earth,  young  and  like  unto  floating  oil,  drifted  about 
medusa-like,  viz.  : 

Pleasant-Reed-Shoot-Prince-Elder-Deity, 
Heavenly-Externally-Standing- Deity. 

These  two  deities  likewise  came  into  existence  with- 
out  creation  and  afterward  died. 

most  careless  reader, — they  are  legends  and  not  history.” — The 
History  of  Home  hy  Thomas  Arnold,  D.D.,  1864,  Preface,  p.  vii. 

' For  the  translation  of  these  names,  and  for  the  principal  events 
of  these  myths,  we  rely  upon  Mr.  Chamberlain’s  translation  of  the 
Kojiki,  and  his  admirable  notes  and  introduction.  Transactions  of 
the  Asiatic  Society  of  fapan,  vol.  x..  Supplement. 


38 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  five  deities  above  named  are  called  the 
Heavenly  Deities. 

Next  were  born, 

Earthly-Eternally-Standing-Deity, 

Luxuriant-Integrating-Master-Deity. 

These  two  deities  likewise  came  into  existence 
without  creation  and  afterwards  died. 

Next  were  born, 

Mud-Earth-Lord  and  Mud-Earth-Lady, 

Germ-Integrating-Deity  and  Life-Integrating- 
Deity, 

Elder-of-the-Great-Place  and  Elder-Lady-of-the 
Great-Place, 

Perfect-Exterior  and  Oh-Awful-Lady, 

The-Male-who-invites  and  The-Female-who-in- 
vites  ; orizanagi  and  Izanami. 

The  two  deities  named  above  together  with  these 
five  pairs  are  called  the  seven  divine  generations. 

The  Creation  of  the  Japanese  Islands. 

Then  the  heavenly  deities  gave  commandment  to 
Izanagi  and  Izanami  to  make,  consolidate,  and  give 
birth  to  this  drifting  land.  For  their  divine  mission 
they  received  a heavenly  jewelled  spear.  With  this, 
standing  on  the  floating  bridge  of  heaven,  they  reached 
down  and  stirred  the  brine  and  then  drew  up  the  spear. 
The  brine  that  dripped  from  the  end  of  the  spear  was 
piled  up  and  became  the  island  of  Onogoro  ’ or  Self- 
Coagulated  Island.  Then  the  pair  descended  upon 

' This  is  supposed  to  have  been  one  of  the  small  islands  off  the 
coast  of  Awaji  in  the  Inland  sea. 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS, 


39 


this  island  and  erected  thereon  a palace  eight 
fathoms  long.  Here  they  lived  and  begat  succes- 
sive islands.  The  first  was  the  island  of  Hirugo, 
which,  as  it  was  a miscarriage,  they  put  in  a boat  of 
bulrushes  and  let  it  float  away.  The  second  was  the 
island  of  Awa,  which  also  is  not  reckoned  among  their 
offspring.  The  next  was  the  island  of  Awaji,'  and 
the  next  the  land  of  lyo  by  which  is  understood  the 
present  island  of  Shikoku. 

So  in  succession  they  produced  the  islands  of  Mi- 
tsugo,  near  the  island  of  Oki,  the  island  of  Tsukushi, 
which  is  now  called  Kyushu,  the  island  of  Iki,  the 
island  of  Tsu,  and  the  island  of  Sado,  and  lastly  the 
Great-Y amato-the-Luxuriant-Island  - of  - the-Dragon- 
Fly,  which  is  supposed  to  mean  the  principal  island, 
named  in  these  pages  the  Main  island.  Afterward 
they  produced  Kojima  in  Kibi,  Oshima,  the  island 
of  Adzuki,  the  island  of  Hime,  the  island  of  Chika, 
and  the  islands  of  Futago. 

Thus  were  finished  the  labors  of  this  industrious  pair 
in  producing  the  islands  of  Japan.  Then  they  turned 
to  theduty  of  begetting  additional  deities,  and  thirty- 
five  are  named  as  their  descendants.  But  as  their 
names  do  not  appear  in  the  record  of  subsequent 
events,  we  omit  them  here.  Finally  the  Deity  of 
Fire  was  born,  and  the  mother  in  giving  birth  to 
this  child  died  and  departed  into  hades.  Izanagi 
was  overwhelmed  with  grief  at  his  wife’s  death.  The 
tears  which  he  shed  turned  into  the  Crying-Weeping- 
Female-Deity.  In  his  madness  he  drew  the  ten- 


' An  island  about  fifty  miles  long  in  the  Inland  sea. 


40 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


grasp  ’ sabre  with  which  he  wasaugustly  girded,  and 
cut  off  the  head  of  the  Deity  of  Fire.  Three  deities 
were  born  from  the  blood  that  stuck  to  the  blade  ; 
three  were  born  from  the  blood  that  besprinkled  the 
sword  guard ; two  were  born  from  the  blood  which 
oozed  out  through  his  fingers  as  they  grasped  the 
hilt ; and  eight  were  born  from  the  head  and  trunk 
of  the  slaughtered  deity. 

Descent  itito  Hades. 

Then  Izanagi  resolved  to  follow  his  spouse  into 
the  land  of  hades.  At  the  gate  of  the  palace  of 
hades  she  came  out  to  meet  him.  After  an  inter- 
view with  him  she  went  back  to  seek  the  advice  of 
the  deities  of  hades.  To  her  impatient  husband 
she  seemed  to  tarry  too  long.  So  he  broke  off  the 
end-tooth  of  the  comb  stuck  in  his  hair,  and  kindling 
it  as  a torch  he  went  in.  He  was  appalled  by  the 
dreadful  pollution  of  the  place,  and  by  the  loath- 
some condition  of  his  spouse.  He  fled  from  the 
scene  followed  by  the  furious  guards.  By  guile  and 
by  force,  however,  he  escaped  and  came  again  to 
the  upper  regions. 

Piirijication  of  Izanagi. 

Then  Izanagi,  in  order  t»  purify  himself  from  the 
pollution  of  hades,  came  to  a small  stream  on  the 
island  of  Tsukushi.  So  he  threw  down  the  august 
staff  which  he  carried  and  it  became  a deity.  He 

’ This  probably  means  that  the  sword  was  ten  breadths  of  the  hand 
\n  length. 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


41 


took  off  his  girdle  and  it  became  a deity.  He  threw 
down  his  skirt  and  it  became  a deity.  And  he 
took  off  his  upper  garment  and  it  became  a deity. 
And  from  his  trousers  which  he  threw  down  there 
was  born  a deity.  Three  deities  were  born  from  the 
bracelet  which  he  took  from  his  left  arm,  and  three 
from  the  bracelet  which  he  took  from  his  right  arm. 
Thus  twelve  deities  were  born  from  the  things  which 
he  took  off. 

Then  he  found  that  the  waters  in  the  upper  reach 
were  too  rapid,  and  the  waters  in  the  lower  reach 
were  two  sluggish.  So  he  plunged  into  the  waters  of 
the  middle  reach.  And  as  he  washed,  there  were 
born  successive  deities,  whose  names  it  is  not  need- 
ful to  mention.  But  when  he  washed  his  left 
august  eye  there  was  born  from  it  the  Heaven-Shin- 
ing-Great-August-Deity,' or  as  she  is  often  called  the 
Sun  Goddess. 

When  he  washed  his  right  august  eye  there  was 
born  His-Augustness-Moon-Night-Possessor.  Then 
when  he  washed  his  august  nose  there  was  born  His- 
Brave-  Swift-  Impetuous-  Male-  Augustness.  Thus 
fourteen  deities  were  born  from  his  bathing.  All 
these  deities,  as  well  as  those  before  produced,  seem 
to  have  come  into  being  in  full  maturity,  and  did 
not  need  years  of  growth  to  develop  their  final 
powers. 

Izanagi  was  greatly  delighted  with  the  beauty  and 
brilliancy  of  these  last  three  children.  He  took 
from  his  neck  his  august  necklace  and  gave  it  to  the 

' The  Japanese  name  of  this  most  -'enerated  goddess  is  Ama- 
terasu-o-mi-kami. 


42 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Sun  Goddess,  saying,  Rule  thou  in  the  plains  of  high 
heaven.  Then  he  gave  command  to  the  Moon- 
Night-Possessor,  Rule  thou  the  dominion  of  the 
night. 

And  to  His  - Impetuous  - Male  - Augustness  he 
commanded.  Rule  thou  the  plain  of  the  sea. 
But  His-Impetuous-Male-Augustness  did  not  as- 
sume command  of  his  domain,  but  cried  and  wept 
till  his  beard  reached  the  pit  of  his  stomach.  Then 
Izanagi  said  to  him.  How  is  it  that  thou  dost  not 
take  possession  of  thy  domain,  but  dost  wail  and 
weep?  He  replied,  I weep  because  I wish  to  go  to 
my  mother  in  hades.  Then  Izanagi  said.  If  that  be 
so  thou  shalt  not  dwell  in  this  land.  So  he  expelled 
him  with  a divine  expulsion  (whatever  that  may 
mean). 

Visit  of  His  - Impetuous  - Male  - August  ness  to  the 
Heaveyily  Plains. 

Then  His-Impetuous-Male-Augustness  said,  I 
will  first  take  leave  of  my  sister  who  rules  in  the 
plains  of  heaven.  When  the  Sun  Goddess  saw  her 
brother  coming  she  put  jewels  in  her  hair  and  on 
her  arms,  slung  two  quivers  of  arrows  on  her  back, 
put  an  elbow  pad  upon  her  left  arm,  and,  brandishing 
her  bow,  she  went  out  to  meet  him.  She  demanded 
of  him  why  he  ascended  hither.  Then  he  replied 
that  he  had  no  malicious  intentions;  that  his  august 
father  had  expelled  him  with  a divine  expulsion, 
and  that  he  had  come  to  take  leave  of  her  before 
departing  to  the  land  of  hades. 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


43 


Thereupon  she  proposed  to  him  a test  of  his  sin- 
cerity. They  stood  on  opposite  sides  of  the  tran- 
quil river  of  heaven.  She  begged  him  to  reach  her 
his  mighty  sabre.  She  broke  it  into  three  pieces 
and  crunched  the  pieces  in  her  mouth,  and  blew  the 
fragments  away.  Her  breath  and  the  fragments 
which  she  blew  away  were  turned  into  three  female 
deities.  Then  His-Impetuous-Male-Augustness  took 
the  jewels  which  she  wore  in  her  hair,  and  the  jewels 
which  she  wore  in  her  head-dress,  and  the  jewels 
she  wore  on  her  left  arm,  and  the  jewels  she  wore  on 
her  right  arm,  and  crunched  them  and  blew  them 
out,  and  they  were  turned  into  five  male  deities. 
Then  the  Sun  Goddess  declared  that  the  three 
female  deities  which  were  produced  from  her 
brother’s  sword  belonged  to  him,  and  the  five  male 
deities  which  were  produced  from  her  own  jewels 
belonged  to  her.  But  His-Impetuous-Male-August- 
ness  was  angry  at  this  decision,  and  broke  down  the 
fences  of  her  rice  fields,  and  filled  up  the  water 
sluices,  and  defiled  her  garden.  And  as  she  sat  with 
her  maidens  in  the  weaving  hall,  he  broke  a hole  in 
the  roof  and  dropped  upon  them  a piebald  horse 
which  he  had  flayed  with  a backward  flaying.' 

Retirement  of  the  Sun  Goddess. 

Then  the  Sun  Goddess  closed  the  door  of  the 
cave  in  which  the  weaving  hall  was,  and  the  whole 
plain  of  heaven  and  the  Central-Land-of-Reed-Plains 
were  darkened,  and  night  prevailed,  and  portents  of 

' There  seemed  to  have  been  an  old  superstition  about  flaying 
from  the  tail  toward  the  head. 


44 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


woe  were  seen  on  every  hand.  Myriads  of  deities 
assembled  in  the  bed  of  the  tranquil  river  of  heaven 
and  besought  the  deity  Thought-Includer,  child  of 
the  High-August-Producing-Wondrous-Deity,  the 
second  of  the  original  trio  of  deities,  to  propose  a 
plan  for  inducing  the  Sun  Goddess  to  reappear. 
They  gathered  the  cocks  of  the  barn-door  fowl  and 
made  them  crow ; they  wrought  a metal  mirror ; 
they  constructed  a string  of  beautiful  jewels  ; they 
performed  divination  with  the  shoulder-blade  of  a 
stag;  they  took  a plant  of  Sakaki  and  hung  on  its 
branches  the  strings  of  jewels,  the  mirror,  and  oflfer- 
ings  of  peace.  Then  they  caused  the  rituals  to  be 
recited,  and  a dance  to  be  danced,  and  all  the  assem- 
bled deities  laughed  aloud.  The  Sun  Goddess  heard 
these  sounds  of  merriment  and  was  amazed.  She 
softly  opened  the  door  and  looked  out,  and  asked 
the  meaning  of  all  this  tumult.  They  told  her  it 
was  because  they  had  found  another  goddess  more 
illustrious  than  she.  At  the  same  time  they  held 
before  her  luminous  face  the  mirror  which  they  had 
made.  Astonished,  she  stepped  out,  and  they  shut 
and  fastened  the  door  behind  her.  And  the  plain 
of  heaven  and  the  Central-Land-of-Reed-Plains  be- 
came light  again. 

Then  the  assembled  deities  took  council  together, 
and  caused  His-Impetuous-Male-Augustness  to  be 
punished  and  expelled  with  a divine  expulsion. 

His-Impetiious-Male-Augustness  in  Izumo. 

So  His-Impetuous-Male-Augustness  came  to  the 
river  Hi  in  Izumo.  And  he  found  there  an  old 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


45 


man  and  an  old  woman  and  a young  girl,  and  they 
were  weeping.  And  he  asked  them  why  they  wept. 
And  the  old  man  answered.  I once  had  eight 
daughters ; but  every  year  an  eight-forked  serpent 
comes  and  devours  one  of  them  ; and  now  it  is  the 
time  for  it  to  come  again.  Then  the  deity  said, 
Wilt  thou  give  me  thy  daughter  if  I save  her  from 
the  serpent  ? And  he  eagerly  promised  her.  Then 
the  deity  said.  Do  you  brew  eight  tubs  of  strong 
sake,  and  set  each  on  a platform  within  an  enclosure. 
So  they  brewed  and  set  the  sake  according  to  his 
bidding.  Then  the  eight-forked  serpent  came  and 
putting  a head  in  each  tub  drank  up  all  the  sake', 
and  being  intoxicated  therewith  went  to  sleep.  The 
deity  then  with  his  sabre  hacked  the  serpent  in 
pieces,  and  the  blood  flowed  out  and  reddened  the 
river.  But  when  he  came  to  the  middle  tail  his  sabre 
was  broken,  and  when  he  searched  he  found  that 
within  the  tail  was  a great  sword  which  he  took  out. 
And  this  is  the  herb-quelling-great-sword. 

Then  His-Impetuous-Male-Augustness  built  for 
himself  a palace  and  dwelt  there  with  his  wife,  and 
made  the  old  man  the  master  of  his  palace. 

Here  follows  a line  of  legends  relating  to  the 
deities  of  the  land  of  Izumo,  which  do  not  concern 
particularly  our  story,  except  that  they  show  that 
Izumo  was  closely  connected  with  the  early  migra- 
tions from  the  continent.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  Izumo  lies  almost  directly  opposite  to  Korea, 
and  that  this  would  be  a natural  point  to  which 
the  nomadic  tribes  of  Asia  would  turn  in  seeking  for 
new  fields  in  which  to  settle. 


46 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

Plans  for.  Pacifying  the  Land. 

Then  the  heavenly  deities  consulted  together  how 
they  might  pacify  the  lands  of  Japan.  They  sent 
down  one  of  their  number  to  report  on  its  condition. 
But  he  went  no  farther  than  the  floating  bridge  of 
heaven,  and  seeing  the  violence  which  prevailed  he 
returned.  Then  they  sent  another;  but  he  made 
friends  with  the  insurgent  deities  and  brought  back 
no  report.  Again  they  sent  an  envoy,  who  married 
the  daughter  of  the  insurgent  deity,  and  for  eight 
years  sent  back  no  report.  After  this  they  sent  a 
pheasant  down  to  inquire  why  a report  was  not  sent. 
This  bird  perched  on  a cassia  tree  at  the  palace  gate 
of  the  delinquent  envoy,  and  he  hearing  its  mourn- 
ful croaking  shot  it  with  an  arrow,  which  flew  up 
through  the  ether  and  landed  in  the  plains  of  heaven. 
The  arrow  was  shot  down  again  and  killed  the 
envoy.  Finally  two  other  envoys  were  sent  down, 
who  landed  in  Izumo,  and  after  some  parley  with 
the  refractory  deities  of  the  land  received  their 
adhesion  and  settled  and  pacified  the  land.  Then 
they  returned  to  the  heavenly  plains  and  reported 
that  peace  was  established. 

Descent  of  the  August  Grandchild. 

The  Central-Land-of-Reed-Plains  ‘ being  now  re- 
ported as  peaceful,  the  heavenly  deities  sent  His- 
Augustness  - Heaven  - Plenty-Earth-Plenty-Heaven’s- 
Sun-Height-Prince-Rice-Ear-Ruddy-Plenty,®  who  was 

' This  is  one  of  the  ancient  names  of  the  Main  island  of  Japan. 

^ The  name  of  tt  .s  prince  of  which  the  translation  is  here  given  is 
usually  shortened  to  Xinigi-no-Mikoto. 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


47 


a grandson  of  Her-Augustness-the-Sun-Goddess,  to 
dwell  in  and  rule  over  it.  There  were  joined  to  him 
in  this  mission  ‘ the  Deity-Prince-of-Saruta  as  his 
vanguard  and  five  chiefs  of  companies.  They  gave 
him  also  the  string  of  jewels  and  the  mirror  with 
which  the  Sun  Goddess  had  been  allured  from  the 
cave,  and  also  the  herb-quelling-great-sword  which 
His- Augustness  - the  - Impetuous  - Male  - Deity  had 
taken  from  the  tail  of  the  serpent.  And  they 
charged  him  saying,  Regard  this  mirror  precisely  as 
if  it  were  our  august  spirit,  and  reverence  it  as  if 
reverencing  us. 

Then  His-Augustness-Heaven’s-Prince-Rice-Ear- 
Ruddy-Plenty,  taking  leave  of  the  plains  of  heaven, 
and  pushing  asunder  the  heavenly  spreading  clouds, 
descended  upon  the  peak  of  Takachiho  “ in  Tsukushi, 
a mountain  which  is  still  pointed  out  in  the  present 
island  of  Kyushu.  And  noting  that  the  place  was 
an  exceedingly  good  country,  he  built  for  himself  a 
palace  and  dwelt  there.  And  he  married  a wife  who 
was  the  daughter  of  a deity  of  the  place,  who  bore 
him  three  sons  whom  he  named  Prince  Fire-Shine, 
Prince  Fire-Climax,  and  Prince  Fire-Subside. 

Princes  Fire-Shine  and  Fire-Subside. 

Now  Prince  Fire-Shine  was  a notable  fisherman 
and  Prince  Fire-Subside  was  a hunter.  And  Prince 

' Nakatomi-no-Muraji  is  also  among  these,  who  was  the  ancestor 
of  the  Fujiwara  family  that  from  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Tenji 
attained  great  political  distinction. 

’ Dr.  Rein  in  1875  was  shown  an  old  sword  on  the  top  of  this 
mountain  which  is  claimed  to  have  been  carried  on  this  occasion. — 
Rein’s  yapan,  p.  214,  note. 


48 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Fire-Subside  said  unto  his  elder  brother,  Let  us  ex- 
change  our  occupations  and  try  our  luck.  And 
after  some  hesitation  on  the  part  of  the  elder 
brother  the  exchange  was  made.  But  Prince  Fire- 
Subside  was  not  successful  and  lost  the  fish-hook  in 
the  sea.  Then  Prince  P'ire-Shine  proposed  to  his 
younger  brother  to  exchange  back  the  implements 
which  they  had  used.  But  the  younger  brother 
said  he  had  had  no  luck  and  had  lost  the  hook  in 
the  sea.  But  Prince  Fire-Shine  w’as  angry  and 
demanded  his  hook.  Then  Prince  Fire-Subside 
broke  his  sword  into  many  fragments  and  made 
them  into  fish-hooks,  which  he  gave  to  his  brother 
in  place  of  the  one  he  had  lost.  But  he  wmuld  not 
receive  them.  Then  he  made  a thousand  fish-hooks 
and  offered  these.  But  he  said,  I want  my  original 
hook. 

And  as  Prince  P"ire-Subside  was  weeping  by  the 
sea  shore  the  Deity  Salt-Possessor  came  to  him  and 
asked  him  why  he  wept.  He  replied,  I have  ex- 
changed a fish-hook  with  my  elder  brother,  and  have 
lost  it,  and  he  will  not  be  satisfied  with  any  com- 
pensation I can  make,  but  demands  the  original  hook. 
Then  the  Deity  Salt-Possessor  built  a boat  and  set 
him  in  it,  and  said  to  him.  Sail  on  in  this  boat  along 
this  way,  and  you  will  come  to  a palace  built  of 
fishes’  scales.  It  is  the  palace  of  the  Deity  Ocean- 
Possessor.  There  will  be  a cassia  tree  by  the  well 
near  the  palace.  Go  and  sit  in  the  top  of  that  tree, 
and  the  daughter  of  the  Ocean-Possessor  will  come 
to  thee  and  tell  thee  what  to  do. 

So  he  sailed  away  in  the  boat  and  came  to  the 


MYTHS  AND  LEGENDS. 


49 


palace  of  the  Ocean-Possessor,  and  he  climbed  the 
cassia  tree  and  sat  there.  And  the  maidens  of  the 
daughter  of  the  Sea  Deity  came  out  to  draw  water, 
and  saw  the  beautiful  young  man  sitting  i-n  the  tree. 
Then  he  asked  them  for  some  water.  And  they 
drew  water  and  gave  it  to  him  in  a jewelled  cup. 
Without  drinking  from  it  he  took  the  jewel  from  his 
neck  and  put  it  in  his  mouth  and  spat  it  into  the 
vessel,  and  it  clung  to  the  vessel.  So  the  maidens 
took  the  vessel  and  the  jewel  clinging  to  it  into  the 
palace  to  their  mistress.  And  they  told  her  that  a 
beautiful  young  man  was  sitting  in  the  cassia  tree 
by  the  well. 

The  Sea  Deity  then  went  out  himself  and  recog- 
nized the  young  man  as  Prince  Fire-Subside.  He 
brought  him  into  the  palace,  spread  rugs  for  him  to 
sit  on,  and  made  a banquet  for  him.  He  gave  him 
his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  he  abode  there  three 
years. 

At  last  one  morning  his  daughter  reported  to  the 
Sea  Deity  that  Prince  Fire-Subside,  although  he  had 
passed  three  years  without  a sigh,  yet  last  night  he 
had  heaved  one  deep  sigh.  The  Sea  Deity  asked 
him  why  he  sighed.  Then  Prince  Fire-Subside  told 
him  about  his  difficulty  with  his  brother,  and  how 
he  would  accept  no  compensation  for  his  lost  fish- 
hook, but  demanded  the  return  of  the  original. 
Thereupon  the  Sea  Deity  summoned  together  all 
the  fishes  of  the  sea  and  asked  them  if  any  one  of 
them  had  swallowed  this  hook.  And  all  the  fishes 
said  that  the  had  complained  of  something  stick- 
ing in  its  throat,  and  doubtless  that  was  the  lost 


50 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


hook.  The  throat  of  the  tai  therefore  being  ex- 
amined, the  hook  was  found  and  given  to  Prince 
Fire-Subside. 

Then  the  Sea  Deity  dismissed  him  to  his  own 
country,  and  gave  him  two  jewels,  a flow-tide  jewel 
and  an  ebb-tide  jewel.  And  he  set  him  on  the  head 
of  an  immense  crocodile  and  bade  the  crocodile  con- 
vey him  carefully  and  come  back  and  make  a report. 
And  Prince  Fire-Subside  gave  the  recovered  hook  to 
his  brother.  But  a spirit  of  animosity  still  dwelt  in 
his  heart,  and  he  tried  to  kill  his  brother.  Then 
Prince  Fire-Subside  threw  out  the  flow-tide  jewel, 
and  the  tide  came  in  upon  the  Prince  Fire-Shine  and 
was  about  to  drown  him.  And  he  cried  out  to  his 
brother  and  expressed  his  repentance.  Then  Prince 
Fire-Subside  threw  out  the  ebb-tide  jewel  and  the 
tide  flowed  back  and  left  him  safe. 

Then  Prince  Fire-Shine  bowed  his  head  before  his 
younger  brother,  and  said.  Henceforth  I will  be  th\’ 
guard  by  day  and  night,  and  will  faithfully  serve 
thee. 

And  His- Augustness- Prince- Fire -Subside  suc- 
ceeded his  father  and  dwelt  in  the  palace  of 
Takachiho  five  hundred  and  eighty  years.  The 
place  of  his  tomb  is  still  shown  on  Mount  Takachiho 
in  the  province  of  Hyuga  of  the  island  of  Kyushu. 
And  he  left  as  his  successor  his  son,  whom  the 
daughter  of  the  Sea  Deity  had  borne  him.  And 
this  son  was  the  father  of  His-Augustness-Divine- 
Yamato-Iware-Prince,  who  is  known  to  posterity  by 
his  canonical  name  of  Jimmu,  the  first  emperor  of 
Japan. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 

We  have  now  come  to  the  time  when  the  move- 
ments which  resulted  in  the  establishment  of  the 
empire  of  Japan  took  place.  The  events  are  still 
overlaid  with  myth  and  legend,  which  could  only 
have  been  transmitted  by  oral  tradition.  But  they 
have  to  do  with  characters  and  places  which  are  tied 
to  the  present  by  stronger  cords  than  those  of  the 
divine  age.  What  the  events  really  were  which  are 
involved  in  the  myths  of  the  preceding  chapter  it  is 
impossible  to  predicate.  That  the  celestial  invasion 
of  the  island  of  Kyushu  means  the  coming  thither 
of  a chief  and  his  followers  from  the  continent  by 
way  of  Korea  seems  most  reasonable.  The  inter- 
mixture of  Izumo  with  these  legends  may  mean 
that  another  migration  of  a kindred  race  took  place 
to  that  part  of  the  Main  island.  The  easy  access  to 
both  Izumo  and  Kyushu  from  Korea  makes  these 
migrations  the  natural  explanation  of  the  landing 
of  the  Japanese  upon  these  fertile  and  tempting 
islands. 

Without  settling  the  difificult  ethnographical  ques- 
tions which  are  involved  in  this  problem,  we  propose 


51 


52 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


to  follow  the  Kyushu  invaders  into  the  Main  island. 
We  will  note  the  slow  and  laborious  steps  by  which 
they  proceeded  to  establish  a government,  which 
through  many  changes  and  emergencies  continues 
to  this  day. 

The  Prince,  whom  we  will  continue  to  call  Jimmu,' 
had  an  elder  brother.  Prince  Itsu-se,  who  seems,  how- 
ever, to  have  been  less  active  and  energetic  than  the 
younger.  At  least,  even  from  the  first  it  is  Prince 
Jimmu  who  is  represented  as  taking  the  initiative  in 
the  movements  which  were  now  begun.  The  two 
brothers  consulted  together  and  resolved  to  conduct 
an  expedition  towards  the  east.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  their  grandfather  had  established  his 
palace  on  Mount  Takachiho,  which  is  one  of  the  two 
highest  peaks  in  Kyushu,  situated  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Hyuga,  nearly  in  the  middle  of  the  southern 
extension  of  the  island  of  Kyushu.  It  was  from 
this  place  that  the  two  brothers  started  on  their  ex- 
pedition. It  was  no  doubt  such  an  expedition  as 
the  Norse  Vikings  of  a later  day  often  led  into  the 
islands  of  their  neighbors.  They  had  with  them  a 
force  composed  of  the  descendants  of  the  inv^aders 
who  had  come  with  their  grandfather  from  the  con- 
tinent. They  marched  first  through  the  country 
called  Toyo,  which  was  a luxuriant  and  fertile  re- 
gion on  the  northeast  part  of  the  island.  Thence 
they  marched  to  the  palace  of  Wokada,  situated  in 

* This  canonical  name  was  given  to  him  in  the  reign  of  the 
Emperor  Kwammu,  who  commanded  Mifune-no-Mikoto  to  select 
suitable  canonical  names  for  all  past  emperors,  and  these  have  since 
been  used. 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


53 


a district  of  the  island  of  Tsukushi,  lying  on  the 
northwest  coast  facing  Tsushima  and  the  peninsula 
of  Korea,  and  bordering  on  the  straits  of  the  Inland 
sea.  Here  they  remained  a year  and  probably 
built  the  boats  by  which  they  crossed  the  Inland  sea. 

From  Tsukushi  they  crossed  to  the  province  of 
Aki  in  the  Main  island  on  the  coast  of  the  In- 
land sea,  where  it  is  said  they  remained  seven  years. 
The  progress  seems  like  that  of  the  hordes  of  the 
Goths  in  the  early  ages  of  European  history.  It 
was  not  merely  a military  expedition,  but  a migra- 
tion of  a tribe  with  all  its  belongings,  women  and 
children,  old  men  and  old  women,  and  household 
and  agricultural  effects.  The  military  band  under 
Prince  Jimmu  and  his  brother  formed  the  vanguard 
and  protection  of  the  tribe.  During  their  seven 
years’  sojourn  in  Aki  they  were  compelled  to  resort 
to  agriculture  as  well  as  fishing  for  their  support. 

Then  they  skirted  along  the  north  coast  of  the 
Inland  sea  to  Takashima  in  the  province  of  Kibi. 
Thence  they  crept  with  their  awkward  boats  east- 
ward among  the  luxuriant  islands.  They  met  a 
native  of  the  coast  out  in  his  boat  fishing  and  en- 
gaged his  services  as  a guide.  He  conducted  them 
to  Naniwa,  which  now  bears  the  name  of  Osaka, 
where  they  encountered  the  swift  tides  and  rough 
sea  which  navigators  still  meet  in  this  place.  Finally 
they  landed  at  a point  which  we  cannot  recognize, 
but  which  must  have  been  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Osaka  at  the  mouth  of  the  Yodo  river. 

Here  their  conflicts  with  the  natives  began.  The 
whole  region  seems  to  have  been  occupied  by  tribes 


54 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


not  unlike  their  own,  who  had  probably  come  thither 
from  the  settlements  in  Izumo.  The  first  to  dispute 
their  progress  was  Prince  Nagasune  (Long  Legs), 
of  Tomi,  who  raised  an  army  and  resisted  the  land- 
ing of  the  invaders.  It  was  in  the  battle  that  ensued 
at  this  place  that  Prince  Itsu-se,  the  elder  brother, 
received  a wound  in  his  hand  from  an  arrow  shot  by 
Prince  Nagasun^.  The  reason  given  reveals  a curi- 
ous superstition  which  seems  to  have  prevailed  from 
this  early  time.  The  Japanese  prince  on  receiving 
the  wound  exclaims,  “ It  is  not  right  for  me,  an 
august  child  of  the  Sun  Goddess,  to  fight  facing  the 
sun.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  I am  stricken  by  the 
wretched  villain’s  hurtful  hand.”  Prince  Itsu-se,  after 
a few  days,  died  from  the  effects  of  the  wound.  He 
is  buried  on  mount  Kama  in  the  province  of  Kii. 

It  is  needless  to  recount  all  the  legends  which 
cluster  around  this  invasion  of  the  central  provinces 
of  Japan;  about  the  wild  boar  which  came  out  of 
the  mountains  near  Kumano,  before  which  Prince 
Jimmu  and  all  his  warriors  fell  down  in  a faint; 
about  the  miraculous  sword  which  was  sent  down 
from  the  heavenly  plains  to  aid  him  in  subduing  the 
Central-Land-of-Reed-Plains  ; about  a crow  eight  feet 
long  which  was  sent  to  guide  him  in  his  expedi- 
tion, and  about  the  deities  with  tails  who  in  several 
places  were  encountered.  To  our  conception  they 
seem  meaningless,  and  do  not  in  any  measure  con- 
tribute to  the  progress  of  the  story.  They  bear 
evidence  of  a later  invention,  and  do  not  belong 
legitimately  to  the  narrative. 

At  Uda,  on  the  east  coast  of  the  Yamato  penin- 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


55 


sula,  there  lived  two  brothers  named  Ukashi.  The 
elder  brother  undertook  to  deceive  Prince  Jimmu, 
and  set  a trap  in  which  to  capture  and  slay  him. 
But  the  younger  brother  revealed  the  plot,  where- 
upon the  followers  of  Prince  Jimmu  compelled  the 
traitor  to  retreat  into  his  own  trap,  where  they  killed 
him.  The  younger  brother  was  honored  and  re- 
warded by  Jimmu,  and  appears  afterward  among 
the  hereditary  princes  of  the  country. 

Again,  as  he  was  making  his  progress  through  the 
country  Prince  Jimmu  came  upon  a company  of  the 
savages  known  as  pit-dwellers, ‘ whom  the  Kojiki 
calls  earth-spiders,  and  describes  them  as  having 
tails.  There  appear  to  have  existed  at  this  period 
remnants  of  these  tribes  as  far  south  as  the  35th 
parallel.  At  a later  period  they  were  driven  out  by 
the  Ainos,  and  nothing  but  some  of  their  relics  now 
exists,  even  in  Yezo.  The  peculiarity  by  which  they 
were  known  was,  that  they  lived  in  a sort  of  pit  dug 
out  of  the  earth  in  the  sides  of  the  mountains,  over 
which  they  built  a roof  of  limbs  and  grass.  In  the 
present  case  there  were  eighty  of  the  warriors  of 
this  tribe.  Prince  Jimmu  made  a banquet  for  them 
in  one  of  their  pits  and  assigned  an  equal  number  of 
his  own  men  to  act  as  attendants.  Each  of  these 
attendants  was  girded  with  a sword.  Then  from  a 
post  outside  he  sang  a song,“  and  at  a given  signal 

‘ See  Milne’s  paper  on  “ Pit-Dwellers  of  Yezo  and  Kurile  Islands,” 
Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  fapan,  vol.  x.,  p.  187. 

’A  large  number  of  songs  are  handed  down  in  the  traditions  of  this 
period.  They  are  in  the  most  ancient  form  of  the  language  and  are 
not  easy  to  translate.  We  give  as  a specimen  Jimmu’s  song  from 


56 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


in  this  song  the  eighty  attendants  fell  upon  the 
eighty  earth-spiders  and  slew  them  all. 

Thus  having  subdued  all  opposing  forces  and 
brought  the  country  into  subjection,  Prince  Jimmu 
established  himself  in  a palace  built  for  him  at  Kashi- 
wara  in  the  province  of  Yamato.  This  is  usually 
regarded  by  Japanese  historians  as  the  beginning  of 
the  empire,  and  the  present  era'  is  reckoned  from 
this  establishment  of  a capital  in  Yamato.  From 
the  record  of  the  length  of  the  reigns  of  the  several 
emperors  contained  in  the  Koj'iki,  and  the  Nihongi, 
and  later  books,  the  date  of  the  accession  of  the 
Emperor  Jimmu  is  fixed  at  660  B.C.  We  have  given 
elsewhere^  our  reason  for  believing  the  record  of 
the  early  reigns  of  doubtful  authenticity.  Never- 
theless, as  it  is  impossible  to  propose  a definite 
change,  it  is  better  to  use  the  accepted  scheme  with 
its  admitted  defects. 

Chamberlain’s  translation  of  Kojiki.  Asiatic  Society  Transactions, 
vol.  X.,  Supplement,  p.  142. 

Into  the  great  cave  of  Osaka  people  have 
entered  in  abundance  and  are  there. 

Though  people  have  entered  in  abundance 
and  are  there,  the  children  of  the  augustly 
powerful  warriors  will  smite  and  finish  them 
with  their  mallet-headed  swords,  their 
stone-mallet  swords  ; the  children  of  the 
augustly  powerful  warriors,  with  their 
mallet-headed  swords,  their  stone- 
mallet  swords,  would  now  do  well  to 
smite. 

’ For  example,  the  organization  of  a parliament  took  place  in  i8gc 
which  in  the  Japanese  reckoning  would  be  2550  from  Jimmu's  setting 
up  his  capital  in  Yamato. 

’ See  p.  32. 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


57 


The  Emperor  Jimmu  after  his  accession  continued 
to  reign  seventy-five  years  and,  according  to  the 
Kojiki,  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
seven.  The  Nihongi,  however,  gives  his  age  at 
death  as  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  and  this 
has  been  adopted  by  the  government  in  its  published 
chronology.'  His  burial  place  is  said  to  be  on  the 
northern  side  of  mount  Unebi  in  the  province  of 
Yamato.  It  is  just  to  assign  to  the  Emperor  Jimmu 
the  exalted  place  which  the  Japanese  claim  for  him 
in  their  history.  That  he  was  a prince  of  high  en- 
terprise is  evident  from  his  adventurous  expedition 
from  the  home  of  his  family  into  the  barbarous  and 
unknown  regions  of  the  Main  island.  He  accom- 
plished its  conquest  with  less  slaughter  and  cruelty 
than  the  customs  of  the  times  seemed  to  justify. 
He  made  it  his  policy  to  effect  terms  with  the  native 
princes  and  seek  their  co-operation  in  his  government. 
He  extended  his  sway  so  that  it  covered  Anato,  now 
known  as  Nagato,  and  Izumo  on  the  west,  and 
reached  probably  to  Owari  on. the  east.  All  this 
time  he  had  held  a firm  hand  on  the  island  from 
which  he  had  come,  so  that  few  if  any  outbreaks 
occurred  among  its  restless  Turanian  or  native  in- 
habitants. 

The  Emperor  Jimmu  was  succeeded  by  his  third 
son,  known  by  his  canonical  name  as  the  Emperor 
Suizei.  The  reigning  emperor,  it  seems,  exercised 
the  right  to  select  the  son  who  should  succeed  him. 
This  was  not  always  the  oldest  son,  but  from  the 
time  he  was  chosen  he  was  known  as  taishi,  which  is 
' See  list  of  emperors,  Appendix  I. 


58 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


nearly  equivalent  to  the  English  term  crown  prince. 
The  Emjieror  Suizei,  it  is  said,  occupied  a palace  at 
Takaoka,  in  Kazuraki,  in  the  province  of  Yamato. 
This  palace  was  not  far  from  that  occupied  by  his 
father,  yet  it  was  not  the  same.  And  in  the  reigns 
of  the  successive  sovereigns  down  to  A.D.  709,  when 
the  capital  was  for  a time  established  at  Nara,  we 
observe  it  as  a most  singular  circumstance  that  each 
new  emperor  resided  in  a new  palace.  In  the  first 
place,  the  palace  spoken  of  in  these  early  times  was 
probably  a very  simple  structure.  Mr.  Satow,  in  his 
paper'  on  the  temples  at  Ise,  gives  an  account  of  the 
form  and  construction  of  the  prehistoric  Japanese 
house.  The  Shinto  temple  in  its  pure  form  is  prob- 
ably a survival  of  the  original  palace.  Before  the 
introduction  of  edge-tools  of  iron  and  boring  im- 
plements or  nails,  the  building  must  have  been 
constructed  in  a very  primitive  fashion.  It  will  be 
understood  that  stone  or  brick  were  never  used. 
Wood  was  the  only  material  for  the  frame.  The 
roof  was  thatched  -^i’ith  rushes  or  rice  straw.  The 
pure  Shinto  temples  of  modern  times  are  built  with 
the  utmost  simplicity  and  plainness.  Although 
the  occasion  for  adhering  to  primitive  methods  has 
long  since  passed  away,  yet  the  buildings  are  con- 
formed to  the  styles  of  structure  necessary  before 
the  introduction  of  modern  tools  and  appliances. 
To  build  a new  palace  therefore  for  a new  emperor 
involved  by  no  means  such  an  outlay  of  time  and 
work  as  might  be  imagined. 

‘ Satow,  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  ii., 
p.  1 13- 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


59 


It  is  not  improbable  that  when  a young  man  was 
chosen  crown  prince  he  had  an  establishment  of  his 
own  assigned  to  him,  and  this  became  his  palace 
which  he  occupied  when  he  became  emperor.  When 
a man  died,  and  especially  when  an  emperor  died,  it 


SHINTO  TEMPLE. 

was  an  ancient  custom  to  abandon  his  abode.  It 
became  unclean  by  the  presence  in  it  of  a dead  body, 
and  therefore  was  no  longer  used. 

Nothing  is  narrated  of  the  immediate  successors 
of  the  Emperor  Jimmu  of  importance  to  this  story. 


6o 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  accounts  contained  in  either  of  the  oldest  his. 
tories  relate  merely  to  the  genealogies  of  the  several 
sovereigns. 

The  Emperor  Suizei  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
third  son  of  Jimmu  and  reigned  thirty-two  years, 
dying  at  the  age  of  eighty-four.' 

The  third  emperor  was  Annei,  the  only  son  of  the 
Emperor  Suizei.  He  reigned  thirty-seven  years  and 
died  at  the  age  of  fifty-seven. 

The  fourth  emperor  was  Itoku,  the  oldest  son  of 
the  Emperor  Annei.  He  reigned  thirty-three  years 
and  died  at  the  age  of  seventy-seven. 

The  fifth  emperor  was  Kosho,  the  oldest  son  of 
the  Emperor  Itoku.  He  reigned  eighty-two  years 
and  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  fourteen 
years. 

The  sixth  emperor  was  Koan,  the  oldest  son  of 
the  Emperor  Kosho.  He  reigned  one  hundred  and 
one  years  and  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and 
thirty-seven. 

The  seventh  emperor  was  Korei,  the  second  son 
of  the  Emperor  Koan.  He  reigned  seventy-five 
years  and  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight. 

The  eighth  emperor  was  Kogen,  the  oldest  son  of 
the  Emperor  Korei.  He  reigned  fifty-six  years  and 
died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  sixteen. 

The  ninth  emperor  was  Kaikwa,  a younger  .son 
of  the  Emperor  Kogen.  He  reigned  fifty-nine  years 
and  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  eleven. 

' Wp  follow  in  these  figures  the  chronology  which  has  been  author- 
iied  bv  the  government.  Appendix  I. 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


6l 


The  tenth  emperor  was  Sujin,  a younger  son 
of  the  Emperor  Kaikwa.  He  reigned  sixty-seven 
years  and  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  nine- 
teen. It  is  narrated  that  during  his  reign  a pesti- 
lence broke  out  which  was  so  severe  that  the  country 
was  almost  depopulated.  The  emperor  was  greatly 
disturbed  by  this  calamity,  and  there  appeared  to 
him  in  the  night  a divine  vision.  The  Great  Deity, 
the  Great  Master  of  Things,  appeared  and  revealed 
to  him,  that  if  he  would  cause  him  to  be  appropri- 
ately worshipped  the  pestilence  would  cease.  The 
worship  was  accordingly  ordained  and  executed,  and 
the  pestilence  forthwith  abated. 

In  this  reign  expeditions  were  also  sent  into  the 
northwestern  and  northeastern  districts  of  the  Main 
island  to  repress  the  disturbances  which  had  arisen. 
The  reports  from  these  expeditions  were  in  each 
case  favorable,  and  the  whole  empire  was  in  a condi- 
tion of  quiet  and  prosperity,  such  as  had  not  before 
existed.  Taxes  were  for  the  first  time  levied  on  the 
proceeds  of  the  chase  and  on  the  handiwork  of  the 
women.  Reservoirs  for  the  collection  of  water,  used 
in  the  irrigation  of  the  rice  crops,  were  constructed 
in  the  imperial  provinces,  and  encouragement  was 
everywhere  given  to  the  growing  industries  of  the 
country. 

The  Emperor  Sujin  was  succeeded  by  his  younger 
son  who  is  known  as  the  eleventh  emperor  under  the 
name  of  Suinin.  He  is  said  to  have  reigned  ninety- 
nine  years,  and  to  have  died  at  the  age  of  one 
hundred  and  forty-one. 

A conspiracy  came  near  ending  the  life  of  this 


62 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


emperor.  A brother  of  the  empress  was  ambitious 
to  attain  supreme  authority.  He  approached  his 
sister  with  the  subtle  question,  Which  is  dearer  to 
thee,  thine  elder  brother  or  thy  husband  ? She  re- 
plied, My  elder  brother  is  dearer.  Then  he  said. 
If  I be  truly  the  dearer  to  thee,  let  me  and  thee  rule 
the  empire.  And  he  gave  her  a finely  tempered 
dagger  and  said  to  her.  Slay  the  emperor  with  this 
in  his  sleep.  So  the  emperor,  unconscious  of  danger, 
was  sleeping  one  day  with  his  head  on  the  lap  of  the 
empress.  And  she,  thinking  the  time  had  come, 
was  about  to  strike  him  with  the  dagger.  But  her 
courage  failed  her,  and  tears  fell  from  her  e}'es  on 
the  face  of  the  sleeping  emperor.  He  started  up, 
awakened  by  the  falling  tears,  and  said  to  her,  I 
have  had  a strange  dream.  A violent  shower  came 
up  from  the  direction  of  Saho  and  suddenly  wet  my 
face.  And  a small  damask-colored  snake  coiled 
itself  around  my  neck.  What  can  such  a dream 
betoken  ? Then  the  empress,  conscience-stricken, 
confessed  the  conspiracy  with  her  brother. 

The  einj^eror,  knowing  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost, 
immediately  collected  a force  of  troops  and  marched 
against  his  brother-in-law.  He  had  entrenched  him- 
self behind  palisades  of  timber  and  awaited  the 
emperor’s  attack.  The  empress,  hesitating  between 
her  brother  and  her  husband,  had  made  her  escape 
to  her  brother’s  palace.  At  this  terrible  juncture 
she  was  delivered  of  a child.  She  brought  the  child 
to  the  palisades  in  sight  of  the  emperor,  and  cried 
out  to  him  to  take  it  under  his  care.  He  was  deeply 
moved  by  her  appeal  to  him  and  forthwith  planned 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


63 


to  rescue  both  the  child  and  its  mother.  He  chose 
from  among  his  warriors  a band  of  the  bravest  and 
most  cunning,  and  commanded  them,  saying,  When 
ye  go  to  take  the  child,  be  sure  that  ye  seize  also  the 
mother. 

But  she,  fearing  that  the  soldiers  would  try  to 
snatch  her  when  they  came  for  the  child,  shaved  off 
her  hair  and  covered  her  head  with  the  loose  hair  as 
if  it  were  still  adhering.  And  she  made  the  jewel- 
strings  around  her  neck  and  arms  rotten,  and  she 
rendered  her  garments,  by  which  they  might  catch 
hold  of  her,  tender  by  soaking  them  in  sake. 
When  the  soldiers  came  to  her  she  gave  them  the 
child  and  fled.  Then  they  seized  her  by  the  hair 
and  it  came  away  in  their  hands ; and  they  clutched 
at  the  jewel-strings  and  they  broke  ; and  then  they 
grasped  her  garments,  but  they  had  been  rendered 
tender  and  gave  way  in  their  hands.  So  she  escaped 
from  them  and  fled.  Then  they  went  back  to  the 
emperor  and  reported  that  they  had  been  unable  to 
capture  the  mother,  but  they  had  brought  the  babe. 
The  emperor  was  angry  at  what  the  soldiers  told 
him.  He  was  angry  at  the  jewellers  who  had  made 
the  rotten  jewel-strings  and  deprived  them  of  their 
lands.  He  called  to  the  empress  through  the  burn- 
ing palisades  around  the  palace — for  the  soldiers 
had  set  fire  to  the  palace — saying,  A child’s 
name  must  be  given  by  its  mother ; what  shall  be 
the  name  of  this  child  ? And  she  answered.  Let  it 
be  called  Prince  Homu-chiwake.  And  again  he 
called  : How  shall  he  be  reared  ? She  replied.  Take 
for  him  a foster-mother  and  bathing  woman  who 


64 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


shall  care  for  him.  Then  he  asked  again,  saying: 
Who  shall  loosen  the  small,  fresh  pendant  which  you 
have  tied  upon  him  ? And  she  gave  directions  con- 
cerning this  also.  Then  the  emperor  paused  no 
longer,  but  slew  the  rebellious  prince  in  his  burning 
palace,  and  the  empress  perished  with  her  wicked 
brother. 

Following  this  is  a long  legend  concerning  this 
child  which  was  dumb  from  its  birth,  and  how  he 
was  sent  to  worship  at  the  temple  of  the  deities  of 
Izumo,  and  how  he  miraculously  attained  the  power 
of  speech  and  was  brought  back  to  his  father. 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  this  emperor  also  that 
Tajima-mori  was  sent  to  China  to  fetch  specimens 
of  the  orange-tree  for  introduction  into  Japan.  He 
returned  with  them,  but  when  he  reached  the  capital 
the  emperor  was  dead.  The  messenger  was  shocked 
and  brought  the  specimens  of  the  orange-tree  to  the 
burial  place  of  the  emperor,  where  he  died  from  grief. 

Up  to  this  time  it  seems  to  have  been  the  cruel 
custom  to  bury  with  the  deceased  members  of  the 
imperial  family,  and  perhaps  with  others  of  high 
rank,  the  living  retainers  and  horses  who  had  been 
in  their  service.  It  is  said  that  when  the  emperor’s 
younger  brother  died  (b.C.  2)  they  buried  along  with 
him  his  living  retainers,  placing  them  upright  in  a 
circle  around  him  and  leaving  their  heads  uncovered. 
Night  and  day  were  heard  the  agonizing  cries  of 
these  thus  left  to  die  of  starvation.  The  emperor 
was  greatly  moved  and  resolved  that  this  terrible 
custom  should  be  abolished.  Four  years  later  the 
empress  herself  died,  and  the  emperor  called  together 


l^OVNDtNG  THE  EMPIRE. 


^5 


his  counsellors  to  propose  some  plan  by  which  this 
practice  of  living  sacrifices  could  be  avoided.  There- 
upon one  of  his  counsellors,  Nomi-no-Sukund,  ad- 
vanced and  begged  the  emperor  to  listen  to  a scheme 
which  he  had  to  present.  He  suggested  that,  instead 
of  burying  the  living  retainers  with  their  master  or 
mistress,  clay  images  of  men  and  women  and  horses 
be  set  up  in  a circle  around  the  burial  place.  The 
plan  pleased  the  emperor  vastly,  and  images  were  at 
once  made  and  buried  around  the  dead  emjDress. 
As  a mark  of  his  high  appreciation  Nomi-no-Sukune 
was  appointed  chief  of  the  clay-workers  guild. 

It  appears  probable  that  this  cruel  usage  of  bury- 
ing living  retainers  with  their  dead  master  was  not 
entirely  ended  by  this  substitution  of  clay  images. 
As  late  as  a.d.  646  the  emperor  found  it  necessary 
to  prescribe  regulations  for  funerals  and  to  forbid 
the  burial  of  living  retainers.  Mr.  Satow  ‘ has  given 
a most  interesting  account  of  this  edict  which  per- 
tains not  only  to  the  practice  of  burial  of  retainers, 
but  also  to  the  size  of  vaults  and  mounds  and  the 
number  of  laborers  who  might  be  employed  in  pre- 
paring the  structure. 

The  images  used  as  a substitute  for  living  retain- 
ers were  called  TsucJiio  Ningio  (clay  images).  They 
have  been  found  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  espe- 
cially in  the  home  provinces  where  the  burial  of  the 
imperial  families  and  the  connected  nobility  took 
place.  This  burying  of  images  seems  to  have  died 
out  about  A.D.  700.  Its  discontinuance  probably 

' E.  M.  Satow,  “ Ancient  Sepulchral  Mounds  in  Kaudzuke,” 
Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  ll,  330. 

5 


66 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


was  owing  to  the  growing  prevalence  of  Buddhism 
which  discountenanced  a custom  founded  on  a re- 
ligion anterior  to  it. 

The  Emperor  Suinin  was  succeeded  by  his  younger 
son  Keiko  who  became  the  twelfth  emperor.  He 
reigned  fifty-nine  years,  and  died  at  the  age  of  one 
hundred  and  forty-three.  His  son,  Prince  0-usu, 
who  afterward  was  known  as  Yamato-dake,  is  rep- 
resented as  pursuing  a most  daring  and  romantic 
career.  The  myths  concerning  him  are  among  the 
most  picturesque  in  Japanese  history. 

The  first  adventure  narrated  of  him  was  regarding 
his  elder  brother.  His  father  asked  him,  Why  does 
not  thy  elder  brother  make  his  appearance  at  the 
imperial  banquets  ? Do  thou  see  after  this  and 
teach  him  his  duty. 

A few  days  after  his  father  said  again  to  him. 
Why  dost  not  thy  brother  attend  to  his  duty? 
Hast  thou  not  warned  him  as  I bade  thee? 

The  young  prince  replied  that  he  had  taken  that 
trouble.  Then  his  father  said,  How  didst  thou 
take  the  trouble  to  warn  him  ? And  the  prince 
coolly  told  him  that  he  had  slain  him  and  thrown 
his  carcass  away. 

The  emperor  was  alarmed  at  the  coolness  and 
ferocity  of  his  son,  and  bethought  how  he  might 
employ  him  advantageously.  Now  there  were  at 
Kumaso  in  KyushO  two  brothers,  fierce  and  rebel- 
lious bandits,  who  paid  small  respect  to  the  imperial 
wishes.  The  emperor  conceived  that  it  would  be  a 
fitting  achievement  for  his  fearless  son  to  put  an 
end  to  these  reckless  outlaws.  So  Yamato-dake  bor- 


BURIED  IMAGES. 

From  Japanese  Arckaology,  by  Henry  vor  Siebold. 


68 


THE  STORY  OF  /A  PAH. 


rowed  from  his  aunt  her  female  apparel,  and  hiding 
a sword  in  the  bosom  of  his  dress,  he  sought  out  the 
two  outlaws  in  their  hiding-place.  They  were  about 
to  celebrate  the  occupancy  of  a new  cave  which  they 
had  fitted  up  for  themselves.  They  had  invited  a 
goodly  number  of  their  neighbors,  and  especially 
of  the  female  sex.  Prince  Yamato-dake,  who  was 
young  and  fresh-looking,  put  on  his  female  disguise 
and  let  down  his  hair  which  was  still  long.  He 
sauntered  about  the  cave  and  went  in  where  the  two 
outlaws  were  amusing  themselves  with  their  female 
visitors.  They  were  surprised  and  delighted  to  see 
this  new  and  beautiful  face.  They  seated  her  be- 
tween them  and  did  their  best  to  entertain  her. 

Suddenly,  when  the  outlaws  were  off  their  guard, 
he  drew  his  sword  from  his  bosom  and  slew  the  elder 
brother.  The  younger  rushed  out  of  the  door  of  the 
cave,  the  prince  close  at  his  heels.  With  one  hand 
he  clutched  him  by  the  back  and  with  the  other 
thrust  him  through  with  his  sword.  As  he  fell  he 
begged  the  prince  to  pause  a moment  and  not  to 
withdraw  his  sword  from  his  fatal  wound. 

Then  the  outlaw  said.  Who  art  thou  ? And  he 
told  him  and  for  what  purpose  he  had  come. 

The  outlaw  said.  There  were  in  the  west  none  so 
brave  as  we  two  brothers.  From  this  time  forward 
it  shall  be  right  to  praise  thee  as  the  August  Child 
Yamato-dake  (the  bravest  in  Yamato). 

As  soon  as  he  had  said  this,  the  prince  “ ripped 
him  up  like  a ripe  melon.”  ' 

’ Chamberlain’s  translation  of  Kojiki. — Transactions  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  fapan,  vol.  x.,  Supplement,  p.  208. 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPlEE. 


69 

Then  after  he  had  subdued  and  pacified  the  rebel- 
lious princes  of  the  districts  about  the  straits  of 
Shimonoseki  he  returned  to  the  emperor  and  made 
his  report. 

Following  this  account  of  Yamato-dake’s  adven- 
tures in  the  West,  there  are  given  the  interesting  tra- 
ditions concerning  his  expedition  to  the  East,  and  his 
encounters  with  the  Ainos,  who  inhabited  the  north- 
ern part  of  the  island.  That  there  was  a basis  of 
fact  to  these  traditions  there  cannot  be  a doubt.  Yet 
the  events  have  such  an  air  of  fable  and  poetry  that 
it  is  impossible  to  separate  the  fact  from  the  legend. 
As  we  have  done  in  previous  instances,  we  give  the 
stories  in  their  essential  entirety,  leaving  to  scholars 
hereafter  the  task  of  winnowing  the  grains  of  fact 
out  of  the  chaff  which  the  imagination  of  the  race 
has  left  for  us. 

Prince  Yamato-dake  took  on  his  expedition  to  the 
East  the  Prince  Mi-suki-tomo-mimi-take.  The  em- 
peror gave  him  these  instructions:  “Subdue  and 
pacify  the  savage  deities,  and  likewise  the  unsubmis- 
sive people  of  the  twelve  roads'  of  the  East.” 

Prince  Yamato-dake  first  visited  the  temple  of  the 
Sun  Goddess  in  Ise,  where  he  worshipped  at  the 
shrine  of  his  great  ancestress.  He  must  have  had  a 
presentiment  that  he  never  would  return  alive  from 
this  expedition.  His  aunt  Yamato-hime,’  who  was 

’ The  roads  or  circuits  here  spoken  of  refer  to  the  roads  constructed 
by  the  government  along  contiguous  provinces  and  used  for  the 
passage  of  troops  and  other  government  purposes.  These  circuits 
have  continued  in  use  down  to  the  present  time. 

* Yamato-hime  or  Yamato-princess  had  been  appointed  high  priest 


70 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


the  priestess  of  this  temple,  gave  him  on  his  depar- 
ture the  sword'  which  the  Impetuous-Male-Deity 
discovered  in  the  tail  of  the  snake  which  he  slew  in 
Izumo.  She  also  gave  him  a bag  which  he  was  not 
to  open  until  he  found  himself  in  pressing  difficulty. 

He  came  to  the  land  of  Owari,  and  appears  there 
to  have  been  smitten  by  the  charms  of  the  Princess 
iMiyazu.  And,  planning  to  wed  her  on  his  way  back, 
he  plighted  to  her  his  troth  and  went  on.  Then  he 
came  to  the  province  of  Sagami,  where  he  met  the 
chief  of  the  land.  But  he  deceived  him  and  said  that 
in  the  midst  of  a v’ast  moor  there  is  a lagoon  where 
lives  a deity.  Yamato-dake  went  over  the  moor  to 
find  the  deity.  Whereupon  the  chief  set  fire  to  the 
grass,  expecting  to  see  him  consumed.  But  Yamato- 
dake  seeing  his  danger,  and  being  assured  that  the 
time  of  pressing  difficulty  had  come,  opened  the 
bag  which  his  aunt,  Yamato-hime,  had  given  him. 
There  he  found  a fire  drill,’  with  which  a fire  could 
be  struck.  He  cut  away  the  grass  around  him  with 
the  sword  which  had  been  given  him,  and  then  set 
fire  to  the  moor.  When  he  was  safe  from  the  fire 
he  sought  out  and  slew  the  traitorous  chief  and  all 
the  chiefs  who  were  associated  with  him. 

ess  of  the  temples  in  Ise,  and  in  that  capacity  had  charge  of  the  im- 
perial regalia  which  were  deposited  there.  She  is  a very  celebrated 
person  in  Japanese  legendary  story  and  is  said  to  have  lived  several 
hundred  years. 

See  Chamberlain’s  translation  of  Kojiki,  p.  1S3,  note  7 ; Asiatic 
Society  Transactions,  vol.  x..  Supplement. 

' See  p.  45. 

“ See  Satow's  paper  on  the  use  of  the  fire  drill  in  Japan,  Trans- 
actions of  Asiatic  Society  o f Japan,  vol.  vii.,  p.  223. 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


71 


From  Sagami  he  undertook  to  cross  in  a boat  the 
waters  of  Yedo  bay  to  Kazusa  opposite.  But  the 
sea  was  rough  and  they  were  on  the  point  of  being 
overwhelmed  and  drowned.  Then  his  wife,  the 
Princess  Oto-Tachibana,  who  accompanied  him  on 
this  expedition,  threw  out  mats  from  the  boat,  and 
saying,  “ I will  enter  the  sea  instead  of  the  prince ; 
you  must  finish  the  task  on  which  you  are  sent,”  she 
sprang  from  the  boat  and  sat  down  on  the  mats*  she 
had  thrown  out.  Immediately  the  waves  were 
quiet  and  the  boat  sailed  on  in  safety.  And  the 
comb  of  the  princess  was  washed  ashore,  and  the 
people  built  for  it  a sacred  mausoleum  in  which  it 
was  kept. 

Then  Prince  Yamato-dake  penetrated  the  regions 
occupied  by  the  Ainos’  and  subdued  them.  Hav- 
ing accomplished  this  principal  object  of  his  un- 
dertaking, he  returned  by  way  of  the  Usui  pass 
opposite  to  mount  Fuji.  As  he  stood  in  this  lofty 
position  and  looked  out  on  the  sea  where  his  wife 
had  sacrificed  herself  for  his  safety,  he  cried  out : 
“ Azuma  ha  ya  ! ” (O  my  wife  !)  Azuma  is  a name 
often  used  in  poetry  for  the  part  of  Japan  north  of 
this  pass.  But  whether  this  myth  was  invented  to 
explain  the  name,  or  the  name  was  derived  from  the 
incident,  it  is  impossible  to  determine. 

' It  is  one  of  the  favorite  subjects  of  Japanese  art  to  represent  the 
Princess  Oto-Tachibana  sitting  upon  a pile  of  mats  and  the  boat  with 
her  husband  sailing  off  in  the  quieted  waters. 

* The  name  by  which  these  savage  tribes  were  designated  was 
Yemishi ; the  name  however  is  written  in  Chinese  characters  which 
signify  Prawn-Barbarians  ; in  allusion  to  their  heavy  beards  which 
gave  them  the  appearance  of  prawns.  See  p.  22. 


72 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN, 


Then  Prince  Yomato-dake  went  into  the  high 
lands  of  Shinano  and  after  he  had  settled  the  dis- 
turbances which  existed  there,  he  came  back  to 
Owari  where  he  had  left  the  Princess  Miyazu.  In 
one  of  his  excursions  into  the  rebellious  regions  he 
was  stricken  with  a fatal  illness.  In  his  enfeebled 
condition  he  struggled  on,  almost  unable  to  walk. 
He  made  his  way  towards  Ise.  At  Otsu,  a village 
on  the  coast  of  Owari  bay,  he  recovered  the  sword 
which  he  had  left  on  his  way  to  the  East.  In  his 
painful  journey  he  sat  down  under  a pine  tree.  The 
spirit  of  poesy  even  in  his  pain  came  upon  him  and 
he  sang  this  little  poem  ' in  praise  of  the  pine  tree ; 

0 mine  elder  brother,  the  single  pine  tree 

That  art  on  cape  Otsu,  which  directly  faces  Owari ! 

If  thou  single  pine  tree  ! wert  a person, 

1 would  gird  my  sword  upon  thee, 

I would  clothe  thee  with  my  garments, — 

O mine  elder  brother,  the  single  pine  tree  ! 

He  went  on  a little  farther  to  Nobono  and  his 
sickness  became  more  serious.  And  there  in  the 
open  fields  he  felt  that  his  end  had  come.  He  sent 
the  spoils  of  his  expedition  to  the  temple  of  his  great 
ancestress,  the  Sun  Goddess.  He  sent  his  faithful 
companion  Prince  Kibi-no-Takehito  to  the  emperor 
to  carry  his  last  message.  It  was:  “ I have  chas- 
tised the  eastern  barbarians  according  to  your  im- 
perial order  with  the  help  of  the  gods  and  with  your 
imperial  influence.  I hoped  to  return  in  triumph 

' See  Chamberlain’s  translation  of  Kojiki, — Asiatic  Society  Trans- 
actions^ vol.  X.,  Supplement,  p.  2x8. 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


73 


with  my  weapons  wrapped  in  white.  But  I have  been 
seized  with  a mortal  disease,  and  I cannot  recover. 
I am  lying  in  the  sweet  open  fields.  I do  net  care 
for  my  life.  I only  regret  that  I cannot  live  to 
appear  before  thee  and  make  my  report  of  my 
expedition.” 

And  he  died  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  age. 
And  they  buried  him  there  and  built  a mausoleum 
over  his  remains.  The  emperor  lamented  the  death 
of  his  gallant  and  immortal  son,  and  made  an  im- 
perial  progress  into  the  regions  which  he  had  con- 
quered and  pacified. 

The  successor  to  the  Emperor  Keiko  was  known 
by  the  canonical  name  of  Seimu.  He  was  the 
thirteenth  emperor,  and  was  the  grandson  of  his 
predecessor,  having  been  a son  of  the  hero  Yamato- 
dake  who  was  the  crown  prince  until  his  death.  The 
Emperor  Seimu  reigned  fifty-nine  years  and  died  at 
the  age  of  one  hundred  and  eight.  Nothing  note- 
worthy is  narrated  of  his  reign. 

His  succes.sor,  the  fourteenth  emperor,  was  Chuai, 
his  eldest  son.  He  reigned  only  eight  years  and 
died  at  the  age  of  fifty-two.  It  is  remarkable  that 
his  capital  was  in  the  island  of  Kyushu  and  not  in 
the  Main  island,  like  his  predecessors  from  the  time 
of  the  Emperor  Jimmu.  This  removal  was  probably 
due  to  the  preparations  which  had  already  begun 
for  the  invasion  of  Korea.  The  island  of  Kyushu 
is  most  favorably  situated  for  the  preparation  and 
sailing  of  such  an  expedition.  The  wife  of  this 
emperor  was  Jingo-Kogo,  who  was  a much  more 
forcible  and  energetic  character  than  her  husband. 


74 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


She  is  one  of  the  heroines  around  whom  much  tra- 
dition has  gathered,  and  her  successful  invasion  of 
Korea  is  an  event  which  the  Japanese  writers  and 
artists  are  never  tired  of  representing.  The  legend 
— for  undoubtedly  much  of  the  story  is  legendary — 
is  essentially  as  follows  : 

The  emperor  was  busy  in  Kyushu  in  reducing  to 
subjection  the  tribes  of  the  Kumaso  who  inhabited 
the  southern  portion  of  the  island.  Up  to  this  time 
these  restless  tribes  had  given  much  trouble  to  the 
empire  and  expeditions  were  constantly  needed  to 
keep  them  in  order.  They  were  unquestionably  of 
a kindred  race  with  the  Japanese  who  accompanied 
the  Emperor  Jimmu  into  the  Main  island.  The 
empress,  afterward  known  as  Jingo-Kogo  and  the 
faithful  prime-minister  Take-no-uchi ' were  at  their 
temporary  palace  at  Kashihi.  The  empress  in  an  in- 
terview on  the  campaign  became  divinely  possessed. 
And  she  spoke  to  the  emperor  in  the  name  of  the 
deity  that  possessed  her  saying,  “ There  is  a land  at 
the  westward,  and  in  that  land  there  is  abundance  of 
various  treasures  dazzling  to  the  eye,  from  gold  and 
silver  downwards.  I will  now  bestow  this  land  upon 
thee.” 

Then  the  emperor  replied,  “If  you  ascend  to  a 
high  place  and  look  westward,  no  country  is  to  be 
seen  ; there  is  only  the  great  sea.”  And  he  pushed 
away  the  lute  upon  which  he  was  playing  and  said, 
“ They  are  lying  deities  which  have  spoken  to  you.” 

' He  is  chiefly  notable  to  foreigners  because  he  is  said  to  have 
lived  through  the  reigns  of  three  emperors  and  to  have  reached  the 
age  of  three  hundred  years. 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


75 


Then  the  deity  was  very  angry  and  spoke  again 
through  the  empress.  “ This  empire  is  not  a land 
over  which  thou  art  fit  to  rule.  Go  thou  the  one 
road.” 

The  prime-minister  Take-no-uchi  then  said  to  the 
emperor,  “ I am  filled  with  awe,  my  heavenly  sov- 
ereign, at  this  fearful  message.  I pray  thee  continue 
playing  thy  august  lute.”  Then  he  played  softly  ; 
and  gradually  the  sound  died  away  and  all  was  still. 
And  they  took  a light  and  looking  in  his  face,  behold 
he  was  dead. 

The  empress  and  the  prime-minister  Take-no-uchi 
concealed  for  the  time  the  death  of  the  emperor,  and 
she  herself  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  plan  for  the 
invasion  of  Korea.  With  indefatigable  energy  she 
gathered  her  forces  and  equipped  a fleet  for  the 
descent  upon  Korea.  She  set  out  from  Wani  in 
Kyushu  in  the  tenth  month  of  the  year  A.D.  202. 
Even  the  fish  of  the  sea  were  her  allies,  for  with  one 
accord  they  bore  the  ship  in  which  she  sailed  across 
the  intervening  straits  on  their  backs. 

The  coming  of  the  Japanese  was  a complete  sur- 
prise to  the  people  of  Korea.  At  this  time  the 
peninsula  now  known  to  us  as  Korea  and  to  the 
Japanese  as  Chosen,  was  divided  into  three  king- 
doms, Korai,  Shiraki,  and  Kudara.  The  fleet  of 
Jingo-Kogo  landed  in  the  kingdom  of  Shiraki.  The 
king  was  so  completely  unprepared  for  this  incursion 
that  he  at  once  offered  his  subjection  and  proposed 
to  become  a tributary  kingdom.  The  proposition 
was  accepted.  The  kings  of  Korai  and  Kudara 
made  similar  proposals  which  also  were  accepted. 


THE  STORY  OF  JATaN. 


76 

Each  was  to  make  an  immediate  contribution  to  the 
empress,  and  annually  thereafter  to  send  tribute  to 
the  capital  of  Japan.  Thus  they  became  the  three 
tributary  countries  {satikan')  dependent  on  Japan. 
Although  this  invasion  of  a foreign  country  without 
cause  or  provocation  must  be  pronounced  indefensi- 
ble, yet  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  subject  kingdoms 
were  quite  as  safe  and  free  under  the  distant  and 
little  intermeddlesome  dominion  of  the  Japanese 
empire,  as  they  had  been  in  the  past  or  were  likely 
to  be  in  the  future  from  their  troublesome  neighbors, 
China  and  the  restless  Mongolian  tribes.  To  Japan 
the  connection  with  the  continent  was  of  momen- 
tous value.  It  opened  up  a natural  and  easy  way  for 
the  influx  of  those  continental  influences  which  were 
to  be  of  so  great  service  in  their  future  history. 

The  empress,  having  within  three  years  completely 
accomplished  the  object  of  her  expedition,  returned 
with  her  fleet  to  Kyushu.  She  brought  back  with 
her  hostages  from  the  conquered  kingdoms,  to  en- 
sure their  fulfilment  of  the  promises  they  had  made. 
She  had  learned  many  lessons  of  government  which 
she  was  not  slow  to  introduce  into  her  administra- 
tion at  home.  Soon  after  reaching  Kyushu  she  was 
delivered  of  the  son  of  whom  she  was  pregnant  at 
the  time  of  the  death  of  the  emperor,  and  who  after- 
wards became  the  Emperor  Ojin. 

The  object  which  she  and  her  faithful  prime- 
minister  had  in  concealing  the  death  of  the  emperor 
was  accomplished.  They  now  made  the  fact  public, 
and  proclaimed  her  own  son  as  her  successor.  Two 
older  sons  of  Chuai  by  another  empress  were  un- 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


77 


willing  to  submit  to  the  rule  of  a younger  brother. 
But  the  Empress  Jingo,  who  had  now  become  a 
national  idol  by  her  Korean  expedition,  soon  put 
down  the  conspiracy  of  these  princes  and  reigned 
till  the  end  of  her  life  and  left  a quiet  succession  to 
her  son. 

She  is  said  to  have  reigned  as  empress-regent'  sixty- 
eight  years,  and  to  have  died  at  the  age  of  one 
hundred. 

Her  son  became  the  fifteenth  emperor  and  is 
known  by  the  canonical  name  of  Ojin.  He  com- 
menced his  reign  in  the  year  A.D.  270,  and  reigned 
forty  years  and  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and 
ten.  But  the  beginning  of  his  reign  is  reckoned 
in  the  government  list  from  the  death  of  his 
father.  The  Emperor  Ojin  is  widely  worshipped  as 
Hachiman  the  god  of  war,  although  he  is  by  no 
means  noted  as  a warrior.  The  explanation  of  this 
curious  circumstance  is  found  in  the  fact  that  his 
mother  was  pregnant  with  him  during  her  famous 
invasion  of  Korea,  and  her  heroism  and  success  are 
attributed  to  the  martial  character  of  her  unborn  son. 

The  good  fruits  of  the  Korean  conquest  particu- 
larly showed  themselves  in  A.D.  284,  when  the  king 
of  Kudara  sent  his  usual  tribute  to  the  emperor  of 
Japan.  The  ambassador  for  that  year  was  Ajiki,  a 
learned  man  who  was  familiar  with  Chinese  litera- 
ture. At  the  request  of  the  emperor  he  gave  the 
young  prince,  who  afterwards  became  the  Emperor 
Nintoku,  lessons  in  the  Chinese  language  and  litera- 

' She  is  not  included  in  the  government  list  of  emperors,  and  15 
given  in  Appendix  I.  as  empress-regent. 


78 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ture.  The  year  following  the  king  of  Kudara  see- 
ing how  much  his  efforts  to  furnish  Chinese  learning 
were  appreciated,  sent  an  eminent  Chinese  scholar, 
Wani,  who  took  with  him  the  Cotifucian  Analects  and 
the  Thousand  Character  Essay,  two  noted  Chinese 
classics  and  presented  them  to  the  emperor.  The 
prince  continued  his  studies  under  Wani  and  became 
a very  learned  man. 

The  emperor  had  three  sons  between  whom  he 
wished  to  divide  his  authority,  wishing  however  to 
establish  his  youngest  son  as  the  crown  prince  and 
his  successor.  He  summoned  them  before  him  and 
put  this  question  to  the  elder,  “ Which  should  be 
preferred,  a younger  son  or  an  older?”  Then  the 
elder  son  replied  that  he  thought  the  older  son 
should  be  preferred.  But  the  emperor  turned  to  the 
second  son  and  asked  him  the  same  question.  He 
replied  that  as  the  older  son  was  more  grown  and 
less  of  a care,  he  thought  the  younger  son  would  be 
more  of  a favorite.  The  emperor  was  pleased  with 
this  reply  because  it  coincided  with  his  own  senti- 
ment. He  created  his  youngest  son.  Prince  Waka- 
iratsu,  the  crown  prince  and  ordered  his  second  son. 
Prince  Osasagi,  to  assist  him.  He  gave  the  charge 
of  the  mountains,  rivers,  forests,  fields,  etc.  to  his 
eldest  son. 

So  when  the  Emperor  Ojin  died  A.D.  310,  the 
younger  son  urged  his  brother  to  accept  the  imperial 
power  ; but  he  declined,  saying : “ How  can  I disobey 
the  commands  of  my  father?”  The  oldest  of  the 
three  brothers,  learning  of  the  controv'ersy,  under- 
took to  secure  the  authority  for  himself  by  a plot. 
The  conspiracy  was,  however,  soon  put  down  and 


FOUNDING  THE  EMPIRE. 


79 


the  elder  brother  slain.  The  friendly  dispute  be- 
tween the  two  other  brothers  lasted  three  years 
and  was  finally  ended  by  the  younger  committing 
suicide,  and  thus  devolving  the  imperial  office  on 
his  remaining  brother.  This  brother  was  the  noted 
Emperor  Nintoku.  He  began  his  reign  in  the  year 
A.D.  313,  and  died  A.D.  399  in  the  one  hundred  and 
tenth  year  of  his  age.  He  was  a most  careful  and 
considerate  ruler.  By  observing  his  subjects  he 
was  convinced  that  they  were  overburdened  and 
impoverished  with  the  taxes  which  the  government 
collected  from  them.  So  he  announced  by  an  im- 
perial decree  that  for  three  years  all  taxes  should 
be  remitted.  Even  the  sums  which  were  necessary 
to  keep  the  palace  in  repair  and  to  provide  his  court 
with  suitable  clothing  were  not  collected.  And  the 
palace  grew  shabby,  and  its  roof  leaked,  and  he  him- 
self went  about  in  coarse  and  cheap  garments.  And 
the  farmers  came  to  him  and  begged  that  they  might 
contribute  to  his  wants.  But  he  refused,  and  suf- 
fered three  years  to  pass.  In  the  meantime  the 
country  revived,  and  the  farmers  being  relieved  from 
the  burdens  which  they  had  so  long  borne  entered 
on  a long  period  of  encouraging  prosperity.  He 
surveyed  the  land  from  a high  outlook,  and  saw  the 
curling  smoke  and  the  fertile  fields  and  rejoiced. 
Then  he  gave  commands,  and  the  taxes  were  re- 
newed, and  the  people  paid  them  willingly,  and  they 
in  their  gratitude  called  Nintoku  the  Sage  Emperor. 

It  was  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Nintoku  that 
the  noted  prime-minister  Prince  Take-no-uchi  is  said 
to  have  died.  He  had  served  six  emperors,  viz.: 
Keiko,  Seimu,  Chuai,  Jingo-Kogo,  Ojin,  and  Nintoku. 


8o 


THE  STORY  OE  JaPAH. 


His  age'  is  given  variously  from  two  hundred  and 
eighty-two  to  three  hundred  and  eighty,  in  different 
books,  one  of  which  is  a Chinese  work  and  one  a 
Korean.  It  will  be  remembered  that  he  was  the 
chief  adviser  of  the  warlike  Empress  Jingo  in  her 
invasion  of  Korea,  and  took  an  active  part  in  the 
events  which  followed  that  expedition.  That  there 
was  such  a figure  in  Japanese  history  there  can  be 
little  doubt,  but  that  much  of  his  life  and  the  great 
age  to  which  he  lived  are  like  many  of  the  stories  of 
the  characters  in  the  midst  of  which  he  lived,  legend- 
ary and  mythical,  no  one  can  question. 

It  was  in  this  reign  also  that  we  have  it  stated 
that  historiographers  were  sent  out  to  the  provinces 
and  directed  to  make  record  of  all  important  events 
and  forward  them  to  the  court. 

We  have  now  reached  a point  in  Japanese  history 
where  the  accounts  compiled  by  the  historians  of  the 
times  have  written  records  on  which  to  rely.  The 
legendary  and  marvellous  stories  which  have  been 
the  bulk  of  the  preceding  history  may  now  be  re- 
placed by  the  soberer  narrations  which  writing  has 
preserved  for  us.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  lives"  of 
the  emperors  now  drop  from  the  astonishing  age 
which  in  previous  years  they  attained  to  a very 
moderate  and  reasonable  length.  In  the  subsequent 
chapters  will  be  found  the  sober  and  chastened 
story  to  which  Japanese  history  is  henceforth 
reduced. 

’ See  Kokushian,  compiled  under  the  Department  of  Education. 
Ad  Locum. 

’ See  Appendix  I. 


CHAPTER  V. 

NATIVE  CULTURE  AND  CONTINENTAL  INFLUENCES. 

Before  going  on  to  the  meagre  story  which  is 
supplied  to  us  by  the  early  years  of  Japanese  history, 
it  will  be  well  to  glean  from  the  myths  and  legends 
which  tradition  has  preserved  the  lessons  which  they 
contain.  Although  we  may  be  unable  to  concede 
the  truth  of  these  traditions  in  their  entirety,  and 
believe  in  the  celestial  origin  of  the  race  and  the 
wonders  of  the  divine  age,  we  may  be  able  to  obtain 
from  them  many  important  facts  regarding  the 
habits  and  manner  of  life  of  the  early  Japanese. 

We  have  often  referred  to  the  admirable  work 
Mr.  Chamberlain  has  done  in  his  translation  of  the 
Kojiki,  and  in  the  scholarly  notes  he  has  added. 
But  in  our  present  enquiries  we  must  give  him 
still  greater  credit  for  the  important  lessons  which 
he  has  drawn  from  the  myths  and  legends  of  the 
Kojiki \r\  his  learned  introduction.  No  writer  at  the 
present  day  can  afford  to  dispense  with  the  deduc- 
tions which  he  has  been  able  to  draw  from  the  oldest 
writings  of  the  Japanese,  and  from  the  traditions  of 
an  older  date  which  these  writings  have  preserved. 

6 8i 


82 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Relying  therefore  chiefly  on  this  learned  intoduc- 
tion/  we  propose  to  enumerate  in  a summary  manner 
the  particulars  concerning  the  early  Japanese  life. 

In  the  first  place  the  government  of  the  early 
Japanese  was  of  the  tribal  order.  The  emperor  was 
the  chieftain  of  an  expedition  which  came  from  the 
island  of  Kyushu  and  established  a government  by 
conquest.  The  chiefs  of  the  various  localities  were 
reduced  to  subjection  and  became  tributary  to  the 
emperor,  or  were  replaced  by  new  chiefs  appointed 
by  the  emperor.  The  government  was  therefore 
essentially  feudal  in  its  characteristics.  The  em- 
peror depended  for  the  consideration  of  his  plans 
and  for  their  e.xecution  upon  officers  who  were  at- 
tached to  his  court.  There  were  guilds  composed 
of  those  who  manufactured  various  articles,  or  who 
were  employed  to  execute  special  plans.  Thus  we 
have  guilds  of  clay  image  makers,  guilds  of  ladies 
attendant  on  the  emperor,  guilds  of  butlers,  guilds 
of  cooks,  guilds  of  guards,  etc.  To  each  of  these 
there  was  a captain  who  became  by  appointment 
hereditary  chief.  We  have  no  mention  of  money  for 
the  payment  of  services  rendered.  The  taxes  were 
probably  paid  in  kind.  And  all  transactions  as  far 
as  they  are  mentioned  at  all  seem  to  have  been  of 
the  nature  of  barter. 

The  religious  notions  of  the  prehistoric  Japanese 
were  founded  on  the  myths  relating  to  their  ances- 
tor. Notwithstanding  the  vast  number  of  deities 
who  came  into  e.xistence  according  to  tradition, 
most  of  them  vanish  as  soon  as  they  are  named  and 

' Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  x..  Supplement. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


83 


are  no  more  heard  of.  Even  deities  like  Izanagi  and 
Izanami,  who  are  represented  as  taking  so  important 
a part  in  events,  are  not  perpetuated  as  objects  of 
worship  in  Japanese  history,  and  have  no  temples 
erected  to  their  memory  and  no  service  prescribed 
or  maintained  in  their  honor.  The  most  important 
deity  in  the  Pantheon  of  the  Japanese  was  Amate- 
rasu-o-mi-kami,  who  is  also  called  in  Chinese  charac- 
ters Tensho  Daijin  or  the  Sun  Goddess.  She  appears 
not  only  in  the  myths  concerning  the  origin  of  the 
Japanese  race,  but  as  the  grandmother  of  the  divine 
prince  Hiko-ho-no-ni-nigi,  who  first  came  down  to 
rule  the  Japanese  empire.  In  the  Shinto  temples  at 
Is6  the  principal  deity  worshipped  at  Geku  is  Uke- 
moche-no-Kami,  and  the  secondary  deities  Ninigi- 
no-Mikoto,  who  came  down  to  found  the  Japanese 
empire  and  was  the  grandmother  of  the  Emperor 
Jimmu,  and  two  others.  At  the  Naiku  the  principal 
deity  is  Amaterasu-o-mi-kami  (from  heaven  shining 
great  deity),  also  called  the  Sun  Goddess,  and  two 
secondary  deities.  The  temples  at  Ise,  especially 
those  that  are  dedicated  to  the  Sun  Goddess,  are  the 
most  highly  regarded  of  any  in  Japan.  Other 
temples  of  considerable  popularity  are  situated  in 
other  parts  of  the  empire.  Thus  there  are  Shinto 
temples  in  Kyushu  and  in  Izumo,  which  are  old 
parts  of  Japan  settled  long  before  Buddhism  was 
introduced. 

The  Shinto  religion  must  be  regarded  as  the  prim- 
itive religion  of  the  Japanese  people.  It  prevailed 
among  them  long  before  Buddhism  was  propagated 
by  priests  from  Korea,  It  differs  from  all  known 


84 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


systems  of  religion,  in  having  no  body  of  dogma  by 
which  its  adherents  are  held  together.  The  greatest 
advocate  of  Shintoism,  Moto-ori,  a writer  of  the  i8th 
century,  admits  that  it  has  no  moral  code.  He  as- 
serts that  “ morals  ' were  invented  by  the  Chinese 
because  they  were  an  immoral  people,  but  in  Japan 
there  was  no  necessity  for  any  system  of  morals,  as 
every  Japanese  acted  rightly  if  he  only  consulted  his 
own  heart.” 

Reference  is  frequently  made  in  the  early  stories 
to  divination,  or  the  process  of  obtaining  the  will  of 
the  gods  by  indirection.  The  oldest  method  of  divi- 
nation was  by  using  the  shoulder-blade  of  a deer.  It 
was  scraped  entirely  free  from  flesh,  and  then  placed 
over  a fire  made  from  cherry  wood.  The  divine  will 
was  determined  by  the  cracks  caused  by  the  fire  in 
the  bone.  A later  method  of  divination  was  by 
using  the  shell  of  a tortoise  in  the  same  way  as  the 
shoulder-blade  of  the  deer  was  used.  They  had 
superstitions  about  fighting  with  the  back  to  the 
sun  ; about  using  only  one  light  in  the  house  at  once  ; 
about  breaking  off  the  teeth  of  a comb  in  the  night- 
time; about  the  destination  of  the  first  arrow  shot  in 
battle,  etc. 

The  superstition  of  impurity  being  attached  to  the 
mother  at  the  birth  of  a child,  and  to  the  house  and 
those  associated  with  it  in  which  a death  occurred,  is 
often  mentioned.  A mother,  when  about  to  be  de- 
livered, was  required  to  retire  alone  into  a separate 
dwelling  or  hut  without  windows.  This  cruel  cus- 

' E.  M.  Satow,  Transactions  of  the  Astatic  Society  of  Japan, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  135. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


85 


tom  has  prevailed  in  the  island  of  Hachijo  ‘ down 
almost  to  the  present  time.  A custom  prevailed, 
also,  of  abandoning  the  dwelling  in  which  a death 
had  occurred.  The  dead  body  was  removed  to  a 
mourning  hut,  w'here  amid  sobs  and  weeping  the 
mourners  continued  to  hold  a carousal,  feasting  upon 
the  food  provided  for  the  dead.  This  abandonment 
of  the  house  occupied  by  the  living  may  explain  the 
cu.stom,  so  often  referred  to,  of  each  new  emperor 
occupying  a different  palace  from  that  of  his  prede- 
cessor. We  have  already  referred  to  the  dreadful 
custom  which  prevailed  until  the  reign  of  the  Em- 
peror Suinin,  of  burying  living  retainers  around  the 
sepulchre  of  their  dead  master.  The  custom  was 
replaced  by  burying  clay  images  of  servants  and 
animals  around  the  tomb,  and  this  continued  till 
about  A.D.  700. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  children  received  any 
kind  of  education  other  than  a training  in  the  use  of 
arms  and  implements.  The  art  of  writing  was 
brought  over  from  Korea  in  A.D.  284.  Up  to  this 
time  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  the  Japanese  pos- 
sessed any  means  of  recording  the  events  which  oc- 
curred. No  books  existed,  and  reading  and  writing 
were  unknown.  The  language  spoken  by  the  people 
was  an  ancient  form  of  that  which  now  prevails.  The 
earliest  examples  of  this  language  are  found  in  the 
songs  preserved  in  the  Kojiki  and  Nihongi.  As  in 
every  language,  the  earliest  preserved  specimens  are 
poetry,  so  in  Japanese  the  fragments  which  have 

' E.  M.  Satow,  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  fapan. 
vol.  vi.,  p.  435. 


86 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


been  remembered  and  brought  down  to  us,  are 
scraps  of  songs.  The  origin  of  this  language  is,  like 
the  origin  of  the  race,  impossible  at  present  to  verify. 
It  seems  plain  that  the  race  came  from  the  continent 
by  way  of  Korea.  If  this  is  to  be  taken  as  the  origin 
of  the  race,  then  the  language  which  developed  into 
the  Japanese  came  from  the  northern  tribes  of  China 
and  of  Siberia. 

There  is  no  indication  of  the  method  by  which  the 
early  Japanese  reckoned  time.  The  sun  in  the  day- 
time and  the  cocks  by  night,  must  have  given  them 
their  division  of  hours.  The  year  made  itself  ap- 
parent by  the  changes  of  temperature.  It  was  not, 
however,  till  the  introduction  of  calendars  from 
China  that  anything  like  an  accurate  system  of  esti- 
mating and  recording  time  was  introduced. 

The  food  of  the  primitive  Japanese  was  much 
more  largely  animal  than  it  became  in  later  times. 
To  the  early  Japanese  there  was  no  restriction  in  the 
use  of  animal  food,  such  as  the  Buddhists  introduced. 
Fish  and  shell-fish  have  always  been,  and  doubtless 
from  the  first  were,  principal  articles  of  food.  The 
five  grains,  so  called,  are  often  referred  to,  and  are 
specially  mentioned  in  the  Shinto  rituals,  whose  ori- 
gin goes  back  to  prehistoric  times.  These  grains' 
are  rice,  millet,  barley,  and  two  kinds  of  beans.  Silk- 
worms and  their  food  plant,  the  mulberry,  are  like- 
wise spoken  of.  The  only  kind  of  drink  referrrd  to 
is  sake.  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  myth 
concerning  the  Impetuous  Male  Deity  in  Izumo, 

' Satow,  “ Ancient  Japanese  Rituals,”  Asiatic  Society  Transactions, 
vol.  vii.,  p.  423. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


87 


the  old  man  and  old  woman  were  directed  to  pre- 
pare eight  tubs  of  sakd,  by  drinking  which  the  eight- 
headed serpent  was  intoxicated.  In  the  traditional 
history  of  the  emperors,  they  are  represented  as 
drinking  sake,  sometimes  even  to  intoxication.  And 
in  the  rituals  recited  when  offerings  are  made  to  their 
deities,  the  jars  of  sake  are  enumerated  among  the 
things  offered.  The  Japanese  writers  claim  ihd^tsake 
was  a native  discovery,  but  there  is  a well  supported 
belief  that  in  very  early  times  they  borrowed  the  art 
of  manufacturing  it  from  the  Chinese.  There  is  at 
least  a difficulty  in  believing  that  this  liquor  should 
have  been  invented  independently  in  the  two  coun- 
tries. Chopsticks  are  mentioned  in  early  Japanese 
times,  and  clay  vessels  for  food,  and  cups  for  drink- 
ing made  of  oak  leaves.  On  the  whole,  the  conclu- 
sions to  be  drawn  from  the  earliest  traditions  con- 
cerning the  Japanese  lead  us  to  regard  them  as  hav- 
ing attained  a material  degree  of  civilization  in  all 
matters  pertaining  to  food  and  drink.  Yet  it  cannot 
be  regarded  as  other  than  strange  that  milk,  cheese 
and  butter  are  nowhere  mentioned,  and  had  never 
been  used. 

In  the  matter  of  clothing  we  have  little  except 
hints  to  guide  us  in  forming  inferences.  The  rituals 
enumerate'  “bright  cloth,  soft  cloth,  and  coarse 
cloth.”  Mr.  Satow  remarks’  on  this  enumeration 
that  “ in  the  earliest  ages  the  materials  used  were 
the  bark  of  the  paper-mulberry  {bronssonetia  papy- 
rifera),  wistaria  tendrils  and  hemp,  but  when  the 

' E.  M.  Satow,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vii.,  p.  log. 

* Ditto,  p.  1 19. 


88 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


silkworm  was  introduced  the  finer  fabric  naturally 
took  the  place  of  the  humbler  in  the  offerings  to  the 
gods.”  The  paper-mulberry  which  is  now  used  for 
making  paper,  was  in  early  times  twisted  into  a 
thread  and  woven  into  a very  serviceable  cloth. 
Cotton  ‘ which  now  furnishes  so  large  a part  of  the 
clothing  of  the  people  is  nowhere  mentioned.  The 
skins  of  animals  were  doubtless  used  as  clothing  be- 
fore the  introduction  of  Buddhism  made  the  killing 
of  animals  uncommon.  In  the  legend  of  the  purifi- 
cation of  Izanagi’'  we  read  of  a girdle,  of  a skirt,  of 
an  upper  garment,  of  trousers,  and  of  a hat.  What 
the  shapes  of  these  garments  were  we  cannot  tell, 
but  the  number  of  different  garments  indicates  a con- 
siderable development  in  the  ideas  of  clothing.  In 
the  same  myth,  and  in  many  other  places,  mention 
is  made  of  the  bracelets  which  Izanagi  wore  on  the 
left  and  right  arm.  And  when  he  wished  to  show 
his  pleasure  in  the  daughter  w'ho  had  been  produced 
in  washing  his  left  eye,  he  invested  her  with  his  neck- 
lace taken  from  his  own  neck.  Jewelry  seems  in 
these  prehistoric  times  to  have  been  more  common- 
ly Avorn  than  in  modern  historical  times.  The 
jewels’  used  were  the  inagatama  and  kiidataina 
which  have  been  found  in  the  ancient  burial  places. 

' Cotton  is  said  to  have  been  brought  to  Japan  from  India  in  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Kwammu,  a.d.  8oo.  T.B.  Poate,  Transactions 
of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  iv.,  p.  146. 

Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  x..  Supple- 
ment, pp.  39  and  40. 

’ Henry  von  .Siebold,  Japanese  Archaeology,  Yokohama,  1879, 
p.  16.  The  diagram  in  the  text  is  from  this  work  on  .'trchasology, 
and  shows  the  variety  of  jewels  in  use  in  prehistoric  times. 


MAGATAMA  AND  KUDATAMA. 


go  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

Rings  have  also  been  found  which  are  believed  to 
date  back  to  prehistoric  times.  From  the  clay 
images  which  have  come  down  to  us  it  is  now  as- 
certained that  the  rings  were  worn  as  ornaments  to 
the  ears  and  never  as  rings  to  the  fingers.  These 
rings  are  of  copper  or  bronze,  plated  with  gold  or 
silver.  Combs  and  mirrors  are  spoken  of,-  but  how 
the  metal  mirrors  are  made  we  do  not  know. 

The  only  indications  of  the  character  of  the 
houses’  used  by  the  early  Japanese  are  found  in  the 
traditions  respecting  the  primitive  Shinto  temples. 
The  early  methods  of  building  were  perpetuated  in 
these  temples,  and  in  the  eighteenth  century  a very 
persistent  effort  was  made  for  the  revival  of  pure 
Shinto.  Under  the  influence  of  this  movement 
the  temples  at  Ise  and  elsewhere  were  purified 
from  the  contaminations  which  had  been  introduced 
by  Buddhism.  After  the  close  of  the  war  which 
resulted  in  the  restoration  of  the  emperor  to  his 
proper  authority  in  1868  a small  temple  in  the  most 
severe  Shinto  style  was  built  at  Kudan,  one  of  the 
picturesque  heights  of  Yedo,  in  memory  of  the  sol- 
diers who  perished  in  the  conflict.  From  a careful 
examination  of  all  that  can  illustrate  the  houses 
of  the  early  Japanese,  we  infer  that  they  were  of 
extreme  simplicity.  Stone  was  never  used.  The 
structures  were  entirely  of  wood.  Even  the  palaces 
of  the  emperors  were  what  we  would  call  merely 
huts.  Four  upright  posts  sunk  in  the  ground  formed 
the  corners.  At  the  half-way  intervals  between 
these  posts,  were  planted  four  other  posts  ; those  at 

’ For  the  so  called  cave  dwellings  see  p.  68. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


91 


the  gable  , ends  were  high  enough  to  sustain  the 
ridge  pole.  On  the  other  sides  on  the  top  of  the 
posts  were  laid  two  plates.  Abutting  on  these  plates 
and  crossing  each  other  at  the  ridge  pole  stood  the 
rafters,  which  sustained  the  thatched  roof.  In  the 
absence  of  nails  and  pins,  the  timbers  were  fastened 
together  by  the  tough  tendrils  of  climbing  plants. 
A hole  in  the  gable  end  permitted  the  escape  of  the 
smoke  from  the  fire  built  on  the  ground  floor. 
Around  the  sides  of  the  interior  stood  a raised  couch 
on  which  the  occupants  sat  by  day  and  slept  at 
night.  The  other  parts  of  the  floor  were  uncovered 
and  consisted  only  of  earth.  They  used  mats  made 
from  the  skins  of  animals  or  from  rushes,  on  which 
they  sat  and  slept.  The  doors  of  their  dwellings 
were  fastened  by  means  of  iron  hooks,  and  swung 
on  hinges  unlike  the  modern  Japanese  door  which 
always  is  made  to  slide. 

The  agricultural  plants  spoken  of  are  numerous 
but  leave  unmentioned  many  of  the  plants  of  first 
importance.  Tea,  now  so  extensively  cultivated,  is 
nowhere  spoken  of.  Tobacco  was  a late  importation 
and  came  in  with  the  Portuguese  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  Cotton  was  not  introduced,  as  we  have  al- 
ready said,  until  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century. 
Potatoes,  including  both  the  sweet  potato  and  the 
white  potato,  are  unmentioned.  The  orange  came 
to  Japan  according  to  the  received  tradition  at  the 
close  of  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Suinin  (a.D. 
29-70). 

Very  little  is  said  of  the  implements  used  by  the 
primitive  Japanese.  Metal  of  any  kind  was  almost 


92 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


unknown.  We  read  of  swords  and  fish-hooks,  but 
these  are  the  only  implements  referred  to  which 
seem  to  have  been  made  of  metal.  Pots  and  cups  of 
earthenware  were  used.  The  axes  which  they  must 
have  used  to  cut  down  the  trees  for  building  and 
for  fuel  must  have  been  of  stone,  or  sometimes  of 
deer’s  horn.  Archaeologists  both  native  and  foreign 
have  brought  to  light  many  ancient  implements  of 
the  Stone  age.  An  interesting  and  detailed  account 
of  these  discoveries  will  be  found  in  the  work  on 
Japanese  Arehceology  by  Henry  Von  Siebold,  Yoko- 
homa,  1879. 

The  arms  used  by  the  warriors  were  spears,  bows 
and  arrows,  and  swords.  Numerous  arrow  heads 
have  been  found  which  bear  a striking  likeness  to 
those  found  in  Europe  and  America.  Spear  heads 
of  flint  have  also  been  found.  That  the  people  were 
emerging  from  the  Stone  age  is  shown  by  the  swords 
made  of  metal  which  they  are  represented  as  habit- 
ually using.  They  also  seem  to  have  had  a small 
sword  or  dagger,  as  in  the  myth  of  the  traitorous 
plot  entered  into  by  the  empress  and  her  brother 
against  the  Emperor  Suinin.  Castles  in  the  modern 
sense  are  not  referred  to,  although  the  .same  word 
shiro  is  used  to  represent  the  stockades  with  which 
they  protected  themselves.  The  castles  of  modern 
times,  such  as  those  at  Kumamoto,  Owari,  and  Yedo, 
are  without  doubt  the  outgrowth  of  the  primitive 
stockade,  and  the  same  name  has  continued  to  be 
applied  in  all  the  successive  changes. 

Few  domestic  animals  are  mentioned.  The  horse 
is  spoken  of  as  an  animal  for  riding,  but  not  for 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


93 


driving.  The  same  thing  may  be  said  of  the  use  of 
horses  in  Japan  even  until  modern  times.  The  do- 
mestic fowl  is  referred  to  in  the  myth  of  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  Sun  Goddess.  Dogs  are  mentioned 
in  the  later  parts  of  the  traditional  period,  but  not 
cats.  The  cow  and  the  products  of  the  cow  are  not 
referred  to.  To  these  domestic  animals  may  be 
added  the  cormorant,'  which  was  used  for  fishing,  in 
the  same  way  that  it  is  used  in  the  eastern  parts  of 
China  and  to  a small  extent  in  the  waters  of  Owari 
and  Mino  at  the  present  time.  The  wild  animals  of 
that  day  were  the  deer,  the  bear,  the  boar,  the  hare, 
etc.  These  animals  were  hunted  for  their  flesh  and 
for  their  skins. 

The  islands  of  Japan  being  largely  interspersed 
with  water  much  of  the  travel  even  from  the  earliest 
time  was  performed  in  boats.  The  expedition  of 
Jimmu  from  the  island  of  Kyushu  was  in  part  con- 
ducted in  the  boats  which  the  colony  had  constructed 
for  the  purpose.  Whether  these  boats  were  of  the 
form  now  used  in  Japan  it  is  impossible  to  determine. 
It  is  probable  however  that  the  present  form  of  boat 
is  an  evolution  of  the  primitive  boat,  which  was  used 
by  the  prehistoric  Japanese  and  which  was  a part  of 
the  equipment  with  which  their  ancestors  came  over 
from  Korea  to  the  islands  of  Japan.  Travel  on  land 
was  principally  on  foot,  although  as  we  have  said  the 
horse  was  used  at  this  early  day  for  riding.  No 
wheeled  vehicle  is  mentioned.  The  bullock  cart  used 
in  later  times  was  restricted  to  the  use  of  the  imperial 
household,  and  probably  was  introduced  by  the 

' Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  v.,  p.  no. 


94 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Buddhists.  There  were  government  roads  constructed 
from  the  home  provinces  in  different  directions  to 
those  more  distant.  It  is  said  that  this  scheme 
was  more  fully  carried  out  after  the  return  of  the 
Empress  Jingo  from  her  conquest  of  Korea. 

Let  us  now  turn  from  these  evidences  of  native 
culture  to  the  events  of  Japanese  history  which  have 
to  do  with  the  introduction  of  the  civilization  from 
the  continent.  For  three  thousand  years  before  the 
Christian  era  China  has  been  looked  upon  as  one  of 
the  cultured  nations  of  the  earth.  No  written  lan- 
guage has  ever  been  or  is  now  understood  b}"  so  many 
people  as  the  Chinese.  The  Chinese  were  a civilized 
people  centuries  before  the  Japanese  had,  even  ac- 
cording to  their  own  uncertain  legends,  emerged  into 
the  light  as  an  empire.  If  we  accept  the  opinion 
which  seems  most  reasonable,  that  the  Japanese  came 
over  to  the  Japanese  islands  from  the  continent  by 
way  of  Korea,  and  belong  to  the  Mongol  tribes  of 
central  Asia,  then  we  must  assume  that  the  Japanese 
were  closely  related  to  a large  section  of  the  Chinese. 
They  have  been  from  the  beginning  of  their  history 
a receptive  people.  They  have  stood  ready  to  wel- 
come the  good  things  which  were  offered  to  them, 
coming  from  whatever  direction.  They  accepted 
eagerly  the  Chinese  written  language  and  the  philos- 
ophy with  which  it  came  charged.  They  accepted 
Buddhism  with  its  priesthood  and  dogma  and  ritual, 
and  permitted  it  to  crowd  their  native  religion  until 
it  became  a pitiful  minority.  They  have  in  recent 
times  accepted  with  a hearty  impetuosity  the  civili- 
zation of  western  nations,  and  are  absorbing  it  as 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


95 


rapidly  as  the  habits  and  thoughts  of  a people  can 
take  in  so  important  a change. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  first  introduction' 
of  Chinese  literature  into  Japan.  It  took  place  in 
the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Ojin  A.D.  284.  The  ambas- 
sador who  brought  the  tribute  from  Korea  that  year 
was  Ajiki  who  was  familiar  with  the  Chinese  litera- 
ture. He  gave  lessons  in  Chinese  to  the  crown 
prince.  The  next  year  the  king  of  Korea  sent  out 
an  eminent  scholar  named  Wani,’  who  continued  to 
give  instruction  to  the  crown  prince.  From  this  time 
a knowledge  of  Chinese  gradually  spread  and  scholars 
were  attached  to  the  government  to  make  a written 
record  of  the  events  which  took  place.  Historiog- 
raphers were  sent  out  during  the  reign  of  the 
Emperor  Hanzei,  A.D.  404,  who  were  directed  to  make 
a record  of  all  important  events  and  forward  them  to 
the  court.  These  steps  soon  began  to  show  them- 
selves in  the  absence  of  the  wonderful  and  legendary 
from  the  narrative  of  events.  Beginning  with  the 
reign  of  the  Emperor  Richu  the  ages  of  the  em- 
perors which  before  his  time  had  been  of  such  a 
marvellous  length  now  drop  to  a reasonable  and 
moderate  period. 

The  nineteenth  emperor  was  Inkyo,  the  fourth 
son  of  the  Emperor  Nintoku.  He  was  of  an  amiable 

' See  p.  32. 

* In  the  Kojiki  it  is  said  that  the  king  of  Kudara  sent  with  Wani 
the  Confucian  Analecls  in  ten  volumes  and  the  Thousand  Character 
Essay  in  one  volume.  It  conflicts  seriously  with  the  chronology  of 
this  period  to  learn,  as  both  Mr.  Satow  and  Mr.  Chamberlain  have 
pointed  out,  that  the  Thousand  Character  Essay  was  not  written 
until  two  centuries  after  the  date  assigned  to  the  advent  of  Wani. 


96 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


and  philanthropic  temperament,  and  accepted  the 
position  of  emperor  with  great  reluctance.  His 
health  was  delicate,  and  he  feared  to  take  upon  him- 
self such  a responsibility.  In  the  meantime  there 
was  an  interregnum,  and  the  court  officials  were 
anxious  to  have  him  enter  upon  the  duties  of  em- 
peror. At  last  he  consented  and  became  emperor 
A.D.  412.  It  was  during  his  reign  that  confusion 
arose  concerning  the  family  names,  or  rather,  that 
the  confusion  which  had  been  long  growing  now  had 
its  settlement.  Family  names  had  been  a matter  of 
growth,  and  many  persons  claimed  the  right  to  use 
a certain  name  who  were  in  no  wise  entitled  to  it. 
The  emperor  took  a singular  and  effectual  method 
to  settle  the  troublesome  and  personal  questions 
that  arose.  He  summoned  all  those  who  claimed  to 
belong  to  any  family  whose  claim  was  disputed  to 
appear  at  Amakashi  and  show  that  they  were  en- 
titled to  the  names  they  claimed.  He  placed  jars  of 
boiling  water  and  required  each  one  to  plunge  his 
hand  in  the  water.  He  who  was  injured  by  the  hot 
water  was  pronounced  a deceiver,  and  he  who  came 
off  unhurt  was  pronounced  as  entitled  to  the  name. 
The  emperor  took  occasion  to  settle  the  questions 
concerning  names,  and  put  the  matter  on  a more 
stable  basis.  And  as  the  art  of  writing  now  began 
to  be  more  common  among  the  people  mistakes  in 
regard  to  names  did  not  again  .seriously  recur. 

The  emperor’s  ill-health  was  the  occasion  for  the 
introduction  of  another  of  the  civilizing  arts  of  the 
continent.  When  the  annual  tribute  from  Korea 
was  sent  it  so  chanced  that  the  ambassador  who 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


97 


came  with  it  was  a person  versed  in  the  medical  art. 
If  we  estimate  this  man’s  science  or  skill  by  that  of 
the  Chinese  practitioner  of  a later  day,  we  should 
certainly  not  place  a very  high  value  on  it.  It  is 
narrated,  however,  that  he  cured  the  imperial  inva- 
lid, and  by  this  means  gained  great  credit  for  his 
profession,  and  added  another  to  the  obligations 
which  Japan  owed  to  the  continent. 

After  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Inkyo  there  was 
a quarrel  about  the  succession  between  his  two  sons. 
Prince  Kinashi-no-Karu  and  Prince  Anaho-no-()ji. 
The  courtiers  all  favored  the  latter,  who  was  the 
younger  brother,  and  he  surrounded  his  elder 
brother  in  the  house  of  Monobe-no-Omai.  Seeing 
no  way  of  escape  he  committed  suicide.'  The 
younger  brother  then  became  the  twentieth  em- 
peror, who  is  known  under  the  canonical  name  of 
Anko.  He  had  another  difficulty  growing  out  of 
social  complications.  He  wanted  to  make  the 
younger  sister  of  Okusaka-no-()ji,  who  was  the 
brother  of  the  preceding  Emperor  Inky5,  the  wife 
of  Ohatsuse-no-Oji,  his  own  younger  brother,  who 
afterwards  became  the  Emperor  Yuriyaku.  He  sent 
as  a messenger  the  court  official,  Ne-no-Omi,  to  ask 
the  consent  of  her  elder  brother,  who  gladly  gave  it, 
and  as  a token  of  his  gratitude  for  this  high  honor 
he  sent  a rich  necklace.  Ne-no-Omi,  overcome  with 
covetousness,  kept  the  necklace  for  himself,  and  re- 
ported to  the  emperor  that  Okusaka-no-Oji  refused 
his  consent.  The  emperor  was  very  angry,  and  sent 

' The  Kojiki's  statement  is  that  the  elder  brother  was  banished  to 
lyo. 


98 


■THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


a detachment  of  troops  against  the  supposed  offen- 
der. They  surrounded  the  house  and  put  him  to 
death.  His  chief  attendants,  knowing  his  innocence, 
committed  suicide  by  the  side  of  their  dead  master. 
The  emperor  then  completed  his  design  of  taking 
the  sister  of  Okusaka-no-Oji  as  the  wife  of  the  Prince 
Ohatsuse-no-Oji,  and  he  also  took  his  widow  and 
promoted  her  to  be  his  empress. 

Out  of  these  circumstances  arose  serious  troubles. 
His  new  empress  had  a young  son  by  her  first  hus- 
band named  Mayuwa-no-0,  said  to  have  been  only 
seven  years  old.  With  his  mother  he  was  an  inmate 
of  the  palace,  and  was  probably  a spoiled  and  way- 
ward boy.  The  emperor  was  afraid  lest  this  boy, 
when  he  came  to  understand  who  had  been  the 
cause  of  the  death  of  his  father,  would  undertake  to 
revenge  himself.  He  talked  with  the  empress  about 
his  fears  and  e.xplained  his  apprehensions.  The  boy 
accidentally  heard  the  conversation,  and  was  proba- 
bly stimulated  thereby  to  do  the  very  thing  which 
the  emperor  feared.  Creeping  stealthily  into  the 
room  where  the  emperor  lay  asleep  he  stabbed  him 
and  then  fled,  taking  refuge  in  the  house  of  the 
Grandee  Tsubura.  The  emperor  was  fift)'-six  years 
of  age  at  the  time  of  his  death.  This  tragical  event 
produced  a great  excitement.  The  younger  brother 
of  the  emperor,  Ohatsuse,  amazed  and  angry  be- 
cause his  two  older  brothers  were  not,  as  he  thought, 
sufficiently  enraged  by  the  murder  of  the  emperor, 
killed  them  both.  Then  he  attacked  the  Grandee 
Tsubura  and  the  boy  Mayuwa  in  their  refuge.  See- 
ing no  way  of  escape  Tsubura,  at  the  request  of  the 
boy,  first  slew  him  and  then  killed  himself. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


99 


Subsequently  Ohatsuse,  who  seemed  to  have  been 
of  a violent  disposition,  murdered  Ichinobe-no- 
Oshiha,  son  of  the  seventeenth  emperor,  Richu.  His 
two  sons,  then  merely  boys,  Oke  and  Woke  (literally 
big  basket  and  little  basket),  hearing  of  this  catastro- 
phe escaped  into  the  province  of  Harima  where  they 
worked  as  cow-herds.  Ohatsuse  was  crowned  as  the 
twenty-first  emperor  and  is  known  by  the  canonical 
name  of  Yuriyaku  Tenno. 

In  the  year  A.D.  470  an  ambassador  came  from  Go 
in  China  and  by  order  of  theemperor  was  entertained 
by  the  Grandee  Ne-no-Omi.  A court  official,  Toneri, 
was  directed  to  see  that  this  duty  was  suitably  per- 
formed. Now  Ne-no-Omi,  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  the  grandee  who,  on  a former  occasion,  was  sent 
by  the  Emperor  Anko  to  solicit  the  hand  of  the 
Princess  Hatahi-no-Oji  for  the  present  emperor,  who 
was  then  the  crown  prince.  In  order  to  entertain 
the  Chinese  ambassador  with  becoming  magnificence, 
Ne-no-Omi  robed  himself  in  a gorgeous  manner  and 
among  other  things  put  on  the  rich  necklace  which 
he  had  stolen.  Toneri  reported  to  the  emperor  the 
superb  entertainment  which  Ne-no-Omi  had  accorded 
to  the  Chinese  ambassador,  and  especially  the  neck- 
lace which  he  wore.  The  emperor  innocently  asked 
that  Ne-no-Omi  should  appear  before  him  in  order 
that  he  might  see  his  superb  dress.  The  empress, 
who  was  with  her  husband  when  Ne-no-Omi  came  in, 
recognized  the  necklace  which  had  been  sent  by  her 
brother  to  the  late  emperor.  The  theft  was  charged 
and  Ne-no-Omi  compelled  to  confess.  The  emperor 
proclaimed  the  innocence  of  Okusaka-no-Oji  and  his 
great  regret  at  the  mistaken  punishments. 


lOO 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


There  are  many  traditions  current  in  Japanese  early 
history  concerning  this  emperor.  In  one  he  is  rep- 
resented in  his  imperial  journeys  to  hav^e  seen  a house 
belonging  to  Lord  Shiki  built  with  a raised  roof  like 
that  of  the  imperial  palace.  He  was  greatly  enraged 
that  any  subject  should  dare  to  take  such  a liberty, 
and  sent  his  attendants  to  burn  the  house  down.  The 
poor  frightened  lord  hastened  to  the  emperor  and 
humbly  apologized  for  his  stupidity.  And  he  pre- 
sented to  the  emperor  in  token  of  his  humble  sub- 
mission a white  dog  clothed  with  cloth  and  led  by  a 
string.  So  he  was  forgiven  and  his  house  was  spared. 

In  another  legend  he  is  said  to  have  come  upon  a 
beautiful  girl  by  the  river  side  washing  clothes.  He 
stopped  and  conferred  with  her,  and  said  to  her, 
“ Do  not  thou  marry  a husband,  I will  send  for  thee.” 
With  this  he  returned  to  the  palace  and  forgot  about 
his  promise.  But  the  poor  girl  did  not  forget.  Year 
after  year  passed,  till  at  last  after  eighty  years  of 
waiting  she  was  a very  old  woman.  Then  she 
thought,  “ My  face  and  form  are  lean  and  withered, 
there  is  no  longer  any  hope.  Nevertheless,  if  I do  not 
show  the  Heavenly  Sovereign  how  truly  I have 
waited,  my  disappointment  will  be  unbearable.”  And 
so  with  such  gifts  as  she  could  afford  she  presented 
herself  before  the  emperor.  He  wondering  at  her  and 
her  gifts  asked  her,  “ What  old  woman  art  thou,  and 
why  art  thou  come  hither?  ” She  replied,  “ Having 
in  such  and  such  a month  and  such  and  such  a year 
received  the  Heavenly  Sovereign’s  commands,  I have 
been  reverently  awaiting  the  great  command  until 
this  day,  and  eighty  years  have  passed  by.  Now,  my 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


lOI 


appearance  is  decrepit  and  there  is  no  longer  any 
hope.  Nevertheless,  I have  come  forth  in  order  to 
show  and  declare  my  faithfulness.”  Thereupon  the 
Heavenly  Sovereign,  greatly  agitated,  exclaimed,  “ I 
had  quite  forgotten  my  command  ; and  thou  mean- 
while, ever  faithfully  awaiting  my  commands,  hast 
vainly  let  pass  by  the  years  of  thy  prime.  It  is  too 
pitiful.”  He  sent  her  back  to  her  home  with  such 
consolation  as  rich  gifts  could  impart. 

We  give  one  more  of  the  legends  which  cling  to 
the  name  of  this  emperor. 

He  was  making  an  imperial  progress  to  the  moor 
of  Akizu  for  the  purpose  of  hunting.  And  as  he 
sat  down  to  rest  a hor.se-fly  bit  his  august  arm.  But 
immediately  a dragon-fly  came  and  seized  the  horse- 
fly and  flew  away.  Thereupon  he  composed  an 
august  song  as  follows : 

Who  is  it  tells  in  the  great  presence  that 
game  is  lying  on  the  peak  of  Womuro,  at 
Mi-Yeshinu  ? Our  Great  Lord  who  tran- 
quilly carries  on  the  government,  being 
seated  on  the  throne  to  await  the  game,  a 
horse-fly  alights  on  and  stings  the  fleshy 
part  of  his  arm  fully  clad  in  a sleeve  of 
white  stuff,  and  a dragon-fly  quickly  eats 
up  the  horse-fly.  That  it  might  properly 
bear  its  name,  the  land  of  Yamato  was 
called  the  Island  of  the  Dragon-Fly.' 

After  a long  reign  Yuriyaku  is  said  in  Kojikito  have 
died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-four. 

' The  name,  “ Island  of  the  Dragon-Fly  ” had  already  been  given 
to  the  Main  island  by  Jinimu  Tenno. 


102 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  son  of  the  Emperor  Yuriyaku,  Prince  Shiraka, 
succeeded  him.  He  is  known  in  history  as  the 
Emperor  Seinei.  He  lived  only  five  years  after  his 
accession  and  left  no  descendant  to  fill  the  throne. 
Search  was  accordingly  made  for  some  one  of  im- 
perial blood  who  might  become  emperor.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  the  Emperor  Yuriyaku,  before  his 
accession,  had  murdered  Prince  Ichinobe-no-Oshiwa, 
son  of  the  eighteenth  emperor,  and  that  his  two 
sons,  then  young  boys.  Princes  Oke  and  Woke,  made 
their  escape  into  the  province  of  Harima.  A new 
governor  of  this  province  had  just  arrived  and  was 
in  attendance  at  the  festivities  in  honor  of  the  open- 
ing of  a new  cave ' by  a citizen  of  the  place.  As 
usual  there  was  feasting,  and  drinking,  and  dancing. 
The  two  young  men  Oke  and  Woke,  who  occupied 
menial  positions  in  this  household,  were  called  upon 
to  dance.  After  some  hesitation  they  each  in  suc- 
cession danced  and  sang  some  of  the  songs  which 
they  had  learned  in  their  boyhood.’  The  new  gov- 
ernor recognized  these  songs  to  be  such  as  were 
taught  at  the  court,  and  on  enquiring  found  the 
young  men  to  be  grandsons  of  the  Emperor  Richu. 
He  brought  them  to  the  palace  and  presented  them 
to  their  aunt  Queen  li-Toyo.  After  a friendly  con- 
test between  the  two  brothers,  the  younger  one. 
Prince  Woke,  became  the  twenty-third  emperor 

' In  these  early  days  a muro  or  excavation  of  the  earth,  roofed  with 
timber,  was  often  used  as  a residence.  See  p.  68. 

* In  this  story  the  princes  are  represented  as  boys,  but  as  they  fled 
on  the  murder  of  their  father  by  the  Emperor  Yuriyaku  before  his 
accession,  this  must  have  been  at  least  twenty-eight  years  before  ; so 
that  they  could  nor  have  been  less  than  forty  years  of  age. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


103 

under  the  canonical  name  of  Kenzo.  His  reign  was 
a very  short  one,  only  eight  years  according  to  the 
Kojiki  and  three  years  according  to  the  Nihongi.  The 
only  incident  of  consequence  recorded  of  him  is  that 
he  sought  out  the  burial  place  of  his  father,  who  had 
been  murdered  by  the  Emperor  Yuriyaku,  and  trans- 
ferred his  remains  to  a fitting  mausoleum.  He  also 
contemplated  the  desecration  of  the  mausoleum  of 
the  murderer  as  a mark  of  his  vengeance,  but  was 
dissuaded  by  his  brother  from  the  undertaking. 

He  died  without  children  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  elder  brother  Prince  Oke  who  became  A.D.  488 
the  twenty-fourth  emperor  under  the  canonical  name 
of  Ninken. 

Concerning  the  emperor  and  several  of  his  suc- 
cessors there  is  little  of  interest  to  record.  The 
twenty-fifth  emperor,  Muretsu  (a.D.  499),  who  was  a 
son  of  the  emperor  Ninken,  was  chiefly  notable  for 
his  cruelty.  Some  of  the  acts  recorded  of  him  can 
only  be  equalled  by  those  of  the  degenerate  occu- 
pants of  the  imperial  throne  of  Rome  in  its  worst 
days.  He  reigned  eleven  years  and  died  without 
children.  The  twenty-sixth  emperor  was  Keitai 
Tenno,  who  was  the  fifth  descendant  from  Ojin 
Tenno.  The  only  noticeable  events  in  his  reign 
were  an  expedition  to  Korea  to  settle  difficulties 
which  had  then  intervened,  and  an  expedition  to 
Chikushi,  the  northern  part  of  Kyushu,  to  repress 
tumults  which  had  arisen.  The  next  emperors  were 
Ankan  Tenno  and  Senkuwa  Tenno,  whose  reigns 
were  uneventful. 

The  twenty-ninth  emperor  was  Kimmei  Tenno, 


104 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


(a.d.  540-571).  who  was  the  son  of  Keitai  Tenno. 
He  reigned  thirty-two  years  and  died  at  the  age  of 
sixty-three.  It  was  during  his  reign,  in  A.D.  552, 
that  an  ambassador  from  Kudara,  one  of  the  three 
provinces  of  Korea,  presented  to  the  emperor  an 
image  of  Shaka,  and  also  Buddhist  books  explain- 
ing the  doctrine.  He  commended  highly  the  new 
religion,  and  the  emperor  was  deeply  impressed  with 
its  novelties.  This  seems  the  more  probable  because 
up  to  this  time  Japan  looked  upon  China  and  Korea 
as  leaders  in  civilization,  and  therefore  was  disposed 
to  regard  what  had  obtained  a footing  there  as  worthy 
of  acceptance. 

The  prime-minister  Soga-no-Iname  favored  the 
new  religion,  and  urged  that  the  image  of  Shaka 
which  had  been  brought  over  should  be  duly  set  up 
and  worshipped.  But  the  ministers  Monobe-no- 
Okoshi  and  Kumako  opposed  the  proposition,  say- 
ing, “ Our  country  has  its  own  gods ; and  they 
perhaps  will  be  angry  with  us  if  we  pay  our  devotions 
to  a foreign  god.” 

But  the  emperor  settled  the  matter  by  saying, 
“ Let  Iname  try  it.”  He  gave  the  idol  to  Iname 
with  the  directions  that  he  should  set  it  up  and  pray 
to  it.  Accordingly  Iname  took  the  image  of  Shaka 
and  established  it  in  a house  of  his  own,  which  he 
created  a temple,  and  worshipped  it. 

But  shortly  after  this  an  epidemic  broke  out  in 
the  country,  and  Okoshi  and  Kumako  declared  that 
it  was  due  to  the  strange  god  which  had  been  re- 
ceived from  the  western  barbarians,  and  besought 
the  emperor  to  have  it  thrown  away.  The  image 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


105 


therefore  by  the  emperor’s  command  was  thrown 
into  the  sea  near  Naniwa,'  and  the  temple  in  which 
it  had  been  erected  was  destroyed.  This  was  the 
first  movement  towards  the  introduction  of  Buddh- 
ism. 

In  the  reign  of  the  thirtieth  emperor,  Bitatsu 
Tenno,  A.D.  572,  who  was  the  son  of  Kimmei  Tenno, 
Kudara  again  made  a contribution  of  Buddhist  em- 
blems, viz.:  books  of  Buddhist  doctrine  ; a priest  of 
Ritsu  sect;  a priest;  a nun;  a diviner;  an  image 
maker ; and  a Buddhist  temple  carpenter.  These 
were  all  housed  in  the  temple  of  Owake-no-0  at  Nani- 
wa. Seven  years  after  this  two  Japanese  ambassa- 
dors who  had  been  sent  to  Kudara  brought  back 
with  them  several  Buddhist  images  of  stone,  which 
the  Daijin  Umako  obtained  as  his  possession.  He 
built  several  Buddhist  temples  in  which  he  placed 
the  images  and  other  precious  relics  which  he  had 
secured.  He  also  built  a pagoda  and  houses  in 
which  the  priests  and  nuns  resided.  When  Umako 
was  sick  he  asked  from  the  emperor  that  he  might 
avail  himself  of  the  Buddhist  ritual.  The  emperor 
gave  him  this  privilege,  but  commanded  him  to 
restrict  it  to  himself. 

The  Emperor  Bitatsu  died  A.D.  585  at  the  age  of 
forty-eight.  His  successor  was  Emperor  Yomei  the 
thirty-first  in  order  from  the  Emperor  Jimmu.  He 
was  by  his  mother  a descendant  of  the  Soga  family 
and  his  first  wife  was  also  a daughter  of  the  prime- 

' After  the  triumph  of  Buddhism  a temple  called  Tennoji  was 
erected  near  this  place  in  honor  of  this  image,  which  was  miraculous- 
ly rescued  from  the  sea  and  is  still  preserved  at  this  temple. 


I06  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

minister,  the  Noble  Iname  who  was  also  of  the  Soga 
family.  The  bitter  hostility  between  the  members 
of  the  court  who  favored  Buddhism  and  those  who 
opposed  it  continued.  The  leader  of  the  former 
party  was  Umako  now  the  prime-minister,  while  the 
opponents  of  Buddhism  were  led  by  Moriya.  One 
of  the  occasions  when  their  hostility  broke  out  was 
when  the  emperor  was  taken  sick  and  he  wished  to 
try  the  effect  of.  the  Buddhist  Sampo,  that  is,  the 
three  precious  elements  of  Buddhism,  Buddha,  the 
rites  of  Buddhism,  and  the  Buddhist  priests.  Moriya 
and  his  party  advised  against  this  conformity  to 
Buddhism,  but  Umako  supported  him  in  his  wishes 
and  introduced  a Buddhist  priest  into  the  palace  to 
attend  upon  the  emperor.  In  spite  of  all  this  effort, 
however,  the  emperor  died,  having  reigned  only 
three  years. 

The  death  of  the  emperor  was  the  signal  for  the 
breaking  out  of  serious  disturbances.  Moriya  the 
champion  of  the  old  religion  was  killed  and  his 
party  overpowered.  From  this  time  Buddhism  may 
be  said  to  have  triumphed  in  Japan.  The  thirty- 
second  emperor,  Sujun,  was  crowned  A.D.  588.  He 
was  the  son  of  the  Emperor  Kimmei,  and  at  the 
time  of  his  accession  was  sixty-nine  years  of  age. 
The  communication  with  Korea  continued,  and  more 
and  more  of  the  Buddhist  culture  was  introduced. 
Umako,  who  now  had  undisputed  sway  in  the 
government,  sent  out  to  Korea  persons  to  study  the 
Buddhist  faith,  and  consecrated  many  priests  and 
nuns  and  erected  temples  for  the  new  worship. 

But  everything  did  not  move  smoothly.  Umako, 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


107 


with  all  his  zeal  and  enthusiasm  for  Buddhism,  was 
suspected  of  personal  ambition,  and  was  looked 
upon  with  distrust.  A plot  to  assassinate  the 
emperor  was  planned  by  Umako,  which  terminated 
his  life,  after  a reign  of  only  four  years,  in  the 
seventy-third  year  of  his  age. 

The  thirty-third  sovereign  was  the  Empress 
Suiko,  who  was  the  sister  of  the  Emperor  Yomei. 
Her  coronation  took  place  A.D.  593.  Her  reign  was 
chiefly  remarkable  for  the  active  influence  of 
Umaydo-no-(Jji  (a.D.  572-622),  who  was  the  second 
son  of  the  Emperor  Yomei,  and  who  was  made 
crown  prince  under  the  empress,  and  aided  her  in 
the  administration  of  the  political  affairs  of  the 
government.  This  prince  is  better  known  by  his 
posthumous  title  of  Shotoku  Taishi  (great  teacher 
of  the  divine  virtue),  and  is  held  in  great  rever- 
ence as  the  principal  founder  and  promoter  of 
Buddhism  in  Japan.  His  name  has  been  linked 
with  many  legends,  which  are  still  current  after  the 
lapse  of  fourteen  hundred  years.  It  is  said  that  as 
soon  as  he  was  born  he  was  able  to  speak,  and  was 
in  all  respects  a very  clever  boy.  His  memory  was 
wonderfully  acute.  He  had  Napoleon  the  Great’s 
talent  of  attending  to  several  things  at  the  same 
time.  He  could  hear  the  appeals  of  eight  persons 
at  once,  and  give  to  each  a proper  answer.  From 
this  circumstance  he  sometimes  went  by  the  name 
of  Yatsumimi-no-Oji,  that  is,  Prince  of  Eight  Ears. 

The  prince  threw  the  whole  influence  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  favor  of  Buddhism.  Many  temples  were 
built  in  different  central  districts  for  the  convenience 


io8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


of  the  new  religion.  Under  his  influence  the  officers 
of  the  government  rivalled  each  other  in  founding 
temples  and  maintaining  them  at  their  own  expense. 
He  took  as  his  teacher  a priest  who  had  recently 
come  from  Korea,  and  from  him  for  the  first  time 
learned  the  five  Buddhist  commandments: 

1.  Against  stealing. 

2.  Against  lying. 

3.  Against  intemperance. 

4.  Against  murder. 

5.  Against  adultery. 

He  gave  command  to  an  artificer  in  copper  to 
make  large  images  of  Buddha  for  each  of  the  officers 
in  the  government.  The  king  of  Koma  in  Korea 
hearing  of  this  great  undertaking  sent  a contribution 
of  three  hundred  ryd  of  gold.  The  images  were 
finished  in  due  time  and  an  imposing  religious  cere- 
monial was  held  in  honor  of  the  event.  Many  of  the 
principal  temples  of  Buddhism  in  different  parts  of 
Japan  take  their  origin  from  the  time  of  Shotoku 
Taishi,  and  no  single  character  in  histor}^  is  so  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  development  of  Buddh- 
ism. 

It  was  not  only  as  a religious  reformer,  however, 
that  he  deserves  to  be  remembered.  He  was  a 
a most  painstaking  and  enlightened  ruler.  He 
studiously  gathered  from  the  Chinese  the  elements 
and  methods  of  government  and  adapted  them  to 
his  own  country.'  From  his  time  the  study  of 

' See  the  laws  which  he  compiled  and  published  as  found  in  the 
I2th  volume  of  Dai  Nihon  Shi,  Appendix  IV. 


NAT/VE  CULTURE. 


109 


Chinese  literature  became  the  essential  culture  of 
the  active  minds  of  Japan. 

Shotoku  Taishi  died  A.D.  622,  having  been  the 
principal  officer  of  the  government  for  twenty-nine 
years. 

The  impulse  which  Shotoku  had  given  to  Buddh- 
ism did  not  subside.  In  the  year  following  his 
death  officers  were  appointed  to  govern  the  growing 
religious  communities,  called  Sosho  and  Sozu,  which 
in  dignity  and  power  corresponded  to  archbishops 
and  bishops  in  Christian  nomenclature.  The  first 
archbishop  was  Kwankin,  a priest  from  Kudara,  and 
the  first  bishop  was  Tokuseki  of  Kurabe.  These 
officials  examined  every  priest  and  nun  and  made  a 
register  of  them.  A census  of  Buddhism  is  also 
given  which  belongs  to  this  same  period.  Accord- 
ing to  this  there  were  forty-six  Buddhist  temples 
and  1385  priests  and  nuns. 

In  the  year  A.D.  626,  Soga-no-Umako  the  daijin 
and  a life-long  friend  and  promoter  of  Buddhism 
died,  and  two  years  later  the  Empress  Suiko  died. 
So  nearly  all  the  prominent  participants  in  the  events 
which  had  taken  place  since  the  first  entrance  of 
Buddhism  into  Japan,  had  disappeared.  In  the 
meantime  a religion  had  taken  possession  of  a field 
in  which  it  was  destined  to  exert  a wide  influence  and 
undergo  a national  development. 

Along  with  this  religion  had  come  a literature  and 
a culture,  which  when  absorbed  into  the  life  of  this 
people  gave  them  the  permanent  characteristics  which 
we  now  recognize  as  the  Japanese  civilization.  The 
freer  and  more  frequent  intercourse  with  China  and 


I lO 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Korea  brought  with  it  not  only  a knowledge  of 
books  and  writing,  but  many  improvements  in  arts 
and  many  new  arts  and  agricultural  industries. 
When  the  forces  of  the  Empress  Jingo  returned 
from  Korea  they  brought  with  them  persons  skilled 
in  many  industrial  occupations.  It  is  a tradition 
that  a descendant  of  the  Kan  dynasty  in  China  had 
fled  to  Korea  on  the  fall  of  that  dynasty,  and  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  the  Emperor  Ojin  (a.D.  290)  had 
migrated  to  Japan  with  a colony  who  were  familiar 
with  weaving  and  sewing.  In  the  thirty-seventh 
year  of  the  same  emperor  an  officer  was  sent  to 
China  to  obtain  more  weavers  and  sewers.  The 
cultivation  of  the  mulberry  tree  and  the  breeding  of 
silk-worms  ' was  introduced  from  China  in  A.D. 
457,  and  in  order  to  encourage  this  industry  the 
empress  herself  engaged  in  it.  At  this  early  period 
this  important  industry  was  begun,  or  at  least  re- 
ceived an  impulse  which  has  been  continued  down 
to  the  present  time. 

With  these  industrial  arts  came  in  rapid  succession 
the  elements  of  a higher  civilization.  Books  on 
almanac-making,  astronomy,  geography  and  divina- 
tion were  brought  to  Japan  from  Korea  and  China. 
The  Chinese  calendar  w’as  first  used  in  the  reign  of 
the  Empress  Suiko  under  the  regency  of  Shotoku 
Taishi.  This  almanac  was  based  on  the  lunar 
periods  and  the  civil  year  began  with  the  new  moon 

' This  must  mean  that  improved  methods  of  silk  culture  were 
introduced,  for  we  have  seen  that  this  art  was  already  known  to 
the  Japanese. 

’ Bramsen’s  Japanese  Chronological  Tables,  Tokio,  1880,  p.  18. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


Ill 


occurring  about  the  beginning  of  February.  But  as 
the  length  of  the  civil  year  is  not  an  exact  multiple 
of  the  number  of  days  contained  in  a lunation,  the 
twelve  lunar  months  used  by  the  Chinese  and 
Japanese  will  be  about  eleven  days  shorter  than  the 
solar  year.  Hence  to  prevent  the  discrepancy  from 
increasing  and  throwing  the  seasons  entirely  out  of 
their  place  in  the  calendar,  an  intercalary  month 
was  inserted  nearly  every  third  year.  It  was  inserted 
not  at  the  end  of  the  year  but  whenever  the  dis- 
crepancy had  reached  the  number  of  days  in  a luna- 
tion. The  month  thus  inserted  was  called  by  the 
same  name  as  the  preceding  with  an  explanatory 
prefix.  From  this  period  therefore  the  dates  of 
Japanese  events  may  be  relied  upon  with  some 
degree  of  certainty.  For  events  occurring  before 
this  period,  a knowledge  of  which  must  have  been 
transmitted  by  oral  tradition,  the  dates  assigned  to 
them  in  the  Nihongi  must  have  been  computed  by 
counting  back  to  the  supposed  time  according  to  the 
calendar  in  use  at  the  time  of  the  writing. 

The  astronomy  and  geography  introduced  into 
Japan  along  with  almanac-making  in  the  fifth  cen- 
tury were  without  question  very  primitive  sciences. 
At  this  time  even  in  Europe  the  knowledge  of  these 
sciences  was  not  advanced  beyond  the  imperfect 
notions  of  the  Greeks.  It  was  not  until  the  six- 
teenth century,  when  the  discoveries  of  the  Portu- 
guese and  the  Spaniards  and  the  English  had 
revealed  the  shape  and  the  divisions  of  the  earth, 
and  the  Jesuits  had  carried  this  knowledge  to  China 
and  Japan,  that  anything  like  a correct  astronomy 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


1 12 

or  geography  was  possible.  By  divination,  which  is 
mentioned  as  one  of  the  sciences  brought  over  from 
Korea,  was  meant  the  determination  of  future  events 
or  of  lucky  or  unlucky  conditions. 

The  most  important  civilizing  force  introduced 
from  China  at  this  period  was  the  formal  institutions 
of  education.  Although  the  first  establishment  of  a 
school  dates  from  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Tenji 
(a.D.  668-671),  yet  it  was  not  till  the  reign  of  the 
Emperor  Mommu  (.A.D.  697-707)  that  the  university 
was  regularly  organized.  Branch  schools  were  also 
established  in  the  several  provinces.  In  the  univer- 
sity there  were  departments  for  Chinese  literature, 
for  medicine,  for  astronomy  and  almanac-making,  and 
for  astrology.  Under  the  first  head  were  included 
the  art  of  writing  the  Chinese  characters,  the  practice 
of  composition,  the  study  of  the  Chinese  classics,  and 
the  reading  of  books  of  Chinese  history.  In  like 
manner  the  training  of  the  students  in  medicine 
chiefly  consisted  in  making  them  familiar  with  the 
methods  which  prevailed  in  China.  The  properties 
of  medicinal  plants,  the  variations  of  the  pulse  in 
health  and  disease  and  in  the  changing  seasons,  and 
the  anatomy  of  the  human  body  were  the  chief 
subjects  of  study.  The  human  cadaver  was  never 
dissected,  but  a knowledge  of  anatomy  was  obtained 
from  diagrams  which  were  wholly  hypothetical.  In 
early  times  medical  officers  were  appointed  to  ex- 
periment with  medicines  upon  monkeys,  and  also  to 
dissect  the  bodies  of  monkeys.  From  these  dissec- 
tions, as  well  as  from  the  printed  diagrams  of  Chinese 
books  the  imperfect  knowledge  which  they  had 
reached  was  derived.  It  was  not  till  1771  that 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


II3 


Sugita  Genpaku  ' and  several  other  Japanese  scholars 
had  an  opportunity  to  dissect  the  body  of  a criminal, 
and  by  personal  observation  found  the  utter  falsity 
of  the  Chinese  diagrams  on  which  they  had  hitherto 
relied,  and  the  correctness  of  the  Dutch  books,  which 
they  had,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the  country,  learned 
to  read. 

The  great  reverence  felt  for  Chinese  culture  led  to 
the  introduction  at  an  early  date  of  the  Chinese  sys- 
tem of  official  rank.  The  system  remained  in  force 
down  to  the  restoration  in  1868.  The  officers  were 
Daijo-daijin  (Prime-Minister),  Sa-daijin  (Minister  of 
the  Left),  U-daijin  (Minister  of  the  Right),  together 
with  eight  boards,*  charged  with  the  various  duties 
of  administration.  These  boards  were  divided  into 
sections,  and  the  various  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment were  respectively  performed  by  them.  In  this 
way  the  administration  became  thoroughly  bureau- 
cratic, in  imitation  of  the  Chinese  empire,  to  which 
the  Japanese  at  this  time  looked  up  with  the  most 
complete  reverence. 

In  addition  to  these  official  boards,  six  official 
ranks  were  also  introduced  from  China.  These  ranks 
were  designated,  first,  virtue ; second,  humanity ; 
third,  propriety  ; fourth,  truth  ; fifth,  righteousness, 
and  sixth,  wisdom.  Each  of  these  ranks  * was  divided 

' The  author  is  indebted  to  the  valuable  paper  read  before  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Japan  by  Willis  Norton  Whitney,  M.D.,  for  much 
of  the  information  concerning  medicine  in  Japan. — Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  xii.,  part  iv.,  p.  329. 

® For  an  enumeration  of  these  boards  and  the  officers  and  duties  of 
each,  see  Walter  Dickson’s  Japan,  p.  72. 

“ See  a note  by  Mr.  Satow  in  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  London, 
vol.  i.,  }).  24. 

8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


1 14 

into  two  orders  termed  respectively  the  Greater  and 
the  Lesser.  Thus  there  were  twelve  distinctions  in 
this  system.  It  was  introduced  in  the  reign  of  the 
Empress  Suiko,  A.D.  604,  and  is  generally  attributed 
to  the  Regent  Shotoku,  who  was  a great  admirer  of 
the  continental  civilization.  It  existed  in  this  form 
until  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Kotoku,  when,  A D. 
649,  it  was  extended  to  nineteen  distinctions.  These 
were  not  given  to  the  individual  in  recognition  of 
talent,  but  to  families  to  be  by  them  transmitted  to 
their  posterity  as  hereditary  rank. 

For  many  years  during  this  period  of  active 
intercourse  with  China  and  Korea,  Dazaifu,  situated 
on  the  west  coast  of  Kyushu,  north  of  the  present 
situation  of  Nagasaki,  was  the  recognized  port  where 
strangers  were  received.  This  city  was  the  seat  of  a 
vice-royalty,  having  control  over  the  nine  provinces 
of  Kyushu.  The  office  of  vice-governor  was  con- 
sidered a place  of  honorable  banishment  to  which 
distinguished  men  who  were  distasteful  at  court 
could  be  sent. 

These  continental  influences  continued  for  many 
years  and  indeed  have  never  ceased.  There  has 
always  e.xisted  a class  of  scholars  who  looked  upon 
Chinese  learning  as  the  supreme  pinnacle  to  which 
the  human  mind  could  attain.  This  was  especially 
true  of  the  admirers  of  Confucius  and  Confucianism. 
Although  it  was  not  until  a much  later  period  that 
the  culture  of  a Chinese  philosophy  attained  its  high- 
est mark,  yet  even  in  the  early  arrangement  of  the 
studies  in  the  university  we  see  the  wide  influence 
which  the  writings  of  the  Chinese  classics  exerted. 


NATIVE  CULTURE. 


IIS 

We  close  this  chapter  with  an  event  which  evinced 
the  advance  which  Japanese  civilization  had  made, 
and  aided  greatly  in  promoting  this  advance  in  the 
subsequent  centuries.  This  event  was  the  publica- 
tion of  the  Kojiki  (Record  of  Ancient  Things)  and 
the  Nihongi  (Chronicles  of  Japan).  A book  still 
older  than  these  is  said  to  have  been  composed  in 
A.D.  620,  but  it  perished  in  a fire  in  A.D.  645,  although 
a fragment  is  said  to  have  been  rescued.  The  cir- 
cumstances attending  the  preparation  of  the  Kojiki 
are  given  by  Mr.  Satow  in  his  paper  ' on  the  “ Revival 
of  Pure  Shinto,”  and  also  by  Mr.  Chamberlain’  in 
his  introduction  to  the  translation.  The  Emperor 
Temmu  had  resolved  to  take  measures  to  preserve 
the  true  traditions  from  oblivion.  He  had  the 
records  carefully  examined  and  compiled.  Then 
these  collated  traditions  were  one  by  one  committed 
to  one  of  the  household  officers,  Hiyeda-no-Are,  who 
had  a marvellously  retentive  memory.  Before  the 
work  of  compilation  was  finished  the  emperor  died  ; 
but  the  Empress  Gemmyo,  who  after  an  interval  suc- 
ceeded him,  carried  it  on  to  its  completion  in  A.D. 
712.  By  her  direction  the  traditions  were  taken 
down  from  Are’s  dictation  in  the  form  in  which  we 
now  have  them.  It  is  by  no  means  a pleasing  or 
attractive  work,  even  in  the  opinion  of  the  Japanese. 
It  is  bald  and  archaic  in  its  form  and  composition. 
It  is,  however,  notable  as  being  freer  from  the  ad- 
mixture of  Chinese  learning,  and  therefore  a better 
index  of  the  native  culture  of  the  race  than  the 

' Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  iii.,  part  i. 

® Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  x.,  Supplement. 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


I l6 

works  which  followed  it.‘  Much  of  it  consists  of 
mere  genealogies  of  the  emperors  and  naked  state- 
ments of  leading  events,  but  there  are  besides  this 
many  legends  and  poems  which  bear  evidence  of 
having  been  handed  down  in  essentially  their  present 
form.  As  an  authority  for  the  chronology  of  the  early 
events  it  is,  of  course,  of  small  value.  It  is  evident 
that  where  a narrative  of  events  has  been  carried 
through  many  centuries  by  tradition  alone,  without 
written  records  to  check  or  assist  it,  no  dependence 
can  be  placed  on  the  chronology  of  the  events,  fur- 
ther than,  perhaps,  on  the  order  of  sequence. 

Only  eight  years  after  the  publication  of  the 
Kojiki,  a second  work  termed  Nihongi  or  Chronicles 
of  Japan  was  issued.  It  was  prepared  by  imperial 
command  and  appeared  in  .\.D.  720  in  the  reign  of 
the  Empress  Gensho.  It  differs  from  the  older  book 
in  being  composed  in  the  Chinese  idiom,  and  in 
being  much  more  tinctured  with  the  ideas  of  Chinese 
philosophy.  These  two  works,  so  nearly  contem- 
poraneous, both  of  them  composed  in  so  great  a 
degree  of  the  legendary  elements  of  Japanese  his- 
tory, must  be  looked  upon  as  marking  a distinct 
epoch  in  the  story  of  Japan. 

' The  Rojiki  has  been  translated  into  English  by  Professor  B.  H 
Chamberlain,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  x.,  Supplement. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 

The  theory  of  the  Japanese  government  during 
the  greater  part  of  its  long  career  has  been  that  of 
an  absolute  monarchy.  The  emperor  was  supposed 
to  hold  in  his  hands  the  supreme  authority,  and  to 
dispose,  as  he  saw  fit,  of  honors  and  emoluments, 
offices  and  administrative  duties.  There  was  no 
fundamental  law  of  succession,  by  which  the  order 
of  accession  to  the  throne  was  regulated.  The 
reigning  emperor  usually  selected  during  his  lifetime 
some  one  of  his  sons,  or,  if  he  had  no  sons,  some 
other  prince  of  the  imperial  family,  who  became  the 
crown  prince  during  the  life  of  the  emperor,  and  on 
his  death  succeeded  to  the  throne.'  The  selection 
was  usually  made  with  the  concurrence  of  the  offi- 
cers of  the  court,  and  very  often  must  be,  credited 
entirely  to  the  preference  of  these  officers.  Some- 
times the  emperor  died  before  the  appointment  of  a 
crown  prince  had  taken  place.  In  this  case  the 
selection  lay  in  the  hands  of  the  court  officers,  and 
many  cases  are  recorded  in  the  history  of  the  em- 

' See  Mori  Arinori’s  introduction  to  Education  in  yapan.  New 
York,  1873,  p.  17. 


Il8  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

pire  where  serious  disturbances  arose  between  the 
partisans  of  different  aspirants  to  the  throne.  These 
disturbances  usually  account  for  \\\e  inicrrcgna  which. 
are  so  often  found  between  the  reigns  of  successive 
sovereigns. 

To  the  freedom  which  has  prevailed,  not  only  in 
the  imperial  house  but  also  in  all  the  families  of  the 
empire,  in  regard  to  the  rights  of  succession,  must 
be  attributed  the  long  and  unbroken  line  which  the 
imperial  house  of  Japan  is  able  to  show.  That  a 
line  of  sovereigns  should  continue  from  the  time  of 
Jimmu  down  to  the  present  without  break  by  reason 
of  the  failure  of  children,  is  of  course  impossible. 
But  the  difficulty  disappears  when  it  is  remembered, 
that  in  case  of  the  failure  of  a son  to  succeed,  the 
father  provided  for  the  want  by  adopting  as  his  son 
some  prince  of  the  imperial  family,  and  appointing 
him  as  his  heir.  With  this  principle  of  adoption 
must  be  mentioned  the  practice  of  abdication  ’ which 
produced  a marked  and  constantly  recurring  in- 
fluence in  the  history  of  Japan.  Especially  was  this 
the  case  in  the  middle  ages  of  Japanese  history. 
The  practice  spread  from  the  imperial  house  down- 
wards into  all  departments  of  Japanese  life.  Although 
the  principle  of  abdication  and  adoption  was  prob- 
ably brought  from  China  and  was  adopted  by  the 
Japanese  as  a mark  of  superior  culture,  yet  these 
practices  were  carried  to  a much  greater  extent  in 
Japan  than  was  ever  thought  of  in  their  original 

' See  a paper  on  “Abdication  and  .Adoption,”  by  Mr.  Shigeno 
An-Eki,  translated  by  Mr.  Walter  Dening,  in  Asiatic  Society  Trans- 
actions, vol.  XV.,  p.  72. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


119 


home.  We  shall  see  in  the  story  of  Japanese  times 
the  amazing  and  ludicrous  extent  to  which  the  abdi- 
cation of  reigning  sovereigns  was  carried.  We  shall 
witness  even  the  great  and  sagacious  leyasu  himself, 
after  holding  the  office  of  shogun  for  only  two  years, 
retiring  in  favor  of  his  son  Hidetada,  and  yet  from 
his  retirement  practically  exercising  the  authority  of 
the  office  for  many  years. 

In  A.D,  668  the  Emperor  Tenji'  began  a brief 
reign  of  three  years.  As  he  had  been  regent  during 
the  two  preceding  reigns,  and  chiefly  managed  the 
administration,  very  little  change  occurred  after  his 
accession  to  power.  His  reign  is  mainly  remarkable 
for  the  first  appearance  in  a prominent  position  of 
the  Fujiwara  family.  The  emperor  appointed  his 
counsellor  Nakatomi-no-Kamatari  as  nai-daijin 
(private  minister),  an  office  next  in  rank  after  sa- 
daijin,  and  which  was  created  at  this  time.  Naka- 
tomi,  was  authorized  to  assume  the  family  name  of 
Fujiwara,  meaning  wistaria-field.  The  ancestor  of 
this  family,  Nakatomi-nor-Muraji,’  was  fabled  to 
have  come  down  from  the  celestial  plains  to  the 
island  of  Kyushu.  The  family  therefore  ranks  with 
that  of  the  emperor  as  the  oldest  and  most  honored 
in  the  empire.  From  the  time  of  its  establishment 
down  to  the  present  it  has  enjoyed  many  honors  and 
privileges,  and  has  played  a very  distinguished  part 
in  the  history  of  the  country.  This  family  first  be- 

' His  predecessor  died  A.d.  661,  and  there  was  an  interregnum 
during  which  Tenji  was  regent  till  A.D.  668,  when  he  was  made 
emperor. 

* See  p.  47,  note. 


120 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


came  prominent  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Kotoku.  The  Soga  family  from  the  times  of  the 
first  introduction  of  Buddhism  had  grown  to  be  the 
most  powerful  and  influential  in  the  empire.  Umako 
had  held  the  position  of  daijin  and  his  son  Yemishi 
became  daijin  after  his  father’s  death.  Yemishi  pre- 
sumed upon  his  promotion  to  this  high  office  and 
put  on  the  airs  of  hereditary  rank.  He  built  castles 
for  himself  and  son  and  organized  guards  for  their 
defence.  His  son  Iruka  became  daijin  after  his 
father’s  death  and  conducted  himself  with  even 
greater  arrogance.  At  last  his  conduct  became  in- 
tolerable and  he  was  assassinated  A.D.  645.  The 
chief  actor  in  this  plot  was  Nakatomi-no-Kamatari, 
who  was  at  this  time  on  intimate  terms  with  the 
prince  who  afterwards  became  the  Emperor  Tenji. 

Further  experiences,  this  time  disastrous,  with 
Korea  were  encountered  during  this  reign.  A 
Japanese  garrison  had  been  maintained  in  Kudara, 
the  western  division  of  Korea.  But  at  this  time  the 
people  of  Shiraki  with  help  from  China  attacked  this 
garrison  and  compelled  it  to  retreat  to  Japan.  Along 
with  the  JajDanese  came  many  of  the  Koreans  who 
had  been  friendly  with  them,  and  who  carried  with 
them,  like  the  Huguenots  when  driven  from  France, 
a knowledge  of  many  arts  and  a culture  which  were 
eagerly  welcomed  by  the  rising  Japanese  empire. 
They  were  colonized  in  convenient  quarters  in  differ- 
ent provinces,  and  as  an  encouragement  freed  from 
taxation  for  a time.  Their  influence  upon  the 
opening  civilization  of  Japan  cannot  be  overlooked 
or  neglected  in  our  estimate  of  the  forces  which  con- 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


I2I 


spired  to  produce  the  final  result.  In  the  book  of 
Japanese  annals  called  Nihon  Shoki  there  is  a state- 
ment ' that  in  the  fifth  month  of  the  second  year  of 
Reiki  (a.D.  717)  1799  Koreans  were  collected  to- 
gether in  the  province  of  Musashi  and  formed  the 
district  of  “ Koma-gori  ” or  Korean  district.  Again 
in  the  third  year  of  Tempyd  Hdji  (a.D.  760)  forty  in- 
habitants of  Shinra  (a  kingdom  of  Korea)  and  thirty- 
four  priests  and  priestesses  came  to  Japan  and 
founded  the  “ Shinra-gori,”  or  Korean  district. 
These  events  occurred  not  long  after  the  time  we 
are  now  considering  and  show  that  the  Korean 
colonization  still  continued  and  that  the  influence  of 
the  arts  and  culture  which  the  colonists  introduced 
was  marked  and  important. 

Few  events  are  noted  during  the  reigns  which  suc- 
ceeded. The  following  are  the  most  worthy  of  men- 
tion. The  Emperor  Temmu  (a.d.  673-686)  added  sev- 
eral new  degrees  of  rank  to  those  already  established. 
He  also  favored  the  Buddhist  religion  by  making  its 
services  obligatory,  and  by  forbidding  the  eating  of 
flesh.  Silver  was  first  discovered  in  Tsushima  A.D. 
674,  which  was  followed  twenty  years  later  by  the 
manufacture  of  the  first  silver  money.  Copper  was 
discovered  in  Musashi  in  the  reign  of  the  Empress 
Gemmyo  (a.D.  708-715)  and  the  making  of  copper 
money  came  into  vogue.  Before  that  time  the 
copper  money  in  use  was  obtained  from  Korea  and 
China.  Gold  coin  is  said  to  have  been  first  issued 
under  the  Emperor  Junnin  (a.D.  759-765).  An 

' Quoted  in  Henry  von  Siebold’s  Japanese  Archaology,  Yokohama 
1879,  p.  8. 


122 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


observatory  was  established  for  the  inspection  of  the 
stars  in  connection  with  the  new  department  of 
astrology.  The  cultivation  of  the  lacquer  tree  and 
the  mulberry  and  the  raising  of  silk- worms  were  still 
further  encouraged  and  extended.  Cremation  was 
first  practised  about  A.D.  700  in  the  case  of  a Buddhist 
priest  who  left  directions  that  his  body  should  be 
burned.  Since  that  time  cremation  has  been  em- 
ployed for  the  disposal  of  the  dead  by  the  Shin  (or 
Monto)  sect,  and  is  now  authorized  but  not  made 
obligatory  by  the  government.  The  progress  made 
by  Buddhism  is  shown  by  the  census  of  temples 
which  was  made  in  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Jito 
(a.D.  690-702)  and  which  gav^e  the  number  as  545. 
The  publication  of  the  Kojiki'm  A.D.  712,  and  of  the 
Nihongi  eight  years  later,  has  already  been  referred 
to  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  chapter.  These 
works  are  still  looked  upon  as  the  foundations  of 
Japanese  literature  and  the  highest  authorities  of 
Japanese  history. 

In  the  reign  of  the  Empress  Gemmyo  (a.D.  710) 
the  imperial  residence  was  fixed  at  Nara.  Up  to 
this  time  the  custom*  derived  from  antiquity  had 
prevailed  of  changing  the  residence  on  the  accession 
of  each  new  emperor.  But  the  court  continued  at 
Nara  for  a period  of  seventy-five  years  running 
through  seven  reigns  ; and  in  consequence  Nara  has 
always  been  looked  upon  with  peculiar  reverence, 
and  is  the  seat  of  several  of  the  most  notable 
Buddhist  and  Shinto  temples’  and  structures.  It  is 

' See  p.  58. 

* Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook  of  Japan,  I.ondon,  1884. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


123 


here  that  Kasuga-no-miya  was  founded  in  A.D.  767 
and  dedicated  to  the  honor  of  the  ancestor  of  the 
Fujiwara  family.  Here  also  is  To-dai-ji  a Buddhist 
temple  famed  for  containing  the  bronze  statue  of 
Great  Buddha.  This  colossal  idol  was  constructed 
in  A.D.  736  under  the  Emperor  Shomu,  during  the 
time  that  the  imperial  court  resided  at  Nara.  The 
height  of  the  image  is  fifty-three  feet,  being  seven  feet 
higher  than  the  Daibutsu  at  Kamakura.  The  temple 
wa^  built  over  the  image  and  A.D.  1 1 80  was  destroyed 
by  a fire  which  melted  the  head  of  the  image.  This 
was  replaced.  The  temple  was  burned  again  .\.D. 
1567,  from  which  time  the  image  has  remained  as 
the  Japanese  say  “ a wet  god.” 

In  A.D.  794'  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Kwammu  (a.D.  782-806)  the  capital  was  removed  to 
Kyoto  on  the  banks  of  the  Kamogawa.  The  situa- 
tion and  the  environs  are  lovely,  and  justify  the 
affectionate  reverence  with  which  it  has  ever  been 
regarded.  Here  were  built  the  palaces  and  offices 
for  the  emperor  and  his  court.  It  was  officially 
called  Miyako,  that  is,  residence  of  the  sovereign.  It 
continued  to  be  occupied  as  the  capital  until  A.D. 
1868,  when  the  court  was  moved  to  Tokyo.  At 
this  time  the  name  of  the  city  was  changed  to  Saikyo, 
which  means  western  capital,  in  distinction  from 
Tokyo,  which  means  eastern  capital. 

The  Emishi  in  the  northern  part  of  the  Main 
island  continued  to  give  much  trouble  to  the  govern- 
ment. During  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Shomu 
(a.D.  724-756)  Fujiwara-no-Umakai  was  sent  against 
these  restless  neighbors  and  succeeded  in  reducing 

' For  ten  years  preceding  794  the  capital  was  a wanderer. 


124 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


them  to  subjection,  which  lasted  longer  than  usual. 
A fort  was  built  to  keep  them  in  subjection,  called 
the  castle  of  Taga.  There  is  still  standing  a stone 
monument  at  Taga,  between  Sendai  and  Matsu- 
shima, on  which  is  an  inscription  which  has  been 
translated  by  Mr.  Aston,'  of  the  British  legation. 
The  inscription  gives  the  date  of  its  first  construc- 
tion, which  corresponds  to  A.D.  724,  and  of  its 
restoration,  A.D.  762.  Mr.  Aston  points  out  that  the 
ri  here  mentioned  is  not  the  present  Japanese  ri 
equivalent  to  miles  2.44,  but  the  ancient  ri  which 
is  somewhat  less  than  half  a mile.  This  makes  it 
evident  that  the  part  of  the  Main  island  north  of  a 
point  near  Sendai  was  at  this  time  denominated 
Yezo,and  was  occupied  by  the  barbarous  tribes  who 
then  as  now  called  themselves  Yezo. 

The  employment  of  a Fujiwara  in  this  expedition 
was  probably  purely  perfunctory.  So  far  as  we 
know,  this  family,  which  had  by  this  time  risen  to  a 
position  of  great  influence,  was  in  no  respect  mili- 
tary, and  the  appointment  of  Umakai  as  chief  of  the 
forces  sent  against  the  Ainos  was  due  to  the  political 
prominence  of  his  family.  For  many  centuries  the 
relations  of  the  Fujiwara  family  to  the  imperial 
house  was  most  intimate.  Indeed  the  late  Viscount 
Mori,"'  in  his  introduction  to  Ediicaiion  in  Japan, 

' See  the  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,  vol.  viii., 
p.  88.  The  inscription  is  in  part  as  follows 


Castle  of  Taga, 

Distant  from  the  capital  . . . Ri  1500 

Distant  from  the  frontier  of  Yezo  . . “ 120 

Distant  from  Hitachi  ....  “ 412 

Distant  from  Shimotsuke  ...  “ 274 

Distant  from  Makkatsu  ....  “ 3000 


* Education  in  Japan,  New  York,  1873,  p.  17. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


125 


speaks  of  this  relation  as  a “ proprietorship.”  “ The 
throne  for  a time  became  virtually  the  property  of 
one  family,  who  exclusively  controlled  it.”  This 
family  was  that  of  Fujiwara,*  to  which  reference  has 
already  been  made.  The  founder  of  this  house, 
Kamatari,  was  a man  of  great  talent  and  administra- 
tive ability,  and  his  immediate  successors  were 
worthy  of  their  ancestor’s  fame,  and  in  succession 
filled  the  office  of  daijin.  In  this  way  the  office 
came  to  be  regarded  as  hereditary  in  the  Fujiwara 
family.  The  office  of  kuambaku,  also  from  about 
A.D.  880,  became  hereditary  in  the  Fujiwara  house. 
Owing  to  the  great  age  and  prominence  of  the 
family,  it  became  customary  to  marry  the  emperors 
and  princes  of  the  imperial  house  to  ladies  taken 
from  it,  so  that  after  a time  the  mothers  and  wives 
of  the  princes  of  the  imperial  house  were  without 
exception  descendants  of  the  I'ujiwara,  and  the 
offices  of  the  court  were  in  the  hands  of  this  family. 
In  this  condition  of  things  the  abdication  of  em- 
perors, before  they  had  reigned  long  enough  to  learn 
the  duties  of  their  position,  became  the  common 
practice.  This  vicious  custom  was  encouraged  by 
the  Fujiwara,  because  it  placed  greater  authority 
in  their  hands,  and  left  them  to  conduct  the  ad- 
ministration without  troublesome  interference.  The 
Emperor  Seiwa  (a.D.  859-880)  commenced  to  reign 
when  he  was  nine  years  of  age,  and  abdicated  when 
he  was  twenty-six.'^  Shujaku  (A.D.  931-952)  became 

' See  p.  47. 

These  instances  are  taken  from  the  paper  on  abdication  and 
adoption,  by  Shigeno  An-eki,  as  translated  by  Mr.  Walter  Dening, 
Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol,  xv,,  p.  74. 


126 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


emperor  when  he  was  eight  years  of  age  and  abdi- 
cated at  the  age  of  twenty-three.  Toba  became 
emperor  (a.d.  i io8)  at  five  years  of  age,  and  resigned 
at  the  age  of  twenty.  Rokujo  was  made  emperor 
(a.d.  1166)  at  the  age  of  two  and  resigned  at  the 
age  of  four.  Takakura,  who  succeeded  Rokujo 
(a.d.  1169),  was  eight  years  of  age  and  abdicated  at 
the  age  of  nineteen.  It  often  happened  that  there 
were  living  at  the  same  time  several  retired  emperors, 
besides  the  actual  emperor.'  Thus,  in  the  period 
when  Ichijo  began  his  reign  at  the  age  of  seven 
(.\.D.  987),  there  were  three  retired  emperors  still 
living,  viz. : Reizei,  who  began  to  reign  (a.D.  968)  at 
eighteen,  and  retired  at  twenty;  Enyu,  who  began 
to  reign  (a.d.  970)  at  eleven,  and  retired  at  twenty- 
six  ; Kwazan,  who  began  to  reign  (a.D.  985)  at 
seventeen,  and  retired  at  nineteen.  At  a period 
somewhat  later  than  the  one  now  under  considera- 
tion, during  the  reign  of  Go-Nijo,  who  had  just  been 
made  emperor  (a.d.  1301)  at  seventeen,  and  who 
retired  at  nineteen,  there  were  four  retired  emperors 
living.  When  the  emperors  retired  they  often  went 
into  a Buddhist  monastery’,  taking  the  title  of  hd-6 
or  cloistered  emperor.  From  this  sacred  seclusion 
they  continued  many  times  to  wield  the  powers  of 
government. 

The  object  of  this  abdication  was  twofold.  The 
sovereigns  themselves  often  became  restless  and  dis- 
satisfied in  the  constrained  attitude  which  they  were 
compelled  to  maintain.  If  they  were  in  the  least 

' See  Chamberlain’s  Things  Japanese,  under  the  article  on  abdi- 
cation. Yokohama,  i8q2. 


THE  MIDDLE  ACES  OF  JAP  AH. 


127 


ambitious  to  meet  the  requirements  of  their  elevated 
position  and  realized  in  any  degree  the  legitimate 
claims  which  their  country  had  upon  them,  their 
natural  efforts  to  take  part  in  the  administration 
were  promptly  checked,  and  they  were  reminded 
that  it  was  unbecoming  and  unfitting  for  the  descend- 
ants of  the  gods  to  mingle  in  ordinary  earthly  affairs. 
In  this  way  it  often  fell  out  that  the  ablest  of  the 
emperors  retired  from  the  actual  position  of  reigning 
emperor  in  order  to  free  themselves  from  the  re- 
straints of  etiquette  and  from  the  burden  of  ermui 
which  held  them  captive.  They  assumed  the  dignity 
of  retired  emperors,  and  often  from  their  retirement 
wielded  a greater  influence  and  exerted  a far  more 
active  part  in  the  administration  of  affairs  than  they 
ever  had  been  able  to  do  when  upon  the  imperial 
throne. 

Besides  this  motive  which  affected  the  occupants 
of  the  throne,  there  was  a corresponding  one  which 
led  the  officers  of  the  court  to  encourage  and  per- 
haps sometimes  to  compel  the  emperors  to  abdicate. 
These  administrative  officers,  into  whose  hands  the 
management  of  the  government  had  fallen,  were  de- 
sirous to  retain  their  authority,  and  therefore  when- 
ever an  emperor  exhibited  signs  of  independence,  or 
any  disposition  to  think  or  act  for  himself,  they 
contrived  means  to  have  him  retire  and  leave  in  his 
place  some  inexperienced  boy  who  could  be  more 
easily  controlled. 

In  this  kind  of  supervising  statesmanship  the 
Fujiwara  family  became,  and  for  centtiries  remained, 
supreme  experts.  For  a period  of  four  hundred 


128 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


years,  from  A.D.  645  to  1050,  they  monopolized 
nearly  all  the  important  ofifices  in  the  government. 
The  wives  and  concubines  of  the  feeble  emperors 
were  all  taken  from  its  inexhaustible  repertoire.  The 
men  of  the  family,  among  whom  were  always  some 
of  administrative  ability,  found  it  a task  of  no  great 
difificulty  to  rule  the  emperor  who  was  supposed  to 
be  divinely  inspired  to  rule  the  empire,  especially 
when  he  was  usually  a boy  whose  mother,  wife,  and 
court  favorites  were  all  supplied  from  the  Fujiwara 
family.  This  kind  of  life  and  environment  could 
not  fail  to  produce  on  the  successive  emperors  a 
sadly  demoralizing  effect.  They  were  brought  up 
in  an  enervating  atmosphere  and  their  whole  life 
was  spent  in  arts  and  employments  which,  instead 
of  developing  in  them  a spirit  of  independence  and 
a high  ambition  and  ability  to  govern  well  the  em- 
pire committed  to  them,  led  them  to  devote  them- 
selves to  pleasures,  and  to  leave  to  others  less 
fortunate  the  duty  of  administering  the  affairs  of 
government. 

The  same  circumstances  which  demoralized  the 
occupants  of  the  imperial  throne  served  in  a certain 
though  less  degree  to  enervate  and  enfeeble  the 
Fujiwara  family.  Although  they  sometimes  appointed 
one  of  their  number  the  commander  of  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Emishi,  or  to  put  down  fresh  revolts 
in  the  island  of  Kyushu,  yet  his  duties  were  purely 
honorary.  He  usually  remained  at  home  and  sent 
one  or  more  of  the  active  military  chieftains  to  lead 
the  forces  against  the  enemy  in  the  field.  If  the 
expedition  was  successful,  however,  the  honorary 


TtJE  MIDDLE  ACES  OE  JAPAN. 


129 


commander  did  not  forget  to  have  himself  duly 
promoted,  and  rewarded  with  additional  lands  and 
income. 

Other  families  besides  the  Fujiwara,  rose  in  these 
long  and  weary  centuries  to  prominence,  and  seemed 
on  the  point  of  disputing  the  security  of  their  posi- 
tion. Thus  the  Tachibana  in  the  eighth  century  at- 
tained high  honors  and  distinction.  It  was  an  old 
family,  and  even  as  far  back  as  the  legend  of  Yamato- 
dake ' we  find  that  a princess  of  the  Tachibana 
family  was  his  wife,  who  sacrificed  herself  in  the  bay 
of  Yedo  to  appease  the  turbulent  waters.  It  was 
Maroy^,  a member  of  the  Tachibana  family  and  a 
favorite  of  the  Emperor  Shomu  (a.d.  724-756),  who 
compiled  the  collection  of  ancient  Japanese  poetry 
called  Man-yoshu  or  collection  of  Myriad  Leaves. 

Another  family  which  attained  prominence  was 
the  Sugawara.  It  originated  in  the  province  of 
Kawachi.  The  most  noted  representative  of  this 
family  was  Sugawara  Michizan^,  who  was  first  con- 
spicuous as  the  teacher  of  the  young  prince  who 
afterward  became  the  Emperor  Uda  (a.D.  888-898). 
He  was  a brilliant  scholar  in  Chinese,  which  was 
then  the  learned  language  of  the  East.  Even  down 
to  modern  times  his  family  has  been  devoted  to 
learning.  The  Sugawara'*  and  Oye  families  both 
had  adopted  literature  as  their  hereditary  profession, 
and  the  government  made  them  an  allowance  for 

' See  p.  66  el  seq. 

^ At  the  time  that  Dickson  collected  his  statistics  of  the  families 
of  the  court,  two  of  the  Sugawara  family  were  teachers  of  the  young 
emperor.  Six  families  of  Luges  count  their  descent  from  the  Suga- 
wara. Dickson’s  Japan,  London,  l86g,  p.  59. 

9 


130 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


the  expenses'  of  those  who  might  be  pursuing  their 
studies  in  the  national  university.  The  influence  of 
Michizane  over  the  emperor  was  marked  and  salu- 
tary. Under  his  wise  tutelage  Uda  showed  so  much 
independence  that  the  Fujiwara  Kwainbaku  found 
means  to  lead  him  to  abdicate  in  favor  of  his  son, 
who  became  the  sixtieth  emperor,  and  is  known 
under  the  historic  name  of  Daigo.  Michizane  be- 
came the  counsellor  and  was  created  nai-daijin  under 
the  new  emperor,  who  at  the  time  of  his  accession 
was  only  fourteen  years  old.  But  the  Kwambakii 
Tokihira  determined  to  free  himself  from  the  ad- 
verse influence  of  this  wise  and  honest  counsellor. 
So  he  had  him  sent  in  a kind  of  honorable  banish- 
ment to  Dazaifu,  the  seat  of  the  vice-royalty  of  the 
island  of  Kyushu.  It  is  said  that  he  died  here  in 
A.D.  903.  There  was  a great  re-action  in  regard  to 
him  after  his  death,  and  he  was  canonized  under  the 
name  of  Tenjin  ''  (Heavenly  god),  and  is  held  sacred 
as  the  patron  saint  of  men -of  letters  and  of  students. 
The  twenty-fifth  day  of  each  month  is  kept  as  a 
holiday  in  schools,  sacred  to  Tenjin-Sama,  and  the 
twenty-fifth  of  June  as  an  annual  matsuri. 

But  the  families  which  finally  displaced  the  Fuji- 
wara from  their  position  of  supremacy  were  what 
were  technically  called  the  military  families.  The 
separation  of  officers  into  civil  and  military  was 

' See  chapter  on  “ Education  in  the  Early  Ages,”  by  Otsuki  Sinji, 
in  ya/>c77?c'se  Education,  New  York,  1876,  p.  64. 

* Wliile  I write  these  lines  there  is  hanging  before  me  a kakemono 
representing  Sugawara  Michizane,  which  it  has  been  proposed  to  hang 
in  every  public  school  under  the  care  of  the  Department  of  Educa- 
tion, as  an  emblem  of  the  true  scholarly  temperament. 


132 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


made  under  the  reforms  introduced  from  China. 
The  Fujiwara  in  the  main  restricted  themselves  to 
civil  duties.  Wherever  it  was  necessary  to  send 
military  expeditions  against  the  barbarians  of  the 
north,  or  rebels  in  Kyushu,  or  into  the  disaffected 
districts  of  Korea,  commanders  were  selected  from 
families  devoted  to  military  service.  The  Taira 
family  was  of  this  class.  Hei  is  the  Chinese  equiva- 
lent of  the  Japanese  name  Taira,  and  is  more  often 
used  in  the  literature  of  the  times.  The  Taira 
family  sprang  from  the  Emperor  Kwammu  (a.d. 
782-806)  through  one  of  his  concubines.  The  great- 
grandson  of  Kwammu,  Takamochi,  received  permis- 
sion to  adopt  the  name  of  Taira,  and  thus  became 
the  founder  of  the  family.  They  were  the  military 
vassals  of  the  crown  for  many  generations. 

A little  later  than  the  Taira  arose  another  family, 
the  Minamoto,  whose  equivalent  Chinese  name  was 
Gen.  It  sprang  from  the  Emperor  Seiwa  (a.D.  859- 
880).  His  son  Tadazumi  became  minister  of  war. 
Tadazumi  had  two  sons,  who  were  granted  the 
family  name  of  Minamoto  ; the  descendants  of  one 
of  them,  Tsunemoto,  being  created  military  vassals. 

The  almost  constant  wars  in  which  the  empire 
was  engaged  led  to  the  extension  of  the  military 
class.  From  the  time  now  under  discussion  the 
military  class  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  a distinct 
and  separate  part  of  the  population.  It  was  com- 
posed of  those  who  in  the  time  of  war  showed  an 
aptitude  for  arms,  and  who  were  most  serviceable 
in  the  campaigns  which  they  undertook.  Gradually 
they  became  distinct  from  the  agricultural  peasantry. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


133 


and  by  education  and  training  came  to  look  upon 
arms  as  their  legitimate  profession.  They  naturally 
attached  themselves  to  the  military  commanders 
who  led  them  in  their  various  expeditions,  and  thus 
were  in  time  regarded  as  the  standing  troops  of  the 
empire.  This  growth  of  a military  class,  whose 
commanders  were  restless  and  ambitious,  gradually 
undermined  the  authority  which  the  Fujiwara  up  to 
the  tenth  century  had  almost  unrestrictedly  exer- 
cised. The  employment  of  commanders  from  the 
military  families  raised  in  them  an  ambition  to  share 
in  the  powers  of  government.  The  struggles  which 
ensued,  first  between  the  Fujiwara  and  Taira,  and 
then  between  the  Taira  and  Minamoto,  continued  to 
keep  the  country  embroiled  for  more  than  a century. 
The  suffering  and  desolation  resulting  from  these 
weary  internecine  wars  can  only  be  paralleled  by 
such  conflicts  as  that  between  the  White  and  Red 
Roses  in  England,  or  the  Thirty  Years’  War  in  Ger- 
many. Of  these  struggles  it  will  be  possible  to  give 
only  an  outline. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  Taira 
family  sprang  from  the  Emperor  Kwammu,'  whose 
great-grandson,  Takamochi  received  permission  to 
take  Taira  as  his  family  name.  The  Emperor 
Shirakawa  tired  of  the  arrogance  of  the  Fujiwara  in 
A.D.  1087  retired  into  a cloister,  and  from  this 
seclusion  continued  to  exercise  a controllinginfluence 
in  the  conduct  of  affairs.  Tadamori  a descendant 
of  Taira-no-Takamochi  was  a favorite  in  his  court, 
and  even  had  a liaison  with  one  of  his  concubines. 


’ See  p.  132. 


134 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAH. 


The  ex-emperor  complaisantly  informed  the  courtier 
that  if  the  child  to  be  born  proved  to  be  a daughter 
he  himself  would  adopt  it,  but  if  a son  then  it  should 
belong  to  Tadamori.  Accordingly  the  child  being  a 
son  was  a Taira,  and  rose  to  great  eminence  as  Taira- 
no-Kiyomori.  Tadamori  acquired  for  himself  great 
credit  by  his  successful  expedition  against  Korean 
pirates  who  had  cruised  along  the  eastern  coasts  of 
Japan.  In  the  troubles  which  subsequently  arose 
in  reference  to  the  succession  the  Taira  took  an  im- 
portant part.  The  Emperor  Toba,  who  succeeded  to 
the  throne  in  A.D.  i io8  at  the  age  of  six,  abdicated 
in  A D.  1 123  at  the  age  of  twenty-siv.  Both  his  father, 
the  ex-Emperor  Horikawa,  and  his  grandfather,  the 
ex-Emperor  Shirakawa,  were  still  living  in  retirement. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  the  Emperor  Shutoku 
in  .\.l).  1124,  then  six  years  old,  who  after  reigning 
seventeen  years  abdicated.  He  had  a son  but  was 
succeeded  .\.D.  1 142  by  his  brother  Konoye  who  was 
four  years  of  age.  This  mature  youth  reigned 
thirteen  years  and  died  without  abdicating.  On  his 
death-bed  he  adopted  as  the  crown  prince  his  brother 
Go-Shirakawa,  thus  displacing  the  lineal  heir.  The 
succession  was  now  bitterly  disputed.  The  Mina- 
moto  chiefly  espoused  the  cause  of  the  displaced 
heir,  while  Kiyomori  and  the  Taira  together  with 
Minamoto-no-Yoshitomo  supported  Go-Shirakawa. 
In  a battle  fought  A.D.  1156  Kyomori  won  the 
victory.  This  victory  raised  him  to  a pinnacle  of 
power.  He  began  a career  of  nepotism  and  patron- 
age which  was  not  inferior  to  that  of  the  Fujiwara. 
The  ex-Emperor  Shutoku  and  his  son  were  banished 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN.  I 35 

to  the  province  of  Sanuki  where  it  is  said  that 
Shutoku  died  of  starvation.  Tametomo  a member 
of  the  Minamoto  clan  who  was  famed  for  his  great 
strength  and  for  his  skill  in  archery  was  sent  as  an 
exile  to  the  island  of  Hachijo,  southeast  of  the  prom- 
ontory of  Izu.  From  this  island  he  escaped,  and  it 
is  a tradition  that  he  made  his  way  to  the  Ryukyu 
islands  where  he  rose  to  prominence  and  became  the 
ancestor  of  the  kings  of  these  islands. 

Yoshitomo  of  the  Minamoto  clan,  who  had  sided 
with  Kiyomori  in  the  recent  dynastic  conflict  was  a 
brother  of  the  Tametomo  just  mentioned.  He  was 
greatly  offended  by  the  violent  use  which  Kiyomori 
made  of  the  power  which  had  come  into  his  hands. 
With  all  the  Minamoto  and  Fujiwara  he  conspired 
to  overthrow  the  victorious  and  arrogant  Taira.  But 
Kiyomori  suspecting  the  plans  of  his  enemies  took 
measures  to  counteract  them  and  suddenly  fell  upon 
them  in  the  city  of  Kyoto.  Yoshitomo  was  obliged 
to  save  himself  by  fleeing  to  Owari,  where  he  was 
assassinated  by  the  agents  of  Kiyomori.  The  death 
of  the  head  of  the  Minamoto  only  made  the  tyrant 
more  determined  to  crush  all  opposition.  Even  the 
ex-Emperor  Go-Shirakawa,  who  was  a son-in-law  of 
Kiyomori,  but  who  showed  some  signs  of  disapproval, 
was  sent  into  exile.  Several  of  the  sons  of  Yoshitomo 
were  put  to  death ; but  Yoritomo  then  a boy  of 
thirteen  was  saved  by  the  interference  of  the  mother- 
in-law  of  Kiyomori,  and  was  sent  into  exile  in  the 
province  of  Izu,  and  put  into  the  safe-keeping  of  two 
faithful  Taira  men,  one  of  whom  Hojo  Tokimasa 
will  be  heard  of  hereafter. 


136 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Besides  the  four  sons  of  Yoshitomo  by  his  wife, 
he  had  also  three  sons  by  a concubine  named  Toki- 
wa.  She  was  a woman  of  great  beauty,  and  for  that 
reason  as  well  as  because  she  was  the  mother  of  the 
romantic  hero  Yoshitsune,  she  has  often  been  chosen 
by  Japanese  artists  as  the  subject  of  their  pictures. 
Tokiwa  and  her  three  children,  of  whom  Yoshitsune 
was  then  an  infant  at  the  breast,  fled  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  storm  upon  Yoshitomo  and  the  Minamoto 
clan.  They  are  often  represented  as  wandering 
through  a storm  of  snow,  Yoshitsune  being  carried 
as  an  infant  on  the  back  of  his  mother,  and  the 
other  two  little  ones  pattering  along  with  unequal 
steps  at  her  side.  In  this  forlorn  condition  they 
were  met  by  one  of  the  Taira  soldiers,  who  took  pity 
on  them  and  gave  them  shelter.  From  him  they 
learned  that  Kiyomori  had  taken  the  mother  of  To- 
kiwa prisoner,  and  held  her  in  confinement,  knowing 
that  this  would  surely  bring  back  to  him  the  fair 
fugitive  and  her  children.  In  the  Chinese  teachings 
of  that  day,  in  which  Tokiwa  had  been  educated, 
the  duty  of  a child  to  its  mother  was  paramount  to 
that  of  a mother  to  her  child.  So  Tokiwa  felt  that 
it  was  unquestionably  her  duty  to  go  back  at  once 
to  the  capital  and  surrender  herself  in  order  to  pro- 
cure the  release  of  her  mother.  But  her  maternal 
heart  rebelled  when  she  remembered  that  her  babes 
would  surely  be  sacrificed  by  this  devotion.  Her 
woman’s  wdt  devised  a scheme  which  might  po.ssibly 
furnish  a way  between  these  terrible  alternatives. 
She  determined  to  surrender  herself  and  her  children 
to  Kiyomori,  and  depend  upon  her  beauty  to  save 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


137 


them  from  the  fate  which  had  been  pronounced 
upon  all  the  Minamoto.  So  with  her  little  flock  she 
went  back  and  gave  herself  up  to  the  implacable 
tyrant.  Softened  by  her  beauty  and  urged  by  a 
number  of  his  courtiers,  he  set  her  mother  at  liberty 
in  exchange  for  her  becoming  his  concubine,  and 
distributed  her  children  in  separate  monasteries. 
The  chief  interest  follows  the  youngest  boy,  Yoshi- 
tsune,  who  was  sent  to  the  monastery  at  Kurama 
Yama'  near  Kyoto.  Here  he  grew  up  a vigorous 
and  active  youth,  more  devoted  to  woodcraft, 
archery,  and  fencing  than  to  the  studies  and  devo- 
tions of  the  monastery.  At  sixteen  years  of  age  he 
was  urged  by  the  priests  to  become  a monk  and  to 
spend  the  rest  of  his  days  in  praying  for  the  soul  of 
his  father.  But  he  refused,  and  shortly  after  he 
escaped  from  the  monastery  in  company  with  a 
merchant  who  was  about  to  visit  the  northern  prov- 
inces. Yoshitsune  reached  Mutsu,  where  he  entered 
the  service  of  Fujiwara-no-Hidehira,  then  governor 
of  the  province.  Here  he  spent  several  years  devot- 
ing himself  to  the  military  duties  which  chiefly 
pertained  to  the  government  of  that  rough  and  bar- 
barous province.  He  developed  into  the  gallant 
and  accomplished  soldier  who  played  a principal 
part  in  the  wars  which  followed,  and  became  the 
national  hero  around  whose  name  have  clustered  the 
choicest  traditions  of  his  country. 

Meanwhile,  as  we  have  seen,  Yoritomo,^  the  oldest 

’ See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  383. 

’ He  was  born  in  A.D.  1146  and  therefore  was  twelve  years  older 
than  Yoshitsune. 


138  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

son  of  Yoshitomo,  and  by  inheritance  the  head  of 
the  Minamoto  clan,  had  been  banished  to  Izu  and 
committed  to  the  care  of  two  faithful  Taira  adher- 
ents. Yoritomo  married  Masago,  the  daughter  of 
Hojo  Tokimasa,  one  of  these,  and  found  means  to 
induce  Tokimasa  to  join  him  in  his  plans  to  over- 
throw the  tyrant  Kiyomori,  who  now  ruled  the 
empire  with  relentless  severity.  Even  the  retired 
emperor  joined  in  this  conspiracy  and  wrote  letters 
to  Yoritomo  urging  him  to  lead  in  the  attempt  to 
put  down  the  Taira.  Yoritomo  summoned  the 
scattered  members  of  the  Minamoto  clan  and  all  the 
disaffected  elements  of  every  kind  to  his  assistance. 
It  does  not  seem  that  this  summons  was  responded 
to  with  the  alacrity  which  was  hoped  for.  The  in 
experience  of  Yoritomo  and  the  power  and  resources 
of  him  against  whom  they  were  called  upon  to  array 
themselves,  led  the  scattered  enemies  of  Kiyomori 
to  hesitate  to  join  so  hopeless  a cause.  The  rendez- 
vous of  the  Minamoto  was  at  Ishibashi  Yama,  and  it 
is  said  that  only  three  hundred  men  gathered  at  the 
call.  They  were  followed  and  attacked  by  a greatly 
superior  force,  and  utterly  routed.  It  is  a tradition 
that  Yoritomo  and  six  friends,  who  had  escaped 
from  the  slaughter  of  this  battle,  hid  themselves  in 
the  hollow  of  an  immense  tree.  Their  pursuers, -in 
searching  for  them,  sent  one  of  their  number  to 
examine  this  tree.  He  was  secretly  a friend  of  the 
Minamoto,  and  when  he  discovered  the  fugitives  he 
told  them  to  remain,  and  announced  to  those  who 
sent  him  that  the  tree  was  empty.  He  even  inserted 
his  spear  into  the  hollow  and  turned  it  about  to 


THE  MIDDLE  ACES  OF  JAPAN. 


139 


show  that  there  was  nothing  there.  When  he  did 
this  two  doves ' flew  out,  and  the  artful  soldier 
reported  that  spiders’  webs  were  in  the  mouth  of  the 
opening. 

Yoritomo  now  fled  to  the  promontory  of  Awa, 
east  of  what  became  known  afterward  as  Yedo  bay. 
He  sent  messages  in  every  direction  summoning  the 
enemies  of  Kiyomori  to  join  him.  His  brother 
Yoshitsune  gathered  what  forces  he  could  from  the 
north  and  marched  to  the  region  which  was  to  be- 
come famous  as  the  site  of  Kamakura.  He  was 
joined  by  others  of  his  clan  and  soon  felt  himself  in 
such  a position  as  to  assume  the  aggressive.  He 
fixed  upon  Kamakura  as  his  headquarters  about  A.D. 
1180,  and  as  his  power  increased  it  grew  to  be  a 
great  city.  It  was  difficult  of  access  from  Kyoto  and 
by  fortifying  the  pass  of  Hakonc,’’  where  the  moun- 
tainous regions  of  Shinano  come  down  to  the  eastern 
coast  not  far  from  Fujisan,  it  was  rendered  safe  from 
attacks  coming  from  the  south. 

While  these  notes  of  preparation  were  being 
sounded  Kiyomori,  who  as  daijo-daijin  had  ruled 
the  empire  for  many  years,  died  A.D.  Ii8i,at  the 
age  of  sixty-four.  He  was  fully  aware  of  the  por- 
tentous clouds  which  were  gathering  around  his 
family.  On  his  death-bed  he  is  said  to  have  warned 
them  of  the  danger  arising  from  the  plans  of  Yori- 

' Doves  are  not  eaten  by  the  Minamoto  to  this  day,  owing,  it  is 
said,  to  this  miraculous  interposition  in  behalf  of  Yoritomo. 

* About  A.D.  1618  Hakone  was  created  a barrier  to  separate  the 
eastern  from  the  central  provinces.  Persons  were  not  allowed  to  go 
through  this  barrier  without  a passport. 


140 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


tomo.  According  to  the  Nihon-Gwaishi,  he  said, 
“ ]\Iy  regret  is  only  that  I am  dying,  and  have  not 
yet  seen  the  head  of  Yoritomo  of  the  Minamoto. 
After  my  decease  do  not  make  offerings  to  Buddha 
on  my  behalf  nor  read  sacred  books.  Only  cut  off 
the  head  of  Yoritomo  of  the  Minamoto  and  hang  it 
on  my  tomb.” 

The  death  of  Kiyomori  ' hastened  the  triumph  of 
Yoritomo.  Munemori  the  son  of  Kiyomori  became 
the  head  of  the  Taira  clan,  and  continued  the  con- 
test. But  Yoritomo’s  combinations  speedily  reduced 
the  countrj'to  his  power.  Yoshitsune  with  his  army 
from  the  north  was  at  Kamakura ; Yoshinaka,  a 
cousin  of  Yoritomo,  was  in  command  of  an  army 
gathered  in  the  highlands  of  Shinano  ; while  Yori- 
tomo himself  led  the  forces  collected  in  Awa,  Kazusa 
and  Musashi.  The  point  to  which  all  the  armies 
were  directed  was  the  capital  where  the  Taira  were 
still  in  full  control.  Yoshinaka  was  the  first  to  come 
in  collision  with  the  forces  of  the  capital.  INIunemori 
had  sent  out  an  army  to  oppose  Yoshinaka  who  was 
swiftly  approaching  along  the  Nakasendo.  The 
Taira  army  was  completely  defeated  and  Yoshinaka 
marched  victoriously  into  the  capital.  Munemori 
with  the  reigning  emperor  Antoku,  then  only  a child 
six  years  of  age,  and  all  the  imperial  court  crossed 
the  Inland  sea  to  Sanuki,  the  northern  province  of 
the  island  of  Shikoku.  The  two  retired  emperors 
Go-Shirakawa,  and  Takakura  who  sympathized  with 

' In  A.D.  1286,  more  than  a century  after  his  death,  a monument 
was  erected  to  Kiyomori  in  Hyogo  which  still  exists.  Satow  and 
Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  338. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


14I 


the  revolutionary  movements  of  Yoritomo,  remained 
behind  and  welcomed  Yoshinaka  to  the  capital. 
The  retirement  of  the  emperor  from  the  palace  was 
taken  as  his  abdication,  and  his  younger  brother, 
Go-Toba,  then  seven  years  old,  was  proclaimed  em- 
peror. 

Yoshinaka,  puffed  up  by  his  rapid  success,  and 
disregarding  the  paramount  position  of  Yoritomo, 
assumed  the  superintendence  of  the  government  and 
had  himself  appointed  sei-i-shdgiin'  which  was  the 
highest  military  title  then  bestowed  upon  a subject. 
He  even  went  so  far  as  to  antagonize  Yoritomo  and 
undertook  to  pluck  the  fruits  of  the  military  move- 
ments which  had  brought  about  this  revolution  of 
the  government. 

Yoritomo  at  once  despatched  Yoshitsune  at  the 
head  of  his  army  to  Kyoto  to  put  down  this  most 
unexpected  and  unnatural  defection.  He  met 
Yoshinaka’s  army  near  lake  Biwa  and  inflicted  upon 
it  a severe  defeat.  Overwhelmed  with  shame  and 
knowing  that  he  deserved  no  consideration  at  the 
hands  of  his  outraged  relatives,  Yoshinaka  committed 
suicide.  Yoshitsun^  then  followed  the  fugitive 
court.  He  destroyed  the  Taira  palace  at  Hyogo, 

’ The  title  of  shdgun  is  said  to  have  been  created  by  the  Emperor 
Sujin,  who  divided  the  empire  into  four  military  divisions,  each 
commanded  by  a shogun  or  general.  When  Yoshinaka  assumed 
control  in  Kyoto  at  the  time  of  his  victory  he  was  appointed  sei-i- 
shogun  (barbarian  compelling  general).  Subsequently  Yoritomo 
secured  the  supreme  military  authority  and  having  resigned  the  civil 
offices  held  by  him  he  was  appointed  by  imperial  edict  sei-i-tai-shogutt 
or  great  barbarian  compelling  general. 

See  G.  Apperl's  A ncien  Japan,  vol.  iii.,  p.  84;  also  Satow’s  note 
to  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  i.,  p.  42. 


142 


THE  STORY  OF  /A  PAH. 


and  then  crossed  over  to  Sanuki,  whither  the  court 
had  fled.  Alarmed  by  the  swift  vengeance  which 
was  pursuing  them,  Munemori  together  with  the 
emperor  and  his  mother  and  all  the  court  hastily 
embarked  for  what  they  hoped  might  be  an  asylum 
in  the  island  of  Kyushu.  They  were  pursued  by 
the  Minamoto  army  in  the  junks  which  had  brought 
them  to  Sanuki.  They  were  overtaken  at  Dan-no- 
ura  not  far  from  the  village  of  Shimonoseki,  in  the 
narrow  straits  at  the  western  extremity  of  the  Inland 
sea.  The  naval  battle  which  here  took  place  is  the 
most  famous  in  the  annals  of  the  Japanese  empire. 
According  to  the  NihojuGwaishi  the  Taira  fleet  con- 
sisted of  five  hundred  junks,  and  the  Minamoto  of 
seven  hundred.  The  vessels  of  the  Taira  were  en- 
cumbered by  many  women  and  children  of  the 
escaping  families,  which  put  them  at  a great  disad- 
vantage. The  young  emperor,  with  his  mother  and 
grandmother,  were  also  the  precious  freight  of  this 
fugitive  fleet.  Of  course,  at  this  early  date  the 
vessels  which  contended  were  unlike  the  monstrous 
men-of-war  which  now  make  naval  warfare  so  stu- 
pendous a game.  They  were  not  even  to  be  com- 
pared with  the  vessels  which  made  up  the  Spanish 
Armada  in  A.D.  1588,  or  the  ships  in  which  the 
gallant  British  sailors  repulsed  them.  Cannon  were 
no  part  of  their  armament.  The  men  fought  with 
bows  and  arrows,  and  with  spears  and  swords.  It 
was,  however,  a terrible  hand-to-hand  fight  between 
men  who  felt  that  their  all  was  at  stake.  Story- 
tellers draw  from  this  battle  some  of  their  most  lurid 
narratives,  and  artists  have  depicted  it  with  realistic 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN.  I43 

horrors.  The  grandmother  of  the  emperor,  the 
widow  of  Kiyomori,  seeing  that  escape  was  impos- 
sible, took  the  boy  emperor  in  her  arms,  and  in  spite 
of  the  remonstrances  of  her  daughter,  who  was  the 
boy’s  mother,  she  plunged  into  the  sea,  and  both 
were  drowned. 

The  great  mass  of  the  Taira  perished  in  this  battle, 
but  a remnant  escaped  to  the  island  of  Kyushu  and 
hid  themselves  in  the  inaccessible  valleys  of  the 
province  of  Higo.  Here  they  have  been  recognized 
in  recent  times,  and  it  is  claimed  that  they  still  show 
the  surly  aversion  to  strangers  which  is  an  inheri- 
tance derived  from  the  necessity  under  which  they 
long  rested  to  hide  themselves  from  the  vengeance 
which  pursued  them.' 

This  battle  was  decisive  in  the  question  of  suprem- 
acy between  the  Taira  and  Minamoto  clans.  The 
same  policy  of  extermination  which  Kiyomori  had 
pursued  against  the  Minamoto  was  now  remorse- 
lessly enforced  by  the  Minamoto  against  the  Taira. 
The  prisoners  who  were  taken  in  the  battle  were 
executed  to  the  last  man.  Munemori  was  taken 
prisoner  and  decapitated.  Whenever  a Taira  man, 
woman,  or  child  was  found,  death  was  the  inevntable 
penalty  inflicted.  Yoritomo  stationed  his  father-in- 
law  Hojo  Tokimasa  at  Kyoto  to  search  out  and 
eradicate  his  enemies  as  well  as  to  supervise  the 
affairs  of  the  government. 

' Adams,  in  his  History  of  Japan,  vol.  i.,  p.  37,  gives  a quaint 
quotation  from  Nihon-Cwaishi  as  follows;  “The  crimes  of  the 
Heishi  against  the  imperial  family  were  atoned  for  by  their  services, 
and  heaven  therefore  would  not  cut  off  their  posterity.  And  this 
probably  was  right.” 


144 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPaH. 


It  will  be  remembered  that  Go-Toba,  a mere 
child  (a.d.  ii86)  only  seven  years  of  age,  had  been 
put  on  the  throne,  in  the  place  of  the  fugitive  An- 
toku.  Now  that  the  latter  had  perished  at  Dan-no- 
ura,  there  could  be  no  question  about  the  legitimacy 
and  regularity  of  Go-Toba’s  accession.  The  retired 
Emperor  Go-Shirakawa,  who  had  been  a friend  and 
promoter  of  the  schemes  of  Yoritomo,  was  still  alive, 
and  rendered  important  aid  in  the  re-organization  of 
the  government. 

The  darkest  blot  upon  the  character  of  Yoritomo 
is  his  treatment  of  his  youngest  brother  Yoshitsune. 
It  was  he  who  had  by  his  generalship  and  gallantry 
brought  these  terrible  wars  to  a triumphant  con- 
clusion. He  had  crushed  in  the  decisive  battle  of 
Dan-no-ura  the  last  of  the  enemies  of  Yoritomo. 
With  his  victorious  troops  he  marched  northward, 
and  with  prisoners  and  captured  standards  was  on 
his  way  to  lay  them  at  the  feet  of  his  now  trium- 
phant brother  at  Kamakura.  But  the  demon  of  jeal- 
ousy had  taken  possession  of  Yoritomo.  He  resented 
the  success  and  fame  of  his  more  winning  and  heroic 
brother.  He  sent  orders  to  him  not  to  enter  Kama- 
kura, and  to  give  up  his  trophies  of  battle  at  Koshi- 
goye  near  to  Enoshima.  Here  at  the  monastery  of 
Mampukuji  is  still  kept  the  draft  of  the  touching 
letter'  which  he  sent  to  his  brother,  protesting  his 
loyalty  and  denying  the  charges  of  ambition  and 
self-seeking  which  had  been  made  against  him.  But 
all  this  availed  nothing.  Yoshitsun^  returned  to 
Kyoto  and,  in  fear  of  bodily  harm  from  the  machina- 

’ See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  57. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


145 


tions  of  his  brother,  made  his  escape  with  his  faithful 
servant  Benkei,'  into  his  old  asylum  with  his  friend 
Fujiwara  Hidehira  the  governor  of  Mutsu.  Shortly 
after  his  arrival,  however,  Hidehira  died,  and  his  son 
Yasuhira  abjectly  connived  at  his  assassination  * 
A.D.  1189,  with  a view  to  secure  Yoritomo’s  favor. 

' There  are  almost  as  many  legends  current  concerning  Benkei  as 
his  master.  Their  first  encounter  was  upon  the  Gojo  bridge  in  Kyoto, 
where  Benkei  prowled  for  the  purpose  of  robbing  passengers.  Yoshi- 
tsune,  then  only  a youth  of  sixteen  years,  displayed  so  much  agility 
and  swordsmanship  that  the  veteran  robber  yielded  to  him,  and  ever 
after  followed  him  as  his  faithful  body  servant.  The  Japanese  Fairy 
IVorld,  by  W.  E.  Griffis,  contains  the  legend  of  Benkei  stealing  a 
huge  bell  five  feet  high  from  the  monastery  at  Miidera,  and  carrying 
it  on  his  shoulders  to  Hiyesan  (see  p.  93).  When  Yoshitsune  was 
compelled  to  flee  from  the  vengeance  of  his  brother,  he  came  with 
Benkei,  both  disguised  as  begging  priests,  to  a guarded  barrier. 
The  custodians  refused  them  passage,  but  Benkei,  who  was  cunning 
as  well  as  strong,  pulled  out  from  his  bosom  a roll  of  blank  paper 
and  pretended  to  read  a commission  from  the  abbot  of  Hokoji,  in 
Kyoto,  authorizing  the  two  travellers  to  collect  funds  throughout  the 
country  for  casting  a great  bell  for  their  temple.  The  custodians 
were  deeply  impressed  with  this  holy  message  and  allowed  the 
travellers  to  pass  without  further  question. 

There  are  many  legends,  existing  among  the  Ainos,  of  Yoshitsune 
having  lived  among  them  and  taught  them  improved  arts  of  hunting 
and  fishing.  There  is  a wooden  image  of  him  at  the  village  of  Upper 
Piratori,  which  is  saluted  (not  worshipped)  in  token  of  honor  to  his 
memory.  Rev.  John  Batchelor,  who  has  lived  as  a missionary  among 
the  Ainos  many  years,  is  of  the  opinion  that  this  reverence  is  largely 
due  to  a desire  on  the  part  of  the  Ainos  to  conciliate  their  Japanese 
masters.  It  has  seemed  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  the  tradi- 
tions concerning  Yoshitsune  among  the  Ainos  have  been  carried  from 
the  Main  island  by  the  retreating  tribes,  and  that  Yoshitsune  never 
lived  with  them  in  Yezo,  but  was  only  familiar  with  them  in  the  wild 
regions  of  Mutsu  and  Dewa. 

See  paper  by  Rev.  J.  Batchelor,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol. 

xvi.,  part  i,  p.  20. 

10 


146 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


He  was  at  the  time  of  his  death  only  thirty  years  of 
age.  He  has  lived  down  to  the  present  time  in  the 
admiring  affection  of  a warlike  and  heroic  people. 
Although  Yoritomo  is  looked  upon  as  perhaps  their 
greatest  hero,  yet  their  admiration  is  always  coupled 
with  a proviso  concerning  his  cruel  treatment  of  his 
brother. 

In  order  not  to  rest  under  the  imputation  of  having 
encouraged  this  assassination,  Yoritomo  marched  at 
the  head  of  a strong  force  and  inflicted  punishment 
upon  Yasuhira  for  having  done  what  he  himself  de- 
sired but  dared  not  directly  authorize. 

The  way  was  now  clear  for  Yoritomo  to  establish 
a system  of  government  which  should  secure  to  him 
and  his  family  the  fruits  of  his  long  contest.  In 
A.D.  H90,  he  went  up  to  the  capital  to  pay  his  re- 
spects to  the  Emperor  Go-Toba  as  well  as  to  the 
veteran  retired  Emperor  Go-Shirakawa.  The  latter 
was  now  in  his  sixty-sixth  year,  and  had  held  his 
place  through  five  successive  reigns,  and  was  now 
the  friend  and  patron  of  the  new  government.  He 
died,  however,  only  two  years  later.  Yoritomo  knew 
the  effect  produced  by  a magnificent  display,  and 
therefore  made  his  progress  to  the  capital  with  all 
the  pomp  and  circumstance  which  he  could  com- 
mand. The  festivities  were  kept  up  for  a month, 
and  the  court  and  its  surroundings  were  deeply  im- 
pressed with  a sense  of  the  power  and  irresistible 
authority  of  the  head  of  the  Minamoto  clan. 

Yoritomo  did  not,  however,  choose  to  establish 
himself  at  Kyoto  amid  the  atmosphere  of  effeminacy 
which  surrounded  the  court.  After  his  official  visit. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAN. 


147 


during  which  every  honor  and  rank  which  could  be 
bestowed  by  the  emperor  were  showered  upon  his 
head  and  all  his  family  and  friends,  he  returned  to 
his  own  chosen  seat  at  Kamakura.  Here  he  busied 
himself  in  perfecting  a system  which,  while  it  would 
perpetuate  his  own  power,  would  also  build  up  a firm 
national  government. 

His  first  step,  A.D.  1 184,  was  to  establish  a council 
at  which  affairs  of  state  were  discussed,  and  which 
furnished  a medium  through  which  the  administra- 
tion might  be  conducted.  The  president  of  this 
council  was  Oye-no-Hiromoto.'  Its  jurisdiction  per- 
cained  at  first  to  the  Kwanto — that  is,  to  the  part  of 
the  country  east  of  the  Hakon6  barrier.  This  region 
was  more  completely  under  the  control  of  the 
Minamoto,  and  therefore  could  be  more  easily  and 
surely  submitted  to  administrative  methods.  He 
also  established  a criminal  tribunal  to  take  cog- 
nizance of  robberies  and  other  crimes  which,  during 
the  lawless  and  violent  disturbances  in  the  country, 
had  largely  prevailed. 

But  the  step,  which  was  destined  to  produce  the 
most  far-reaching  results,  consisted  in  his  obtaining 
from  the  emperor  the  appointment  of  five  of  his  own 
family  as  governors  of  provinces,  promising  on  his 
part  to  supervise  their  actions  and  to  be  responsible 
for  the  due  performance  of  their  duty.  Up  to  this 
time  the  governors  and  vice-governors  of  provinces 

' Oye-no-Hiromoto  was  a powerful  adherent  of  Yoritomo,  and  was 
a member  of  his  administrative  council.  He  was  the  ancestor  of 
the  Mori  family,  who  afterward  became  famous  as  the  daimyos  of 
Choshu. 


148 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


had  always  been  appointed  from  civnl  life  and  were 
taken  from  the  families  surrounding  the  imperial 
court.  He  also  was  authorized  to  send  into  each 
province  a military  man,  who  was  to  reside  there,  to 
aid  the  governor  in  military  affairs.  Naturally,  the 
military  man,  being  the  more  active,  gradually  ab 
sorbed  much  of  the  power  formerly  exercised  by 
the  governor.  These  military  men  were  under  the 
authority  of  Yoritomo  and  formed  the  beginning  of 
that  feudal  system  which  was  destined  to  prevail  so 
long  in  Japan.  He  also  received  from  the  court, 
shortly  after  his  visit  to  Kyoto,  the  title  of  sei-i-tai- 
shogun,  which  was  the  highest  military  title  which 
had  ever  been  bestowed  on  a subject.  This  is  the 
title  which,  down  to  A.D.  1868,  was  borne  by  the 
real  rulers  of  Japan.  The  possession  of  the  power 
implied  by  this  title  enabled  Yoritomo  to  introduce 
responsible  government  into  the  almost  ungoverned 
districts  of  the  empire,  and  to  give  to  Japan  for  the 
first  time  in  many  centuries  a semblance  of  peace. 

There  were  also  many  minor  matters  of  adminis- 
tration which  Yoritomo,  in  the  few  remaining  years 
of  his  life,  put  in  order.  He  obtained  from  the 
emperor  permission  to  levy  a tax  on  the  agricultural 
products  of  the  country,  from  which  he  defrayed  the 
e.xpenses  of  the  military  government.  He  estab- 
lished tribunals  for  the  hearing  and  determining  of 
causes,  and  thus  secured  justice  in  the  ordinary 
affairs  of  life.  He  forbade  the  priests  and  monks 
in  the  great  Buddhist  monasteries,  who  had  become 
powerful  and  arrogant,  to  bear  arms,  or  to  harbor 
those  bearing  arms. 


’ See  note,  p.  141. 


THE  MIDDLE  AGES  OF  JAPAH. 


1 49 


In  all  these  administrative  reforms  Yoritomo  was 
careful  always  to  secure  the  assent  and  authority  of 
the  imperial  court.'  In  no  case  did  he  assume  or 


YORITOMO. 

' We  owe  to  Kaempfer,  perhaps,  the  erroneous  notion  which  has 
been  repeated  by  subsequent  writers  that  there  was  both  an  ecclesias- 
tical and  a temporal  emperor.  This  was  never  true.  There  has 
been  only  one  emperor,  who,  in  the  Japanese  theory,  was  the  direct 
descendant  of  divine  ancestors  and  who  has  always  been  the  supreme 
authority.  From  the  time  of  Yoritomo,  however,  the  administration 
was  in  the  hand  of  an  hereditary  shogun  who  always  received  the 
commission  of  the  emperor  for  the  performance  of  his  duties.  See 
Kaempfer’s  Hisioire  de  T Empire  du  yapon,  vol.  i.,  p.  182. 


150 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


exercise  independent  authority.  In  this  way  was 
introduced  at  this  time  that  system  of  dual  gov- 
ernment which  continued  until  the  resignation  of 
the  Tokugawa  Shogun  in  1868.  After  his  first  visit 
to  Kyoto,  in  A.D.  1190,  Yoritomo  devoted  the  re- 
maining years  of  his  life  to  the  confirmation  of  his 
power  and  the  encouragement  of  the  arts  of  peace 
In  A.D.  1 195  he  made  a second  magnificent  visit  to 
Kyoto  and  remained  four  months.  It  is  because  of 
these  peaceful  results,  which  follo’.xed  the  long  inter- 
necine struggles,  that  the  Japanese  regard  Yoritomo 
as  one  of  their  most  eminent  and  notable  men. 
Under  the  influence  of  his  court  Kamakura  grew  to 
be  a great  city  and  far  outranked  even  Kyoto  in 
power  and  activity,  though  not  in  size. 

In  the  autumn  of  the  year  A.D.  1 198,  when  return- 
ing from  the  inspection  of  a new  bridge  over  the 
Sagami  river,  he  had  a fall  from  his  horse  which 
seriously  injured  him.  He  died  from  the  effects  of 
this  fall  in  the  early  part  of  the  following  year,  in 
the  fifty-third  year  of  his  age.  He  had  wielded  the 
unlimited  military  power  for  the  last  fifteen  years. 
His  death  was  almost  as  much  of  an  epoch  in  the 
history  of  Japan  as  his  life  had  been.  We  shall  see 
in  the  chapters  which  follow  the  deplorable  results 
of  that  system  of  effeminacy  and  nepotism,  of  abdi- 
cation and  regency,  which  Yoritomo  had  to  resist, 
and  which,  had  he  lived  twenty  years  more,  his 
country  might  have  escaped. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

EMPEROR  AND  SE^OGUN. 

The  death  of  Yoritomo  brought  into  prominence 
the  very  same  system  which  had  been  the  bane  of 
the  imperial  house  during  many  centuries.  His  son 
and  the  hereditary  successor  to  his  position  and  power 
was  Yoriiye,  then  eighteen  years  of  age.  He  was 
the  son  of  Masago,  and  therefore  the  grandson  of 
Hojo  Tokimasa,  who  had  been  Yoritomo’s  chief 
friend  and  adviser.  He  was  an  idle,  vicious  boy, 
and  evinced  no  aptitude  to  carry  on  the  work  of  his 
father.  In  this  wayward  career  he  was  not  checked 
by  his  grandfather,  and  is  even  said  to  have  been 
encouraged  to  pursue  a life  of  pleasure  and  gayety, 
while  the  earnest  work  of  the  government  was  trans- 
acted by  others.  Tokimasa  assumed  the  duties  of 
president  of  the  Council  as  well  as  guardian  of 
Yoriiye,  and  in  these  capacities  conducted  the  ad- 
ministration entirely  according  to  his  own  will.  The 
appointments  of  position  and  rank  which  the  father 
had  received  from  the  emperor  were  in  like  manner 
bestowed  upon  the  son.  He  was  made  head  of  the 
military  administrators  stationed  in  the  several 
provinces,  and  he  also  received  the  military  title  of 


152 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


sci-i-tai-shogun,  to  which  Yoritomo  had  been  ap- 
pointed. But  these  appointments  were  only  honor- 
ary, and  the  duties  pertaining  to  them  were  all 
performed  by  the  guardian  of  the  young  man. 

In  the  year  A.D.  1203,  that  is  in  the  fourth  year 
succeeding  Yoritomo’s  death,  Yoriiye  was  taken 
sick,  and  was  unable  to  fulfil  his  duties  even  in  the 
feeble  manner  which  was  customary.  Mis  mother 
consulted  with  Tokimasa,  and  they  agreed  that 
Yoriiye  should  abdicate  and  surrender  the  headship 
of  the  military  administration  to  his  brother  Semman, 
who  was  twelve  years  of  age,  and  his  son  Ichiman. 
Yoriiye  seems  to  have  resisted  these  suggestions, 
and  even  resorted  to  force  to  free  himself  from  the 
influence  of  the  Hojo.  But  Tokimasa  was  too 

powerful  to  be  so  easily  dispensed  with.  Yoriiye 
was  compelled  to  yield,  and  he  retired  to  a monastery 
and  gave  up  his  offices.  Not  content  with  this 
living  retirement,  Tokimasa  contrived  to  have  him 
assa.ssinated.  Semman,  his  brother,  was  appointed 
sci-i-tai-shogun,  and  his  name  changed  to  Sanetomo. 
But  Sanetomo  did  not  long  enjoy  his  promotion, 
because  his  nephew,  the  son  of  his  murdered  prede- 
cessor, deemed  him  responsible  for  his  father’s 
murder,  and  took  occasion  to  assassinate  him.  Then 
in  turn  the  nephew  was  put  to  death  for  this  crime, 
and  thus  by  the  year  A.D.  1219  the  last  of  the 
de.scendants  of  the  great  Yoritomo  had  perished.  In 
the  meantime  Tokimasa  had,  A.D.  1205,  retired  to  a 
Buddhist  monastery  in  his  sixty-eighth  year,  and  in 
A.D.  1216,  when  he  was  seventy-eight,  he  died.  The 
court  at  Kamakura  was  now  prepared  to  go  on  in 


EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN. 


153 


its  career  of  effeminacy  after  the  pattern  of  that  at 
Kyoto. 

Mesago,  the  widow  of  Yoritomo  and  daughter  of 
Tokimasa,  although  she  too  had  taken  refuge  in  a 
Buddhist  nunnery,  continued  to  exercise  a ruling 
control  in  the  affairs  of  the  government.  She 
solicited  from  the  court  at  Kyoto  the  appointment 
of  Yoritsune,  a boy  of  the  Fujiwara  family,  only  two 
years  old,  as  sci-i-tai-shdgun  in  the  place  of  the  mur- 
dered Sanetomo.  The  petition  was  granted,  and 
this  child  was  entrusted  to  the  care  of  the  Hojo, 
who,  as  regents ' of  the  shogun,  exercised  with  un- 
limited sway  the  authority  of  this  great  office.  The 
situation  of  affairs  in  Japan  at  this  time  was  deplor- 
able. Go-Toba  and  Tsuchi-mikado  were  both  living 
in  retirement  as  ex-emperors.  Juntoku  was  the 
reigning  emperor,  who  was  under  the  influence  and 
tutelage  of  the  ex-Emperor  Go-Toba.  Fretting 
under  the  arrogance  of  the  Hojo,  Go-Toba  under- 
took to  resist  their  claims.  But  Yoshitoku,  the 
Hojo  regent  at  this  time,  quickly  brought  the  Kyoto 
court  to  terms  by  the  use  of  his  military  power. 
The  ex-Emperor  Go-Toba  was  compelled  to  be- 
come a monk,  and  was  exiled  to  the  island  of  Oki. 
The  Emperor  Juntoku  was  forced  to  abdicate,  and 
was  banished  to  Sado,  and  a grandson  of  the  former 
Emperor  Takakura  placed  on  the  throne.  Even  the 
ex-Emperor  Tsuchi-mikado,  who  had  not  taken  any 
part  in  the  conspiracy,  was  sent  off  to  the  island  of 
Shikoku.  The  lands  that  had  belonged  to  the 
implicated  nobles  were  confiscated  and  distributed 
' The  Japanese  term  is  Shikken,  which  is  usually  translated  regent. 


154 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


by  Yoshitoku  among  his  own  adherents.  The  power 
of  the  Hojo  family  was  thus  raised  to  its  supreme 
point.  They  ruled  both  at  Kyoto  and  Kamakura 
with  resistless  authority.  They  exercised  at  both 
places  this  authority  without  demanding  or  receiv- 
ing the  appointment  to  any  of  the  high  positions 
which  they  might  have  claimed.  They  were  only 
the  regents  of  young  and  immature  shoguns,  who 
were  the  appointees  of  a court  which  had  at  its  head 
an  emperor  without  power  or  influence,  and  which 
was  controlled  by  the  creatures  of  their  own  desig- 
nation. This  lamentable  state  of  things  lasted  for 
many  years.  The  shoguns  during  all  this  time  were 
children  sent  from  Kyoto,  sons  of  emperors  or 
connections  of  the  royal  family.  The  Hojo  ruled 
them  as  well  as  the  country.  Whenever  it  seemed 
best,  they  relentlessly  deposed  them,  and  set  up 
others  in  their  places.  In  A.D.  1289  the  Regent 
Sadatoki,  it  is  said,  became  irritated  with  one  of 
these  semi-royal  shoguns,  named  Koreyasu,  and  in 
order  to  show  his  contempt  for  him,  had  him  put  in 
a nori-mono'  with  his  heels  upward,  and  sent  him 
under  guard  to  Kyoto.  Some  of  the  Hojo  regents, 
however,  were  men  of  character  and  efficiency. 
Yasutoki,  for  instance,  who  became  regent  in  A. I). 
1225,  was  a man  of  notable  executive  ability,  taking 
Yoritomo  as  his  model.  Besides  being  a soldier  of 
tried  capacity,  he  was  a true  friend  of  the  farmer  in 
his  seasons  of  famine  and  trial,  and  a promoter  of 
legal  reforms  and  of  the  arts,  which  found  a congenial 
home  among  the  Japanese. 

' A travelling  palanquin. 


EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN. 


155 


But  this  condition  of  affairs  could  not  last  always. 
The  very  same  influences  which  put  the  real 
power  into  the  hands  of  the  regents  were  at  work 
to  render  them  unfit  to  continue  to  wield  it.  Abdi- 
cation and  effeminacy  were  gradually  dragging  down 
the  Hojo  family  to  the  same  level  as  that  of  the 
shoguns  and  emperors.  In  A.D.  1256  Tokiyori,  then 
only  thirty  years  old,  resigned  the  regency  in  favor 
of  his  son  Tokimune,  who  was  only  six  years.  He 
himself  retired  to  a monastery,  from  which  he 
travelled  as  a visiting  monk  throughout  the  country. 
In  the  meantime  his  son  was  under  the  care  of  a 
tutor,  Nagatoki,  who,  of  course,  was  one  of  the  Hojo 
family.  Thus  it  had  come  about  that  a tutor  now 
controlled  the  regent  ; who  was  supposed  to  control 
the  shogun  ; who  was  supposed  to  be  the  vassal  of 
the  emperor ; who  in  turn  was  generally  a child 
under  the  control  of  a corrupt  and  vena!  court. 
Truly  government  in  Japan  had  sunk  to  its  lowest 
point,  and  it  was  time  for  heroic  remedies  ! 

Occasionally,  in  the  midst  of  this  corruption  and 
inefficiency,  an  event  occurs  which  stirs  up  the  na- 
tional enthusiasm  and  makes  us  feel  that  there  is 
still  left  an  element  of  heroism  which  will  ultimately 
redeem  the  nation  from  impending  ruin.  Such  w'as 
the  Mongolian  invasion  of  Japan  in  A.D.  1281.  Ac- 
cording to  accounts  given  by  Marco  Polo,  who  evi- 
dently narrates  the  exaggerated  gossip  of  the  Chinese 
court,’  Kublai  Khan  had  at  this  time  conquered  the 
Sung  dynasty  in  China  and  reigned  with  unexampled 

' See  Travels  of  Marco  Polo,  second  edition,  London,  1875,  vol. 
ii..  p.  240. 


156 


THE  STORY  OF  JARaH. 


magnificence.  He  had  heard  of  the  wealth  of  Japan 
and  deemed  it  an  easy  matter  to  add  this  island  em- 
pire to  his  immense  dominions.  His  first  step  was 
to  despatch  an  embassy  to  the  Japanese  court  to  de- 
mand the  subjection  of  the  country  to  his  authority. 
This  embassy  was  referred  to  Kamakura,  whence  it 
was  indignantly  dismissed.  Finally  he  sent  an  in- 
vading force  in  a large  number  of  Chinese  and 
Korean  vessels  who  took  possession  of  Tsushima,  an 
island  belonging  to  Japan  and  lying  midway  between 
Korea  and  Japan.  Trusting  to  the  effects  of  this 
success  a new  embassy  was  sent,  which  was  brought 
before  the  Hojo  regent  at  Kamakura.  The  spot  on 
the  seashore  is  still  pointed  out  where  these  imperi- 
ous ambassadors  were  put  to  death,  and  thus  a de- 
nial which  could  not  be  misunderstood  was  given  to 
the  demands  of  the  Grand  Khan.  A great  invading 
force,  which  the  Japanese  put  at  a hundred  thousand 
men,  was  immediately  sent  in  more  than  three  hun- 
dred v'essels,  who  landed  upon  the  island  of  Kyushu. 
This  army  was  met  and  defeated  ' by  Tokimune,  and, 
a timely  typhoon  coming  to  their  aid,  the  fleet  of  ves- 
sels was  completely  destroyed.  Thus  the  only  seri- 

' In  the  year  A.n.  1S90  two  pictures  were  brought  to  light  which 
represent  the  events  of  this  memorable  battle.  They  a''e  believed  to 
have  been  painted  about  A.i).  1294  by  Naganori  and  Nagatoki, 
painters  of  the  Tosa  school.  They  have  been  in  the  family  of  one  of 
the  captains  in  the  Japanese  army  of  that  day,  and  while  the  figures 
of  the  men  and  horses  are  not  well  drawn  the  pictures  in  other  re- 
spects have  great  historical  value.  Alongside  of  the  scenes  repre- 
sented, legends  are  written  in  explanation.  It  is  said  that  these 
valuable  historical  pictures  are  likely  to  come  into  the  Household 
Department  and  thus  be  more  carefully  preserved  than  they  are  likely 
to  be  in  a private  house. — yapan  Weekly  Mail,  i8go,  p.  581. 


EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN. 


157 


ous  attempt  at  the  invasion  of  Japan  which  has  ever 
been  made  was  completely  frustrated. 

But  notwithstanding  this  heroic  episode  the  affairs 
of  Japan  remained  in  the  same  deplorable  condition. 
As  a rule  children  continued  to  occupy  the  imperial 
throne  and  to  abdicate  whenever  their  Hbjo  masters 
deemed  it  best.  Children  of  the  imperial  house  or 
of  the  family  of  Fujiwara  were  sent  to  Kamakura  to 
become  shoguns.  And  now  at  last  the  Hojo  regency 
had  by  successive  steps  come  down  to  the  same  level, 
and  children  were  made  regents,  whose  actions  and 
conduct  were  controlled  by  their  inferiors. 

In  the  midst  of  this  state  of  things,  which  con- 
tinued till  A.D.  1318,  Go-Daigo  became  emperor. 
Contrary  to  the  ordinary  usage,  he  was  a man  thirty- 
one  years  old,  in  the  full  maturity  of  his  powers. 
He  was  by  no  means  free  from  the  vices  to  which 
his  surroundings  inevitably  tended.  He  was  fond 
of  the  gayety  and  pomp  which  the  court  had  always 
cultivated.  But  he  realized  the  depth  of  the  degra- 
dation to  which  the  present  condition  of  affairs  had 
dragged  his  country.  A famine  brought  great  suffer- 
ing upon  the  people,  and  the  efforts  which  the  em- 
peror made  to  assist  them  added  to  his  popularity, 
and  revealed  to  him  the  reverence  in  which  the  im- 
perial throne  was  held.  His  son  Moriyoshi,  as  early 
as  A.D.  1307,  was  implicated  in  plans  against  the 
Hojo,  which  they  discovered,  and  in  consequence 
compelled  Go-Daigo  to  order  his  retirement  into  a 
monastery.  Later  Go-Daigo  undertook  to  make  a 
stand  against  the  arrogance  and  intolerance  of  the 
Hojo  and  induced  the  Buddhist  monks  to  join  him 


158 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


in  fortifying  Kasagi  in  the  province  of  Vamato.  But 
this  efifort  of  the  emperor  was  fruitless.  Kasagi  was 
attacked  and  destroyed  and  the  emperor  taken  pris- 
oner. As  a punishment  for  his  attempt  he  was  sent 
as  an  exile  to  the  island  of  Oki.  The  Hojo  Regent 
Takatoki  put  Go-Kogen  on  the  throne  as  emperor. 
But  Go-Daigo  from  his  exile  continued  his  exertions 
against  the  Hojo,  and  assistance  came  to  him  from 
unexpected  quarters.  He  effected  his  escape  from 
the  island  and,  having  raised  an  army,  marched  upon 
Kyoto.  Kusunoki  Masashige,  who  had  given  his  aid 
to  the  emperor  on  former  occasions,  now  exerted 
himself  to  good  purpose.  He  is  held  in  admiring 
remembrance  to  this  day  by  his  grateful  country  as 
the  model  of  patriotic  devotion,  to  whom  his  em- 
peror was  dearer  than  his  life.  Another  character 
who  stands  out  prominently  in  this  trying  time  was 
Nitta  Yoshisada.  He  was  a descendant  of  Yoshiiye, 
who,  for  his  achievements  against  the  Emishi,  had 
received  the  popular  title  of  Hachiman-taro.  Nitta 
was  a commander  in  the  army  of  the  Hojo,  which 
had  been  sent  against  Kusunoki  Masashige.  But  at 
the  last  moment  he  refused  to  fight  against  the  army 
of  the  emperor  and  retired  with  his  troops  and  went 
over  to  the  side  of  Masashige.  He  returned  to  his 
own  province  of  Kotsuke  and  raised  an  army  to  fight 
against  the  Hojo.  With  this  force  he  marched  at 
once  against  Kamakura  through  the  province  of 
Sagami.  His  route  lay  along  the  beach.  But  at 
Inamura-ga-saki  the  high  ground,  which  is  impassable 
for  troops,  juts  out  so  far  into  the  water  that  Nitta 
was  unable  to  lead  them  past  the  promontory. 


EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN. 


159 


Alone  he  clambered  up  the  mountain  path  and 
looked  out  upon  the  sea  that  lay  in  his  way.  He 
was  bitterly  disappointed  that  he  could  not  bring  his 
force  in  time  to  share  in  the  attack  upon  the  hateful 
Hojo  capital.  He  prayed  to  the  Sea-god  to  with- 
draw the  sea  and  allow  him  to  pass  with  his  troops. 
Then  he  flung  his  sword  into  the  waves  in  token  of 
his  earnestness  and  of  the  dire  necessity  in  which  he 
found  himself.  Thereupon  the  tide  retreated  and 
left  a space  of  a mile  and  a half,  along  which  Nitta  ‘ 
marched  upon  Kamakura. 

The  attack  was  spirited  and  was  made  from  three 
directions  simultaneously.  It  was  resisted  with  de- 
termined valor  on  the  part  of  the  Hojo.  The  city 
was  finally  set  on  fire  by  Nitta,  and  in  a few  hours 
was  reduced  to  ashes.  Thus  the  power  and  the 
arrogant  tyranny  of  the  Hojo  family  were  sealed.  It 
had  lasted  from  the  death  of  Yoritomo,  A.D.  1 199,  to 
the  destruction  of  Kamakura,  A.D.  1333,  in  all  one 
hundred  and  thirty-four  years.  It  was  a rough  and 
tempestuous  time  and  the  Hojo  have  left  a name  in 
their  country  of  unexampled  cruelty  and  rapacity. 
The  most  unpardonable  crime  of  which  they  were 
guilty  was  that  of  raising  their  sacrilegious  hands 
against  the  emperor  and  making  war  against  the  im- 
perial standard.  For  this  they  must  rest  under  the 
charge  of  treason,  and  no  merits  however  great  or 
commanding  can  ever  excuse  them  in  the  eyes  of 
their  patriotic  countrymen. 

The  restoration  of  Go-Daigo  to  the  imperial  throne, 

’ For  a description  of  this  locality,  which  is  justly  famed  in  Japan 
ese  annals,  see  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  56. 


i6o 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


under  so  popular  an  uprising,  seemed  to  betoken  a 
return  to  the  old  and  simple  system  of  Japanese  gov- 
ernment. The  intervention  of  a shogun  between 
the  emperor  and  his  people,  which  had  lasted  from 
the  time  of  Yoritomo,  was  contrary  to  the  precedents 
which  had  prevailed  from  the  Emperor  Jimmu  down 
to  that  time.  It  was  the  hope  and  wish  of  the  best 
friends  of  the  government  at  this  time  to  go  back 
to  the  original  precedents  and  govern  the  country 
directly  from  Kyoto  with  the  power  and  authority 
derived  from  the  emperor.  But  the  emperor  was 
not  equal  to  so  radical  a change  from  the  methods 
which  had  prevailed  for  more  than  a century.  He 
gav'e  great  offence  by  the  manner  in  which  he  dis- 
tributed the  forfeited  fiefs  among  those  who  had 
aided  his  restoration.  To  Ashikaga  Taka-uji  he 
awarded  by  far  the  greatest  prize,  while  to  Kusu- 
noki  and  Nitta,  who  had  in  the  popular  estimation 
done  much  more  for  him,  he  allotted  comparatively 
small  rewards.  Among  the  soldiers,  who  in  the  long 
civil  wars  had  lost  the  ability  to  devote  themselves 
to  peaceful  industries,  this  disappointment  was  most 
conspicuous.  They  had  expected  to  be  rewarded 
with  lands  and  subordinate  places,  which  would  en- 
able them  to  live  in  that  feudal  comfort  to  which 
they  deemed  their  exertions  had  entitled  them. 

At  this  time  a feud  broke  out  between  Ashikaga 
Taka-uji  and  Nitta.  The  former  had  accused  Nitta 
of  unfaithfulness  to  his  emperor  and  Nitta  was  able 
to  disprove  the  charge.  He  received  the  imperial 
commission  to  punish  Ashikaga  and  marched  with 
his  army  upon  him  in  the  province  of  Totomi.  In 


EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN. 


i6i 


the  battles  (a.d.  1336)  which  ensued,  the  forces  of 
Ashikaga  were  completely  victorious.  The  emperor 
and  his  court  were  obliged  to  flee  from  Kyoto  and 
took  up  their  residence  in  a Buddhist  temple  at 
Yoshino  in  the  mountainous  district  south  of  Kyoto. 
This  was  the  same  monastery  where  Yoshitsund  and 
Benkei  had  taken  refuge  previous  to  their  escape 
into  Mutsu.  Almost  every  tree  and  every  rock  in 
the  picturesque  grounds  of  this  romantic  spot  ' 
bear  some  evidence  of  the  one  or  other  of  these 
memorable  refugees.  The  southern  dynasty  lasted 
in  all  fifty-seven  years,  down  to  A.D.  1374,  and 
although  it  was  compelled  to  starve  out  a miserable 
e.xistence  in  exile  from  the  capital,  it  is  yet  looked 
upon  by  historians  as  the  legitimate  branch  ; while 
the  northern  dynasty,  which  enjoyed  the  luxury  of  a 
palace  and  of  the  capital,  is  condemned  as  illegitimate. 

This  period  of  exile  witnessed  many  notable  events 
in  the  bloody  history  of  the  country.  Ashikaga 
Taka-uji  was  of  course  the  ruling  spirit  while  he  lived. 
He  proclaimed  that  Go-Daigo  had  forfeited  the 
throne  and  put  Komyo  Tenno,  a brother  of  Kogen 
Tenno  upon  it  in  his  stead.  The  insignia  of  the  im- 
perial power  were  in  the  possession  of  Go-Daigo,  but 
Komyo,  being  supported  by  the  battalions  of  Ashi- 
kaga, cared  little  for  these  empty  baubles.  The 
bloody  sequence  of  affairs  brought  with  it  the  death  of 
the  heroic  Kusunoki  Masashige.  He  with  Nitta  and 
other  patriots  had  undertaken  to  support  Go-Daigo. 
It  is  said  that  contrary  to  his  military  judgment  he 
attacked  the  forces  of  Ashikaga,  which  were  vastly 

' .See  Chamberlain’s  Handlwok,  iSgr,  p.  337. 


i62 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


superior  in  number.  The  battle  took  place  A.D.  1336 
on  the  Minato-gawa,  near  the  present  site  of  Hyogo 
The  Ashikaga  forces  had  cut  off  Kusunoki  with  a 
small  band  of  devoted  followers  from  the  main  army. 
Seeing  that  his  situation  was  hopeless  and  that  his 
brave  troops  must  be  destroyed,  with  one  hundred 
and  fifty  men — all  that  were  left  of  his  little  army — 
he  retired  to  a farmer’s  house  near  by  and  there 
they  all  committed  hara-kiri}  Kusunoki  Masashige, 
when  about  to  commit  suicide,  said  to  his  son  Ma- 
satsura  : “ For  the  sake  of  keeping  yourself  out  of 
danger’s  way  or  of  reaping  some  temporal  advan- 
tage, on  no  account  are  you  to  submit  to  Taka-uji. 
By  so  doing  you  would  bring  reproach  on  our  name. 
While  there  is  a man  left  who  belongs  to  us  let  our 
flag  be  hoisted  over  the  battlements  of  Mount  Konzo, 
as  a sign  that  we  are  still  ready  to  fight  in  the  em- 
peror’s cause.” 

A little  later  than  this,  in  A.D.  1338,  the  great 
companion  and  friend  of  Kusunoki,  Nitta  Yoshi- 
sada,  came  to  his  end.  He  had  undertaken  to 
promote  the  cause  of  the  Emperor  Go-Daigo  in  the 
northwestern  provinces  by  co-operating  with  Fuji- 
wara-no-Yoritomo.  Nitta  with  about  fifty  followers 
was  unexpectedly  attacked  by  Ashikaga  Tadatsune, 
with  three  thousand  men  near  Fukui  in  the  province 
of  Echizen.  There  was  no  way  of  escape  with  his 

' Quite  an  animated  and  interesting  controversy  took  place  a few 
years  ago  with  reference  to  this  suicide  of  Kusunoki.  Popular 
opinion  strongly  justifies  the  act  and  rewards  with  its  highest  approval 
the  memory  of  the  patriot.  But  Mr.  Fukuzawa,  one  of  the  most 
radical  of  the  public  men  of  to-day  and  an  active  and  trenchant 
writer,  condemned  the  act  as  indefensible  and  cowardly. 


EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN.  1 63 

little  troop.  In  this  condition  he  was  urged  to 
secure  his  personal  safety.  But  he  refused  to  sur- 
vive his  comrades.  Then  he  rode  with  his  brave 
company  upon  the  enemy  until  his  horse  was  dis- 
abled and  he  himself  was  pierced  in  the  eye  with  an 
arrow.  He  drew  out  the  arrow  with  his  own  hand, 
and  then,  in  order  that  his  body  might  not  be 
identified,  with  his  sword  cut  off  his  own  head,  at 
least  so  it  is  said  ! Each  member  of  his  troop 
followed  this  grewsome  example,  and  it  was  only 
after  examining  the  bodies  of  these  headless  corpses 
and  the  finding  upon  one  a commission  from  the 
Emperor  Go-Daigo,  that  the  remains  of  the  heroic 
Nitta  were  recognized.  The  head  w'as  sent  to 
Kyoto  and  there  exposed  by  the  Ashikaga  com- 
mander, and  the  body  was  buried  near  the  place 
where  the  tragic  death  occurred.' 

The  Ashikaga  family  had  now  the  uninterrupted 
•■ontrol  of  affairs.  They  resided  at  Kyoto  and  in- 
herited in  succession  the  office  of  shogun.  Taka-uji 
the  founder  of  the  Ashikaga  shogunate,  and  who  had 
held  the  office  from  A.D.  1334,  died  in  A.D.  1358, 
when  about  fifty-three  years  old.  He  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Yoshinori  who  w'as  shogun  from  A.D.  1359 
to  A.D.  1367.  Having  retired  he  was  succeeded  by 
his  grandson  Yoshimitsu  who  in  turn  retired  in  favor 
of  his  son  Yoshimotsu.  By  this  time  the  precedents 
of  abdication  and  effeminacy  began  to  tell  upon  the 

■ Mr.  Griffis  says  that  when  he  resided  in  Fukui  in  A.D.  1871 — 
more  than  five  hundred  years  after  the  event, — he  saw  the  grave  of  the 
heroic  Nitta  almost  daily  strewed  with  flowers. — The  Mikado  s Em- 
pire. 1876,  p.  190. 


164 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Ashikaga  successors,  and  like  all  the  preceding  ruling 
families  it  gradually  sank  into  the  usual  insignifi- 
cance. Some  of  the  Ashikaga  shoguns,  however, 
were  men  of  uncommon  ability  and  their  services  to 
their  country  deserve  to  be  gratefully  remembered. 
A number  of  them  were  men  of  culture  and  evinced 
their  love  of  elegance  and  refinement  by  the  palaces 
which  they  built  in  Kyoto.  Ashikaga  Yoshimitsu 
was  shogun  from  A.D.  1368  to  1393,  and  at  the  latter 
date  retired  in  favor  of  his  young  son  Yoshimotsu, 
but  liv'ed  in  ofificial  retirement  in  Kyoto  till  A.D. 
1409.  He  built  the  palace  now  known  as  the  Bud- 
dhist monastery  Kinkakuji.'  Its  name  is  derived 
from  kinkakii  (golden  pavilion)  which  Yoshimitsu 
erected.  The  whole  palace  was  bequeathed  by  him 
to  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhists  and  is  still  one  of  the 
sights  best  worth  seeing  in  Kyoto. 

Yoshimitsu  has  been  visited  by  much  obloquy  be- 
cause he  accepted  from  the  Chinese  government  the 
title  of  King  of  Japan,  and  pledged  himself  to  the 
payment  of  one  thousand  ounces  of  gold  as  a yearly 
tribute.  It  is  said  in  explanation  of  this  tribute  that 
it  was  to  compensate  for  damages  done  by  Japanese 
pirates  to  Chinese  shipping.  But  it  was  probably 
negotiated  for  the  purpose  of  securing  an  ambitious 
title  on  the  one  hand  and  on  the  other  making  a 
troublesome  neighbor  a tributary  kingdom. 

Another  building  which  takes  its  origin  from 
the  Ashikaga  is  the  To-ji-in.  It  was  founded  by 
Ashikaga  Taka-uji  and  contains  carved  and  lacquered 
wooden  figures  of  the  Ashikaga  shoguns  which 

* Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  356. 


EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN.  165 

are  believed  in  most  cases  to  be  contemporary 
portraits.' 

Another  of  the  notable  Ashikaga  shoguns  was 
Yoshimasa,  who  held  the  ofifice  from  A.D.  1443-1473. 
He  retired  at  the  latter  date,  and  lived  as  retired 
shogun  until  A.D.  1490.  In  this  interval  of  seclusion 
he  cultivated  the  arts,  and  posed  as  the  patron  of 
literature  and  painting.  That  curious  custom  called 
clia-no-yu,  or  tea  ceremonies,*  is  usually  adjudged  to 
him  as  its  originator,  but  it  is  most  probable  that  he 
only  adopted  and  refined  it  until  it  became  the  fash- 
ionable craze  which  has  come  down  to  modern  times. 
These  ceremonies  and  his  other  modes  of  amuse- 
ment were  conducted  in  a palace  which  he  had  built 
called  gin-kaku  (silver  pavilion).  Yoshimasa  left 
this  palace  to  the  monks  of  Sho-koku-ji,  with  di- 
rections that  it  should  be  converted  into  a monas- 
tery, and  in  that  capacity  it  still  serves  at  the  present 
time. 

The  period  of  the  two  imperial  dynasties  lasted 
until  A.D.  1392,  when  a proposition  was  made  by  the 
Shogun  Yoshimitsu  to  the  then  reigning  emperor 
of  the  south,  that  the  rivalry  should  be  healed.  It 
was  agreed  that  Go-Kameyama  of  the  southern  dy- 

' It  is  an  evidence  of  the  feeling  which  still  exists  towards  the 
Ashikaga  shoguns  that  in  1S63  these  figures  were  taken  from  the 
1 d-ji-in  and  beheaded  and  the  heads  pilloried  in  the  dry  bed  of 
the  Kamogawa,  at  the  spot  where  it  is  customary  to  expose  the  heads 
of  the  worst  criminals.  Several  of  the  men  who  were  guilty  of  this 
outrage  were  captured  and  were  put  into  the  hands  of  various 
daimyos  by  whom  they  were  kept  as  prisoners. — Satow  and  Hawes’ 
Handbook,  p.  357. 

See  the  full  account  of  tea  ceremonies  in  Chamberlain’s  Things 
Japanese,  1892,  p.  404. 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


l66 

nasty  should  come  to  Kyoto  and  surrender  the  in- 
signia to  Go-Komatsu,  the  ruling  emperor  of  the 
northern  dynasty.  This  was  duly  accomplished, 
and  Go-Kameyama,  having  handed  over  the  insignia 
to  Go-Komatsu,  took  the  position  of  retired  emperor. 
Thus  the  long  rivalry  between  the  northern  and 
southern  dynasties  was  ended,  and  Go-Komatsu 
stands  as  the  ninety-ninth  in  the  official  list  of  em- 
perors. In  that  list,  however,  none  of  the  other 
emperors  ‘ of  the  northern  dynasty  appear,  they 
being  regarded  as  pretenders,  and  in  no  case  entitled 
to  the  dignity  of  divine  rulers  of  Japan. 

This  settlement  of  dynastic  difficulties  and  the 
unrestricted  ascendancy  of  the  Ashikaga  shoguns 
gave  the  country  a little  interval  of  peace.  The 
condition  of  the  peasantry  at  this  time  was  most 
deplorable.  The  continual  wars  between  neighbor- 
ing lords  and  with  the  shoguns  had  kept  in  the  field 
armies  of  military  men,  who  were  forced  to  subsist 
on  contributions  exacted  from  the  tillers  of  the  soil. 
The  farmers  everywhere  were  kept  in  a state  of  un- 
certainty, and  had  little  encouragement  to  cultivate 

' The  official  list  of  emperors  will  be  found  in  Appendix  I.  The 
names  of  the  northern  which  are  not  included  in  this  list  are  as 
follows : 

Date  of  Accession. 


From  Jimmu. 

A.D. 

Komio  

1996 

1336 

Shuko 

2009 

1349 

Go-K6gen 

2012 

1352 

Go-Enyu 

2032 

1372 

Go-Komatsu 

2043 

1383 

EMPEROR  AND  SHOGUN.  1 6/ 

crops  which  were  almost  sure  to  fall  into  the  hands 
of  others. 

On  the  coasts  of  Kyushu  and  other  islands  facing 
towards  the  continent  piracy  also  sprang  up  and 
flourished  apace.  It  was  indeed  an  era  of  piracy 
all  over  the  world.  The  Portuguese,  Spanish,  and 
Dutch  traders  of  this  period  w'ere  almost  always 
ready  to  turn  an  honest  penny  by  seizing  an  unfor- 
tunate vessel  under  the  pretence  that  it  was  a pirate. 
The  whole  coast  of  China,  according  to  the  accounts 
of  Pinto,  swarmed  with  both  European  and  Asiatic 
craft,  which  were  either  traders  or  pirates,  according 
to  circumstances.  Under  this  state  of  things,  and 
with  the  pressure  of  lawlessness  and  want  behind 
them,  it  was  not  surprising  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  western  coasts  of  Japan  should  turn  to  a pirati- 
cal life. 

Knowing  the  Japanese  only  since  centuries  of  en- 
forced isolation  had  made  them  unaccustomed  to 
creep  beyond  their  own  shores,  we  can  scarcely  con- 
ceive of  their  hardihood  and  venturesomeness  during 
and  subsequent  to  this  active  period.  Mr.  Satow ' 
has  gathered  a most  interesting  series  of  facts  per- 
taining to  the  intercourse  between  Japan  and  Siam, 
beginning  at  a period  as  early  as  that  now  under  re- 
view. Not  only  did  this  intercourse  consist  in  send- 
ing vessels  laden  with  chattels  for  traffic,  but  a colony 
of  Japanese  and  a contingent  of  Japanese  troops 
formed  part  of  the  assistance  which  Japan  furnished 
to  her  southern  neighbor. 

While  these  signs  of  activity  were  apparent  on  the 

' See  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  xiii.,  p.  139. 


i68 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


coast,  the  provinces  in  the  interior  were  alive  with 
political  unrest.  Particularly  the  principal  daimyos, 
who  had  never  since  the  days  of  Yoritomo  felt  a 
master’s  power  over  them,  took  the  present  occasion 
to  extend  their  dominions  over  their  neighbors. 
For  centuries  the  conflicts  among  them  were  almost 
unending.  It  is  needless  to  undertake  to  disentangle 
the  story  of  their  wars.  These  daimyos  were  a far 
more  distinct  and  pressing  reality  than  the  harmless 
emperor,  or  even  than  the  far-removed  shogun. 
While  their  ceaseless  civil  wars  rendered  the  condi- 
tion of  the  country  so  uncertain  and  so  unsettled, 
yet  the  authority  of  the  local  rulers  tended  to  pre- 
serve peace  and  dispense  a rude  kind  of  justice 
among  their  own  subjects.  Thus  while  in  many 
parts  of  Japan  poverty  and  desolation  had  eaten  up 
evervthing,  and  lawlessness  and  robbery  had  put  an 
end  to  industry,  yet  there  were  some  favored  parts 
of  the  islands  where  the  strong  hand  of  the  daimyos 
preserved  for  their  people  the  opportunities  of  life, 
and  kept  alive  the  chances  of  industry.' 

' It  is  said  that  in  this  disastrous  time  the  poverty  of  the  country 
was  so  great  that  when,  in  A.D.  1500,  Go-Tsuchimikado  died  at  his 
palace  in  Kyoto,  the  corpse  was  kept  for  forty  days  because  the  means 
for  the  usual  funeral  expenses  could  not  be  had.  M.  von  Brandt  as 
quoted  in  Rein’s  Japan,  p.  261. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

FROM  THE  ASHIKAGA  SHOGUNS  TO  THE  DEATH 
OF  NOBUNAGA. 

In  almost  the  worst  period  of  the  Ashikaga  anar- 
chy, A.D.  1542,  the  Portuguese  made  their  first  ap- 
pearance in  Japan.  Galvano,  who  had  been  governor 
of  the  Moluccas,  gives  an  account  of  this  first  visit, 
when  three  fugitives  from  a Portuguese  vessel  in  a 
Chinese  junk  were  driven  upon  the  islands  of  south- 
ern Japan.  Concerning  the  doings’  of  these  fugi- 
tives we  have  no  account  in  any  foreign  narratives. 

' Mr.  W.  A.  Woolley,  in  a paper  read  before  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Japan,  gives  an  account  derived  from  Japanese  sources  as  follows; 
‘ ‘ Amongst  those  who  landed  on  this  occasion  was  one  of  the  Literati 
of  China,  who  acted  as  interpreter  between  the  foreigners  and  the 
chief  of  the  island  Hyobu-no-jo  Tokitada.  [Since  both  the  Chinese 
and  Japanese  used  the  same  ideographic  characters,  they  could  under- 
stand each  other’s  writing  but  not  speech.]  In  reply  to  questions  the 
interpreter  is  represented  as  having  described  his  friends  the  foreign- 
ers as  being  ignorant  of  etiquette  and  characters,  of  the  use  of  wine 
cups  and  chop  sticks,  and  as  being,  in  fact,  little  better  than  the 
beasts  of  the  field.  The  chief  of  the  foreigners  taught  Tokitada  the 
use  of  firearms,  and  upon  leaving  presented  him  with  three  guns 
and  ammunition,  which  were  forwarded  to  Shimazu  Yoshihisa,  and 
through  him  to  the  shogun.” — Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  ix,, 
p.  128. 

l6g 


170 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


But  Fernam  Mendez  Pinto,'  in  his  travels,  etc.,  gives 
a detailed  narrative  of  the  visit  which  he  and  his 
companions  made  a few  years  later  in  a ship  with  a 
Chinese  captain  and  merchandise.  The  exact  year 
cannot  be  ascertained  from  Pinto’s  narrative,  but 
Hildreth"  assumes  that  it  could  not  have  been  ear- 
lier than  A.D.  1545.  Pinto  landed  on  Tane-ga-shima, 
an  island  south  of  the  extreme  southern  point  of  the 
island  of  Kyushu.  They  were  received  with  great 
cordiality  by  the  prince,  who  evinced  the  utmost 
curiosity  concerning  the  Portuguese  who  were  on 
this  ship.  Pinto  naively  confesses  that  “ we  ren- 
dered him  answers  as  might  rather  fit  his  humor 
than  agree  with  the  truth,  . . . that  so  we  might 

not  derogate  from  the  great  opinion  he  had  con- 
ceived of  our  country.”" 

As  a return  for  some  of  the  kindnesses  which  the 
prince  showed  them,  the  Portuguese  gave  him  a 
harquebuse,  and  explained  to  him  the  method  of 
making  powder.  The  present  seems  to  have  been 
most  acceptable,  and  Pinto  declares  the  armorers 
commenced  at  once  to  make  Imitations  of  it,  “so 
that  before  their  departure  (which  was  five  months 
and  a half  after)  there  were  six  hundred  of  them 
made  in  the  country.”  And  a few  years  later  he 
was  assured  that  there  were  above  thirty  thousand 
in  the  city  of  Fucheo,*  the  capital  of  Bungo,  and 

^ Adventures  of  Mendez  Pinto,  done  into  English  by  Henry 
Cogaii,  London,  1891,  pp.  259  etc. 

® Hildreth’s  Japan,  etc.,  1855,  p.  27,  note. 

^ Adventttres  of  Mendez  Pinto,  p.  281. 

“*  This  is  the  name  by  which  Pinto  rails  this  city  (see  Advetitures  of 
Mendez  Pinto,  London,  1891,  p.  265)  ; the  real  name,  however,  at 
this  time  was  Fumai,  and  is  now  Oita. 


THE  ASH  IK  AC  A SHOGUNS  AND  NOB  UNA  GA.  lyi 


above  three  hundred  thousand  in  the  whole  province. 
And  so  they  have  increased  from  this  one  harquebuse 
which  they  gave  to  the  prince  of  Tane-ga-shima, 
until  every  hamlet  and  city  in  the  empire  in  a short 
time  were  supplied  with  them.' 

A short  time  after  their  reception  at  Tane-ga- 
shima  the  Prince  of  Bungo,  who  was  a relative  of 
the  Prince  of  Tane-ga-shima,  sent  for  one  of  the 
Portuguese,  and  Pinto,  by  his  own  consent,  was 
selected  as  being  of  a “ more  lively  humor.”  He 
was  received  with  great  consideration,  and  proved 
himself  of  vast  service  in  curing  the  prince  of  gout, 
with  which  he  was  affected.  His  success  in  this  cure 
gave  him  immense  repute,  and  he  was  initiated  into 
all  the  gayeties  and  sports  of  the  prince’s  court.  In 
particular  he  amused  and  interested  them  all  by 
firing  the  matchlock  which  he  had  brought  with 
him.  A son  of  the  prince  of  about  sixteen  or  seven- 
teen years  of  age  was  infatuated  with  this  sport,  and 
one  day,  unknown  to  Pinto,  he  undertook  to  load 
and  fire  the  matchlock,  as  he  had  seen  the  foreigner 
do.  An  explosion  occurred,  by  which  the  young 
prince  was  much  injured,  and  owing  to  this  Pinto 
came  near  being  put  to  death  for  having  wrought 
this  disaster.  But  the  young  prince  had  more  sense 
than  the  attendants,  and  at  his  request  Pinto  was 
given  a chance  to  bind  up  the  wounds  and  take  care 

’ The  author  himself  saw  in  Japan  in  1S74  the  native  hunters  using 
an  old-fashioned  matchlock,  in  which  the  powder  was  fired  by  a slow 
burning  match,  which  was  brought  down  to  the  powder  by  a trigger. 
This  kind  of  firearm,  which  was  in  use  in  Europe  in  the  fifteenth 
century,  was  taken  to  Japan  by  the  Portuguese,  and  continued  to  be 
used  there  until  the  re-organization  of  the  army  introduced  the  mod- 
ern form  of  gun. 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


\‘J2 

of  him.  The  result  was  that  the  young  prince 
quickly  recovered,  and  the  fame  of  this  cure  was 
spread  everywhere.  “ So  that,”  says  Pinto,  ‘‘  after 
this  sort  I received  in  recompense  of  this  my  cure 
above  fifteen  hundred  ducats  that  I carried  with  me 
from  this  place.” 

Pinto  made  a second  visit  to  Japan  in  the  interests 
of  trade  in  1 547,  which  was  attended  by  a circum- 
stance which  had  far-reaching  results.  In  critical 
circumstances  they  were  called  upon  to  take  off  two 
fugitives  who  appealed  to  them  from  the  shore.  A 
company  of  men  on  horseback  demanded  the  return 
of  the  fugitives,  but  without  answer  they  pulled  off 
to  the  ship  and  took  them  aboard.  The  principal  of 
these  two  fugitives*  was  Anjiro,  whom  the  Jesuits 
usually  name  Anger,  and  his  companion  was  his  ser- 
vant. They  were  taken  in  the  Portuguese  vessel  to 
Malacca,  where  Pinto  met  Father  Francis  Xavier, 
who  had  just  arrived  upon  his  mission  to  the  East. 
Xavier  became  intensely  interested  in  these  Japanese 
fugitives,  and  took  them  to  Goa,  then  the  principal 
seat  of  Jesuit  learning  and  the  seat  of  an  arch- 
bishopric in  the  East  Indies.  Here  both  the  Jap- 
anese became  converts  and  were  baptized,  Anjiro 
receiving  the  name  of  Paulo  de  Santa  Fe“  (Paul  of 
the  Holy  Faith),  and  his  companion  the  name  of 
John.  They  learned  to  speak  and  write  the  Portu- 
guese language,  and  were  instructed  in  the  elements 

’ In  the  accounts  given  by  the  biographers  of  Xavier,  it  is  said  that 
there  were  two  companions  of  Anjiro  who  in  the  subsequent  baptism 
receiv'cd  the  names  of  John  and  Anthony. 

- This  was  the  name  of  the  seminary  in  Goa  where  Anjiro  had 
been  educated. 


THE  ASH  IK  AG  A SHOGUNS  AND  NOB  UNA  GA.  1 73 


of  the  Christian  religion.  With  these  efficient  helps 
Xavier  was  ready  to  enter  Japan  and  commence  the 
evangelization  on  which  his  heart  had  long  been  set. 

At  last  arrangements  were  made  with  a Chinese 
vessel,  which  according  to  Pinto’s  account  was  a 
piratical  craft,  to  convey  Xavier  and  his  companions 
to  Japan.  They  arrived  at  Kagoshima,  the  capital 
of  the  province  of  Satsuma,  August  15,  A.D.  1549. 
Besides  Xavier  and  his  Japanese  companions  there 
were  Cosme  de  Torres,  a priest,  and  Jean  Ferdinand, 
a brother  of  the  Society  of  Jesus.  They  were  cor- 
dially received  by  the  Prince  of  Satsuma,  and  after 
a little,  permission  was  given  them  to  preach  the 
Christian  religion  in  the  city  of  Kagoshima.  The 
family  and  relatives  of  Anjiro,  who  lived  in  Kago- 
shima, were  converted  and  became  the  first  fruits  of 
the  mission.  In  the  letters  which  Xavier  wrote 
home  about  this  time  we  have  his  early  impressions 
concerning  the  Japanese.  The  princess  took  great 
interest  in  the  subjects  discussed  by  Anjiro,  and  was 
especially  struck  with  a picture  of  the  Madonna  and 
child  which  he  showed  her.  She  asked  to  have  the 
heads  of  the  Christian  faith  put  in  writing  in  order 
that  she  might  study  them.  P'or  this  reason  a creed 
and  a catechism  were  prepared  and  translated  into 
the  Japanese  language,  for  the  use  of  the  princess 
and  other  enquirers.  In  one  of  his  early  letters  he 
says  : “ I really  think  that  among  barbarous  nations 
there  can  be  none  that  has  more  natural  goodness 
than  Japan.”  ‘ In  the  same  letter  he  says  : “ They 

' See  Coleridge’s  Li/e  and  Letters  of  St.  Francis  Xavier,  London, 
1872,  p.  237. 


174 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


are  wonderfully  inclined  to  see  all  that  is  good  and 
honest  and  have  an  eagerness  to  learn.”  Xavier,  in 
letter  79,  narrates  his  meeting  with  the  Buddhist 
priest  whom  he  calls  Ningh-Sit,  which  name  he  says 
means  Heart  of  Truth.  This  priest  was  eighty 
years  old,  and  in  the  conversation  e.xpressed  great 
surprise  that  Xavier  should  have  come  all  the  way 
from  Portugal  to  preach  to  the  Japanese. 

The  biographers  of  Xavier  have  given  us  the  full- 
est details  of  his  life  and  works.  That  he  was  a 
man  of  the  most  fervent  piety  as  well  as  the  most 
conspicuous  ability,  is  apparent  from  the  energy  and 
success  with  which  he  conducted  his  short  but  bril- 
liant mission.  Both  in  their  accounts  of  him,  as  well 
as  in  the  papal  bull  announcing  his  canonization,  the 
claim  is  distinctly  set  forth  of  his  po.ssession  of 
miraculous  power.  He  is  represented  as  having 
raised  a Japanese  girl  from  the  dead  ; as  possessing 
the  gift  of  tongues,  that  is,  as  being  able  to  speak  in 
fluent  Japanese,  although  he  had  not  learned  the 
language  ; as  having  given  an  answer  which  when 
heard  was  a satisfactory  reply  to  the  most  various 
and  different  questions,'  such  as,  “ the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  the  motions  of  the  heavens,  the  eclipses  of 
the  sun  and  moon,  the  colors  of  the  rainbow,  sin 
and  grace,  heaven  and  hell.” 

Yet  it  must  be  stated  that  Xavier  himself  does 
not  claim  these  miraculous  powers.  Indeed  among 
the  letters  published  by  Father  Horace  Tursellini 
is  one  in  which  he  thus  speaks  of  himself : “ God 
grant  that  as  soon  as  possible  we  may  learn  the 

' Bouhour’s  Life  of  Xavier,  p.  274. 


ST.  FRANCIS  XAVIER. 

The  portrait  here  given  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  is  from  a photograph 
furnished  by  the  College  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  of  New  York  and 
is  vouched  for  as  his  traditional  likeness. 


176 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


language  of  Japan  in  order  to  make  known  the 
divine  mysteries  ; then  we  shall  zealously  prosecute 
our  Christian  work.  For  they  speak  and  discourse 
much  about  us,  but  we  are  silent,  ignorant  of  the 
language  of  the  country.  At  present  we  are  become 
a child  again  to  learn  the  elements  of  the  language.” 
The  desire  for  trade  with  the  Portuguese  seems 
to  have  been  a principal  reason  for  the  ready  re- 
ception of  the  missionaries.  And  when  the  Portu- 
guese merchant  ships  resorted  to  Hirado,  an  island 
off  the  west  coast  of  Kyushu,  instead  of  the  less 
accessible  Kagoshima,  the  Prince  of  Kagoshima 
turned  against  the  missionaries  and  forbade  them 
from  preaching  and  proselyting.  From  Kagoshima 
Xavier  went  to  Hirado,  where  he  was  received  with 
a salvo  of  artillery  from  a Portuguese  vessel  then  at 
anchor  there.  Here  he  made  a short  stay,  preach- 
ing the  gospel  as  usual  and  with  the  approval  of  the 
prince  establishing  a church.  Leaving  Kosme  de 
Torres  at  Hirado  and  taking  with  him  Fernandez 
and  the  two  Japanese  assistants  he  touched  at 
Hakata,  famous  as  the  place  where  the  Mongol  in- 
vaders were  repulsed.  Then  he  crossed  over  to  the 
Main  island  and  travelling  by  land  along  the 
Sanyodo  he  entered  Yamaguchi  in  the  province  of 
Nagato.  His  humble  and  forlorn  appearance  did 
not  produce  a favorable  impression  on  the  people  of 
this  city  and  he  was  driven  out  with  obloquy.  He 
set  out  for  Kyoto  with  a party  of  Japanese  mer- 
chants, and  as  it  was  winter  and  Xavier  had  to  carry 
on  his  back  a box  containing  the  vestments  and 
vessels  for  the  celebration  of  mass,  the  journey 


THE  ASH  IK  AG  A SHOGUHS  AND  NOB  UN  AG  A.  1 77 


was  trying  and  difficult.  He  arrived  at  Kyoto  A.D. 
1550  in  the  midst  of  great  political  troubles.  A fire 
had  destroyed  a great  part  of  what  had  been  once  a 
beautiful  and  luxurious  city.  Many  of  the  principal 
citizens  had  abandoned  it  and  taken  up  their  resi- 
dence with  local  princes  in  the  provinces.  Xavier 
could  obtain  a hearing  neither  from  the  emperor 
nor  from  the  Ashikaga  shoguns,  who  maintained  a 
representative  in  the  capital  at  this  time.  He 
preached  in  the  street  as  he  could  obtain  oppor- 
tunity. But  the  atmosphere  was  everywhere  un- 
favorable, and  he  resolved  to  abandon  the  field  for 
the  present.  Accordingly  he  went  back  to  Bungo, 
whence  he  sailed  for  China  November  20,  A.D.  1551, 
with  the  purpose  of  establishing  a mission.  He  had 
spent  two  years  and  three  months  in  Japan  and 
left  an  impression  which  has  never  been  effaced. 
He  died  on  his  way,  at  the  little  island  of  Sancian, 
December  2,  A.D.  1552,  aged  forty-six.  His  body 
was  carried  to  Malacca  and  afterward  to  Goa,  where 
it  was  buried  in  the  archiepiscopal  cathedral.' 

The  departure  and  death  of  Xavier  did  not  inter- 
rupt the  work  of  the  mission  in  Japan.  Kosrn^  de 
Torres  was  left  in  charge  and  additional  helpers, 

' In  the  Life  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  by  BarthoH  and  Maffei  the 
following  circumstance  is  given  : “It  seems  that  a rat  had  invaded 
the  sanctuary  and  gnawed  the  ornaments  of  the  altar.  The  sacristan 
appealed  to  the  saint  thus  : * Father  Francis  ! people  say  that  you 
passed  from  this  life  in  the  vicinity  of  China  ; that  you  were  a saint, 
that  your  body  still  remains  entire  and  incorrupt  at  Goa.  Now  here 
am  I your  sacristan  ; and  I ask  is  it  consistent  with  your  honor  that  a 
rat  should  have  the  audacity  to  gnaw  the  ornaments  of  your  altar?  I 
demand  his  death  at  your  hand.’  On  opening  the  door  of  the  .sanc- 
tuary the  next  morning  the  sacristan  found  the  culprit  quite  dead.” 


178 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


both  priests  and  lay  brothers,  were  sent  to  prosecute 
what  had  been  so  conspicuously  begun.  The  politi- 
cal disturbances  in  Yamaguchi  for  a time  interfered 
with  the  labors  of  the  missionaries  there.  Bungo 
was  the  principal  province  where  their  encourage- 
ment had  made  their  success  most  conspicuous. 
The  prince  had  not  indeed  been  baptized  but  he 
had  permitted  the  fathers  to  preach  and  he  had 
allowed  converts  to  adopt  the  new  religion,  so  that 
the  work  had  assumed  a promising  appearance. 
The  Prince  of  Omura  became  a convert  and  by  his 
zeal  in  the  destruction  of  idols  and  other  extreme 
measures  aroused  the  hostility  of  the  Buddhist 
priesthood.  In  Kyoto  the  progress  of  the  work  en- 
countered many  vicissitudes.  The  political  troubles 
arising  out  of  the  contests  between  Mori  of  Choshu 
and  the  rival  house  interfered  with  the  propagation 
of  Christianity  both  in  Yamaguchi  and  Kyoto. 
Mori  himself,  the  most  powerful  prince  of  his  time 
and  who  once  held  the  control  in  ten  provinces,  was 
hostile  to  the  Christians.  By  his  influence  the  work 
in  Kyoto  was  temporarily  abandoned  and  the  fathers 
resorted  to  Sakai,  a seaport  town  not  far  from 
Osaka,  where  a branch  mission  was  established. 

It  was  in  A.D.  1573  that  Nagasaki  became  dis- 
tinctively a Christian  city.  At  that  time  the  Portu- 
guese were  seeking  various  ports  in  which  they 
could  conduct  a profitable  trade,  and  they  found 
that  Nagasaki  possessed  a harbor  in  which  their 
largest  ships  could  ride  at  anchor.  The  merchants 
and  Portuguese  fathers  therefore  proposed  to  the 
Prince  of  Omura,  in  whose  territory  the  port  of 


THE  ASH/KAGA  SHOGUNS  AND  NOBUNAGA.  179 

Nagasaki  was  situated,  to  grant  to  them  the  town 
with  jurisdiction  over  it.  The  prince  at  first  refused, 
but  finally  by  the  intervention  of  the  Prince  of 
Arima  the  arrangement  was  made.'  The  transfer- 
ence to  Nagasaki  of  the  foreign  trade  at  this  early 
day  made  it  a very  prosperous  place.  The  Prince 
of  Omura  had  the  town  laid  out  in  appropriate 
streets,  and  Christian  churches  were  built  often  on 
the  sites  of  Buddhist  temples  which  were  torn  down 
to  give  place  for  them.  It  is  said  that  in  A.D.  1567 
“ there  was  hardly  a person  who  was  not  a Christian.” 

We  shall  have  occasion  often  in  the  subsequent 
narrative  to  refer  to  the  progress  of  Christianity  in 
the  empire.  In  the  meantime  we  must  trace  the 
career  of  Nobunaga,  who  exerted  a powerful  effect 
on  the  affairs  of  his  country  and  particularly  upon 
the  condition  of  both  Buddhism  and  Christianity. 
Me  must  be  regarded  always  as  one  of  the  great  men 
of  Japan  who  at  an  opportune  moment  intervened 
to  rescue  its  affairs  from  anarchy.  He  prepared  the 
way  for  Hideyoshi  and  he,  in  turn,  made  it  possible 
for  leyasu  to  establish  a peace  which  lasted  without 
serious  interruption  for  two  hundred  and  fifty  years. 

Ota  Nobunaga  was  descended  from  the  Taira  fam- 
ily through  Ota  Chikazane  a great-grandson  of  Taira 
Kiyomori.  The  father  of  Chikazane  had  perished 
in  the  wars  between  the  Taira  and  Minamoto 
families,  and  his  mother  had  married  as  her  second 
husband  the  chief  man  in  the  village  of  Tsuda  in  the 
province  of  Omi.  The  step-child  was  adopted  by 

' See  Woolley,  “ Historical  Notes  on  Nagasaki,  Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  ix.,  p.  129. 


i8o 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


a Shinto  priest  of  the  village  of  Ota  in  the  province 
of  Echizen,  and  received  the  name  of  Ota  Chikazane. 
When  he  grew  up,  he  became  a Shinto  priest  and 
married  and  became  the  father  of  a line  of  priests. 
One  of  this  succession  was  Ota  Nobuhide,  who  seems 
to  have  reverted  from  the  priestly  character  back  to 
the  warlike  habits  of  his  ancestors.  In  the  general 
scramble  for  land,  which  characterized  that  period, 
Nobuhide  acquired  by  force  of  arms  considerable 
possessions  in  the  province  of  Owari,  which  at  his 
death  in  A.D.  1549  he  left  to  his  son  Ota  Nobunaga. 
This  son  grew  up  to  be  a man  of  large  stature,  but 
slender  and  delicate  in  frame.  He  was  brave  beyond 
the  usual  reckless  bravery  of  his  countrymen.  He  was 
by  character  and  training  fitted  for  command,  and 
in  the  multifarious  career  of  his  busy  life,  in  expedi- 
tions, battles,  and  sieges,  he  showed  himself  the  con- 
summate general.  Like  many  other  men  of  genius 
he  was  not  equally  as  skilful  in  civil  as  military  affairs. 
He  was  ambitious  to  reduce  the  disorders  of  his 
country,  and  he  was  able  to  see  in  a great  measure 
the  success  of  his  schemes.  But  he  failed  in  leaving 
when  he  died  any  security  for  the  preservation  and 
continuance  of  that  peace  and  unity  which  he  had 
conquered. 

At  the  time  Nobunaga  became  prominent,  the 
Emperor  Go-Nara  had  died  and  Ogimachi  in  A.D. 
1560  had  just  succeeded  to  the  throne  as  the  one 
hundred  and  fifth  emperor.  Ashikaga  Yoshifusa  had 
become  shogun  in  A.D.  1547  as  a boy  eleven  years 
old,  and  was  at  this  time  a young  man,  who  as  usual 
devoted  himself  to  pleasure  while  the  affairs  of  gov- 
ernment were  conducted  by  others.  Both  emperor 


THE  ASHIKAGA  SHOGUNS  AND  NOB  UNA  GA.  l8l 


and  shogun  were  almost  powerless  in  the  empire,  the 
real  power  being  held  by  the  local  princes.  In  many 
cases  they  had  largely  increased  their  holdings  by 
conquest,  and  were  almost  entirely  independent  of 
the  central  authority.  For  more  than  a century  this 
independence  had  been  growing,  and  at  the  time  of 
Nobunaga  there  was  little  pretence  of  deferring  to 
the  shogun  in  any  matter  growing  out  of  the  rela- 
tions of  one  prince  to  the  other,  and  none  at  all  in 
reference  to  the  internal  government  of  the  terri- 
tories within  their  jurisdiction.  The  principal  local 
rulers  at  this  time  were  the  following  : Imagaya 

Yoshimoto  controlled  the  three  provinces  of  Suruga, 
Totomi,  and  Mikawa;  Hojo  Ujiyasu  from  the  town 
of  Odowara  ruled  the  Kwanto,  including  the  prov- 
inces of  Sagami,  Musashi,  Awa,  Kazusa,  Shimosa, 
Hitachi,  Kotsuke,  and  Shimotsuke  ; TakedaShingen 
ruled  the  province  of  Kai  and  the  greater  part  of 
the  mountainous  province  of  Shinano ; Uesugi 
Kenshin  held  under  his  control  the  northwestern 
provinces  of  Echizen,  Echigo,  Etchu,  and  Noto ; 
Mori  Motonari  after  a severe  contest  had  ob- 
tained control  of  almost  all  the  sixteen  prov- 
inces which  composed  the  Chugoku  or  central 
country  ; the  island  of  Kyushu  had  been  the 
scene  of  frequent  civil  wars  and  was  now  divided  be- 
tween the  houses  of  Shimazu  of  Satsuma,  Otomo 
of  Bungo,  and  Ryozoji  of  Hizen  ; and  finally  the 
island  of  Shikoku  was  under  the  control  of  Choso- 
kabe  Motochika.'  Besides  these  principal  rulers, 

' For  these  facts  concerning  Nobunaga  and  Hideyoshi,  and  the 
condition  of  the  country  during  their  times,  the  author  is  largely 
indebted  to  the  Li/e  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi,  by  Walter  Dening, 
Tokio,  1890. 


i82 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


there  were  many  smaller  holders  w'ho  occupied  fiefs 
subordinate  to  the  great  lords,  and  paid  for  their 
protection  and  their  suzerainty  in  tribute  and  mili- 
tary service.  In  the  letters  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries 
of  this  period  the  great  lords  are  denominated  kings, 
but  neither  according  to  the  theory  of  the  Japanese 
government,  nor  the  actual  condition  of  these  rulers 
can  the  name  be  considered  appropriate.  The  term 
daimyo ' came  into  its  full  and  modern  use  only 
when  leyasu  reorganized  and  consolidated  the 
feudal  system  of  the  empire.  But  even  at  the  period 
of  Nobunaga  the  name  was  employed  to  indicate 
the  owners  of  land.  We  prefer  to  continue  down  to 
the  time  of  the  Tokugawa  shoguns  the  use  of  the 
terms  prince  and  principality  for  the  semi-indepen- 
dent rulers  and  their  territories. 

The  holdings  which  Ota  Nobunaga  inherited  from 
his  father  consisted  only  of  four  small  properties  in 
the  province  of  Owari.  Acting  according  to  the 
fashion  of  the  times  he  gradually  extended  his 
authority,  until  by  A.D.  1559  we  find  him  supreme  in 
Owari  with  his  chief  castle  at  Kiyosu  near  to  the  city 
of  Nagoya.  His  leading  retainers  and  generals  were 
Shibata  Genroku  and  Sakuma  Yemon,  to  whom 
must  be  added  Hideyoshi,”  who  gradually  and 

' The  word  daimyo  means  great  name,  and  was  used  in  reference 
to  the  ownership  of  land  ; shomyd  means  small  name,  and  was  at  first 
employed  to  indicate  the  small  land-owner.  But  the  word  never 
obtained  currency,  the  small  land-owner  always  preferring  to  call 
himself  a daimyo.  See  Chamberlain’s  Things  Japanese,  p.  84. 

* The  element  of  comedy  shows  itself  from  the  beginning  in 
Hideyoshi’s  character  when  he  adopted  the  calabash,  in  which  he  had 
carried  water,  as  his  symbol  of  victory.  He  added  a new  one  for 


THE  ASHIKAGA  SHOGUNS  AND  NOB  UNA  GA.  I 83 

rapidly  rose  from  obscurity  to  be  the  main  reliance 
of  his  prince.  Nobunaga  was  a skilful  general,  and 
whenever  an  interval  occurred  in  his  expeditions 
against  his  hostile  neighbors  he  employed  the  time 
in  carefully  drilling  his  troops,  and  preparing  them 
for  their  next  movements.  He  found  in  Hideyoshi 
an  incomparable  strategist,  whose  plans,  artifices, 
and  intrigues  were  original  and  effective,  and  were 
worth  more  to  his  master  than  thousands  of  troops. 

It  was  not  difficult  in  those  days  to  find  excuses 
to  invade  neighboring  domains,  and  hence  we  find 
Nobunaga,  as  soon  as  he  had  made  himself  master 
of  Owari,  on  one  pretext  or  another  making  himself 
also  master  of  the  provinces  of  Mino,  Omi,  and 
Ise.  Before  this  was  accomplished,  however,  we 
see  plain  indications  both  on  the  part  of  Nobunaga 
and  his  retainers  that  the  ultimate  aim  in  view  was 
the  subjugation  of  the  whole  country,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  a government  like  that  of  Yoritomo. 

At  this  time  (a.d.  1567)  the  affairs  of  the  Ashi- 
kaga  shoguns,  who  ruled  in  the  name  of  the  emperor, 
were  in  a state  of  great  confusion.  Yoshiteru,  the 
shogun,  had  been  assassinated  by  one  of  his  retainers, 
Miyoshi  Yoshitsugu.  The  younger  brother  of 
Yoshiteru  was  Yoshiaki,  who  desired  to  succeed,  but 
this  did  not  comport  with  the  designs  of  the  assassins. 
Accordingly  after  making  several  unsuccessful  appli- 
cations for  military  aid  he  finally  applied  to  Nobu- 
naga. This  was  exactly  the  kind  of  alliance  that 

each  victory,  and  at  last  adopted  a bunch  of  calabashes  for  his  coat- 
of-arms.  Afterwards  he  had  this  constructed  of  gold,  which  was 
carried  as  the  emblem  of  his  triumphant  career. 


184 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Nobunaga  wanted  to  justify  his  schemes  of  national 
conquest.  With  his  own  candidate  in  the  office  of 
shogun,  he  could  proceed  without  impediment  to 
reduce  all  the  princes  of  the  empire  to  his  supreme 
authority.  He  therefore  undertook  to  see  Yoshiaki 
established  as  shogun,  and  for  this  purpose  marched 
a large  army  into  Kyoto.  Yoshiaki  was  installed  as 
shogun  in  A.D.  1568,  and  at  his  suggestion  the 
emperor  conferred  on  Nobunaga  the  title  of  Fuku- 
shogun  ' or  vice-shogun.  This  was  Nobunaga’s  first 
dealings  with  the  imperial  capital,  and  the  presence 
of  his  large  army  created  a panic  among  the  inactive 
and  peaceful  citizens. 

He  appointed  Hideyoshi  as  commander-in-chief 
of  the  army  at  the  capital,  who  with  a sagacity  and 
energy  that  belonged  to  his  character  set  himself  to 
inspire  confidence  and  to  overcome  the  prejudice 
which  everywhere  prevailed  against  the  new  order 
of  things.  Kyoto  had  suffered  so  much  from  fires 
and  warlike  attacks,  and  still  more  by  poverty  and 
neglect,  that  it  was  now  in  a lamentable  condition. 
To  have  somebody,  therefore,  with  the  power  and 
spirit  to  accomplish  his  ends,  undertake  to  repair 
some  of  the  wastes,  and  put  in  order  what  had  long 
run  to  ruin,  was  an  unexpected  and  agreeable  sur- 
prise. The  palaces  of  the  emperor  and  the  shogun 
were  repaired  and  made  suitable  as  habitations  for 
the  heads  of  the  nation.  Streets  and  bridges, 
temples  and  grounds  were  everywhere  put  in  order. 
Kyoto  for  the  first  time  in  many  centuries  had  the 
benefit  of  a good  and  strong  government. 

* See  Dening’s  Life  of  Hideyoshi,  p.  207. 


THE  ASH  IK  AG  A SHOGUNS  AND  NOB  UNA  GA.  1 85 

It  was  the  custom  to  celebrate  the  establishment 
of  a new  year-period  with  popular  rejoicings.  The 
period  called  Genki  was  begun  in  December  A.D. 
1 570  by  the  Emperor  Ogimachi.  Nobunaga  brought 
to  Kyoto  on  this  occasion  a very  large  army  in 
order  to  impress  on  the  minds  of  the  nation  his 
overwhelming  military  power.  He  intended,  more- 
over, to  march  his  forces,  as  soon  as  this  celebration 
was  over,  against  Prince  Asakura  Yoshikage  of  the 
province  of  Echizen,  who  had  not  yet  submitted 
himself  to  Nobunaga’s  authority,  and  who  had  not 
given  in  his  adhesion  to  the  new  shogun.  Taking 
with  him  Hideyoshi  and  all  the  troops  that  could  be 
spared  from  Kyoto,  Nobunaga  marched  north  into 
the  domains  of  Yoshikage.  He  was  aided  in  his 
resistance  by  Asai  Nagamasa,  the  governor  of  the 
castle  of  Itami  in  the  province  of  Omi.  An  attempt 
had  been  made  by  Nobunaga  to  conciliate  Naga- 
masa by  giving  him  his  sister  in  marriage.  But 
Nagamasa  was  still  cool,  and  now  at  this  critical 
time  he  turned  to  help  Nobunaga’s  enemy.  The 
unexpected  combination  came  very  near  causing 
Nobunaga  a disastrous  defeat.  At  an  important 
battle  which  was  fought  in  this  short  campaign,  we 
see  together  the  three  most  noted  men  of  their 
time,  Nobunaga,  Hideyoshi,  and  leyasu.  The  last 
of  the  three  was  only  a few  years  younger  than 
Hideyoshi,  and  had  already  shown  indications  of  the 
clear  and  steady  character  of  which  he  afterward  gave 
such  indubitable  proof.  The  result  was  the  defeat 
of  Nobunaga’s  enemies  and  his  victorious  return  to 
the  castle  of  Gifu  in  the  province  of  Mino. 


1 86  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

But  his  way  was  not  yet  quite  free  from  obstacles. 
Asakura  Yoshikage  and  Asai  Nagamasa  although 
defeated  were  not  crushed,  and  made  various  efforts 
to  regain  the  advantage  over  Nobunaga.  The  most 
noted  of  these  was  when  Nobunaga  was  absent  from 
Kyoto  with  troops  quelling  a disturbance  in  Osaka, 
Asakura  and  Asai  took  advantage  of  the  opportu- 
nity and  marched  a strong  force  upon  the  city. 
They  had  proceeded  as  far  as  Hiei-zan  on  the  borders 
of  Lake  Biwa.  This  mountain  was  then  occupied  by 
an  immense  Buddhist  monastery  called  Enriaku-ji 
from  the  year-period  when  it  was  established.  It 
was  said,  that  at  this  time  there  were  as  many  as 
three  thousand  buildings  belonging  to  the  monas- 
tery. The  monks  of  this  establishment  were  ex- 
ceedingly independent,  and  were  so  numerous  and 
powerful  that  they  were  able  to  exact  whatever  con- 
cessions they  desired  from  the  government  at  Kyoto, 
from  which  they  were  only  a few  miles  distant. 
They  disliked  Nobunaga  and  his  powerful  govern- 
ment with  which  they  dared  not  take  their  usual 
liberties.  Accordingly  they  made  common  cause 
with  Asakura  and  Asai  and  furnished  them  with 
shelter  and  supplies  on  their  march  to  Kyoto.  But 
Nobunaga  met  them  before  they  reached  Kyoto, 
and  so  hemmed  them  in  that  they  were  glad  to  sue 
for  peace  and  get  back  to  their  own  provinces  as  well 
as  they  could.  But  on  the  ill-fated  monastery  No- 
bunaga in  A.D.  1571  visited  a terrible  revenge.  He 
burned  their  buildings,  and  what  monks  survived  the 
slaughter  he  drove  into  banishment.  The  monastery 
was  partially  restored  subsequently  by  leyasu,  but  it 


THE  ASH  IK  AG  A SHOGUNS  AND  NOBUNAGA.  1 87 

was  restricted  to  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  build- 
ings and  never  afterwards  was  a political  power  in 
the  country. 

During  these  years  of  Nobunaga’s  supremacy,  the 
Jesuit  fathers  had  been  pushing  forward  their  work 
of  proselyting  and  had  met  with  marvellous  success. 
The  action  of  the  Buddhist  priests  in  siding  with  his 
enemies  and  the  consequent  aversion  with  which  he 
regarded  them,  led  Nobunaga  to  favor  the  establish- 
ment of  Christian  churches.  In  the  Letters  of  the 
fathers  at  this  period  frequent  references  are  made 
to  Nobunaga  and  of  his  favorable  attitude  toward 
Christianity  and  their  hope  that  he  would  finally  be- 
come a convert.  But  it  is  plain  that  the  fathers  did 
not  comprehend  fully  the  cause  for  the  enmity  of 
Nobunaga  to  the  Buddhist  monks,  and  his  political 
reasons  for  showing  favor  to  the  Christian  fathers. 
He  remained  as  long  as  he  lived  friendly  to  the 
Christian  church,  but  made  no  progress  towards  an 
avowal  of  his  faith.  Under  his  patronage  a church 
was  built  in  Kyoto,  and  another  at  Azuchi  on  Lake 
Biwa,  where  he  built  for  himself  a beautiful  castle 
and  residence.  By  this  patronage  and  the  zeal  of 
the  fathers  the  Christian  church  rose  to  its  greatest 
prosperity  ' during  the  closing  years  of  Nobunaga’s 
life.  In  the  year  A.D.  1582  a mission  was  sent  to  the 
pope,  consisting  of  representatives  from  the  Chris- 
tian princes  of  Bungo,  Arima,  and  Omura.  This 
mission  consisted  of  two  young  Christian  princes 
about  sixteen  years  of  age,  accompanied  by  two 

' In  Chamberlain’s  Things  yapanese  the  estimate  is  given  that  at 
this  most  prosperous  time  the  number  of  Japanese  professing  Chris- 
tianity was  not  less  than  six  hundred  thousand,  p.  297. 


1 88  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

counsellors  who  were  of  more  mature  years,  and  by 
Father  Valignani,  a Portuguese  Jesuit,  and  by  Father 
Diego  de  Mesquita  as  their  preceptor  and  inter- 
preter. They  visited  the  capitals  of  Portugal  and 
Spain,  which  at  this  time  were  combined  under  the 
crown  of  Philip  II.  of  Spain,  and  were  received  at 
both  with  the  most  impressive  magnificence.  They 
afterward  visited  Rome  and  were  met  by  the  body- 
guard of  the  pope  and  escorted  into  the  city  by  a 
long  cavalcade  of  Roman  nobles.  They  were  lodged 
in  the  house  of  the  Jesuits,  whence  they  were  con- 
ducted by  an  immense  procession  to  the  Vatican. 
The  Japanese  ambassadors  rode  in  this  procession 
on  horseback  dressed  in  their  richest  native  costume. 
They  each  presented  to  the  pope  the  letter'  which 
they  had  brought  from  their  prince,  to  which  the 
reply  of  the  pope  was  read.  The  presents  which 
they  had  brought  were  also  delivered,  and  after  a 
series  of  most  magnificent  entertainments,  and  after 
they  had  been  decorated  as  Knights  of  the  Gilded 
Spears,  they  took  their  departure.  In  the  meantime 
Pope  Gregory  XIII.,  who  had  received  them,  a few 
days  later  suddenly  died  A.D.  1585.  His  successor 
was  Pope  Sixtus  V.,  who  was  equally  attentive  to 
the  ambassadors,  and  who  dismissed  them  with 
briefs  addressed  to  their  several  princes. 

Shogun  Ashikaga  Yoshiaki,  whom  Nobunaga  had 
been  instrumental  in  installing,  became  restive  in 
the  subordinate  part  which  he  was  permitted  to  play. 
He  sought  out  the  princes  who  still  resisted  Nobu- 

’ See  the  letter  which  the  ambassador  from  the  Prince  of  Bungo 
presented  on  this  occasion.  Hildredth’s  Japan,  etc.,  p.  89. 


THE  ASHIKAGA  SHOGUNS  AND  NOBUNAGA.  189 

naga’s  supremacy  and  communicated  with  them  in 
reference  to  combining  against  him.  He  even  went 
so  far  as  to  fortify  some  of  the  castles  near  Kyoto. 
Nobunaga  took  strenuous  measures  against  Yoshiaki, 
and  in  A.D.  1573  deposed  him.  He  was  the  last  of 
the  Ashikaga  shoguns,  and  with  him  came  to  an  end 
a dynasty  which  had  continued  from  Taka-uji  in 
A.D.  1335  for  two  hundred  and  thirty-eight  years. 

Nobunaga  assumed  the  duties  which  had  hitherto 
been  performed  by  the  shogun,  that  is  he  issued 
orders  and  made  war  and  formed  alliances  in  the 
name  of  the  emperor.  But  he  never  took  the  name 
of  shogun'  or  presumed  to  act  in  a capacity  which 
from  the  time  of  Yoritomo  had  always  been  filled  by 
a member  of  the  Minamoto  family,  while  he  was  a 
member  of  the  Taira  family.  Whether  this  was  the 
cause  of  his  unwillingness  to  call  himself  by  this  title 
to  which  he  might  legitimately  have  aspired  we  can 
only  conjecture.  Of  one  thing  we  may  be  sure,  that 
he  was  disinclined  to  arouse  the  enmity  of  the  am- 
bitious princes  of  the  empire,  whose  co-operation  he 
still  needed  to  establish  his  power  on  an  enduring 
basis,  by  assuming  a position  which  centuries  of 
usage  had  appropriated  to  another  family.  The 
emperor  bestowed  upon  him  the  title  of  nai-daijin, 
which  at  this  time  however  was  a purely  honorary 
designation  and  carried  no  power  with  it. 

• In  the  First  Part  (1873)  Mittheilungen  der  Deutschen  Gesell- 
schaft  fiir  Natur  und  Volkerkunde  Ostasicns,  p.  15,  the  times  of 
Nobunaga,  Hideyoshi,  etc.,  are  termed  “die  zeit  der  usurpatoren,” 
the  time  of  the  usurpers.  But  Nobunaga  and  Hideyoshi  were  no 
more  usurpers  than  the  Tokugawas,  who  succeeded  them  by  force  of 


arms. 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


190 

The  Prince  of  Chosu  was  one  of  the  most  power- 
ful of  those  who  had  not  yet  submitted  to  the  su- 
premacy of  Nobunaga.  The  present  prince  was 
Mori  Terumoto,  the  grandson  of  the  Mori  Motonari 
who  by  conquest  had  made  himself  master  of  a 
large  part  of  the  central  provinces.  Nobunaga  de- 
spatched Hideyoshi  with  the  best  equipped  army 
that  at  that  time  had  ever  been  fitted  out  in  Japan, 
to  subdue  the  provinces  lying  to  the  west  of  Kyoto. 
He  did  not  overrate  the  ability  of  the  general  to 
whom  he  entrusted  this  task.  They  set  out  in  the 
early  part  of  the  year  A. D.  1578.  Their  first  move- 
ment was  against  the  strongholds  of  the  province  of 
Harima,  which  he  reduced.  We  for  the  first  time 
find  mention  in  this  campaign  of  Kuroda ' Yoshi- 
taka,  who  in  the  invasion  of  Korea  was  a notable  fig- 
ure. His  services  to  Hideyoshi  at  this  time  were 
most  signal.  The  campaign  lasted  about  five  years 
and  added  five  provinces  to  Nobunaga’s  dominions. 
Then  after  a visit  to  Kyoto  he  continued  his  con- 
quests, never  meeting  with  a defeat.  The  most 
remarkable  achievement  was  the  capture  of  the 
castle  of  Takamatsu,  in  the  province  of  Sanuki. 
Th  is  castle  was  built  with  one  side  protected  by  the 
Kobe-gawa  and  two  lakes  lying  on  the  other  sides,  so 
that  it  was  impossible  to  approach  it  by  land  with  a 
large  force.  Hideyoshi,  with  the  genius  for  strategy 
which  marked  his  character,  saw  that  the  only  way 
to  capture  the  fort  was  to  drown  it  out  with  water. 

' Mr.  Satow  with  rare  literary  insight  has  identified  this  Kuroda 
with  the  Condera  Combiendono  of  the  Jesuit  fathers.  Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  vii.,  p.  151. 


THF  ASH/KAGA  SHOGUNS  AND  NOBUNaCA.  I9I 

He  then  set  his  troops  to  dam  up  the  river  below 
the  fortress.  Gradually  this  was  accomplished  and 
as  the  water  rose  the  occupants  of  the  castle  became 
more  uncomfortable.  Hideyoshi  understanding  his 
master’s  character  feared  to  accomplish  this  important 
and  critical  exploit  without  Nobunaga’s  knowledge. 
He  therefore  wrote  asking  him  to  come  without  de- 
lay to  his  assistance.  Nobunaga  set  out  with  a group 
of  generals,  among  whom  was  Akechi  Mitsuhide, 
with  the  troops  under  their  command.  They  started 
from  Azuchi  on  Lake  Biwa,  which  was  occupied  as 
Nobunaga’h  headquarters.  They  were  to  proceed 
to  the  besieged  fort  by  the  shortest  route.  Nobu- 
naga with  a small  escort  went  by  way  of  Kyoto,  ex- 
pecting soon  to  follow  them.  He  took  up  his 
temporary  abode  in  the  temple  of  Honnoji.  It  was 
observed  that  Akechi  with  his  troops  took  a different 
route  from  the  others  and  marched  towards  Kyoto. 
When  spoken  to  about  his  purpose  he  exclaimed, 
“ My  enemy  is  in  the  Honnoji.”  He  explained  to 
his  captains  his  purpose  and  promised  them  unlimi- 
ted plunder  if  they  assisted  him.  He  led  his  troops 
to  Kyoto  and  directly  to  the  Honnoji.  Nobunaga 
hearing  the  noise  looked  out  and  at  once  saw  who 
were  the  traitors.  He  defended  himself  for  a time, 
but  soon  saw  that  he  was  hopelessly  surrounded  and 
cut  off  from  help.  He  retired  to  an  inner  room  of 
the  temple,  set  it  on  fire,  and  then  calmly  committed 
hara-kiri.  His  body  was  buried  in  the  burning  and 
falling  ruins.  His  death  occurred  in  A.D.  1582. 

Thus  ended  the  career  of  one  of  Japan’s  great 
men.  He  had  shown  the  possibility  of  uniting  the 


192 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


provinces  of  Japan  under  one  strong  government. 
He  had  given  to  Kyoto  and  the  provinces  lying 
east  and  north  of  it  a period  of  peace  and  quiet 
under  which  great  progress  had  been  made  in  agri- 
culture, the  arts  and  in  literature.  He  was  a warrior 
and  not  a statesman,  and  for  this  reason  less  was 
done  than  might  have  been  in  confirming  and  solidi- 
fying the  reforms  which  his  conquest  had  made 
possible.  Personally  he  was  quick-tempered  and 
overbearing,  and  often  gave  offence  to  those  who 
were  not  able  to  see  through  his  rough  exterior  to 
the  true  and  generous  heart  which  lay  beneath.  The 
cause  of  the  plot  against  him  was  probably  the  con- 
sequence of  a familiarity  with  which  he  sometimes 
treated  his  military  subordinates.  It  is  said  that  on 
one  occasion  in  his  palace  when  he  had  grown 
somewhat  over-festive  he  took  the  head  of  his  gene- 
ral Akechi ' under  his  arm  and  with  his  fan  played 
a tune  upon  it,  using  it  like  a drum.  Akechi  was 
mortally  offended  and  never  forgave  the  humiliat- 
ing joke.  His  treason,  which  resulted  in  Nobunaga’s 
death,  was  the  final  outcome  of  this  bit  of  thought- 
less horse-play. 

' See  Shiga’s  History  of  Nations,  T6ky5,  1888,  p.  128. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

TOYOTOMI  HIDEYOSHI. 

The  death  of  Nobunaga  in  the  forty-ninth  year 
of  his  age  left  the  country  in  a critical  condition. 
Sakuma  and  Shibata  had  been  his  active  retainers 
and  generals  for  many  years,  and  they  had  the  most 
bitter  and  envious  hatred  toward  Hideyoshi,  whom 
they  had  seen  advance  steadily  up  to  and  past  them 
in  the  march  of  military  preferment.  It  was  to 
Hideyoshi  that  the  country  looked  to  take  up  the 
work  which  Nobunaga’s  death  had  interrupted. 
Akechi  began  to  realize  when  too  late  that  he  must 
reckon  with  him  for  his  terrible  crime.  He  appoint- 
ed two  of  his  lieutenants  to  assassinate  Hideyoshi 
on  his  way  back  to  the  capital.  He  sent  word  to 
Mori  Terumoto,  who  was  trying  to  raise  the  siege 
of  the  castle  of  Takamatsu,  concerning  Nobunaga’s 
death,  hoping  that  this  tragedy  would  encourage 
Terumoto  to  complete  his  designs. 

In  the  meantime  the  news  had  reached  Hideyo- 
shi. Terumoto  had  heard  of  the  starting  of  Nobu- 
naga with  additional  troops,  and  had  determined  to 
make  peace  with  Hideyoshi.  He  had  sent  messen- 
gers with  a proposition  for  peace.  The  measures 


13 


193 


194 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


for  taking  the  castle  had  succeeded  and  it  was  sur- 
rendered. In  this  state  of  things  Hideyoshi*  pur- 
sued a course  which  was  characteristic  of  him.  He 
sent  word  to  Terumoto  that  Nobunaga  was  now 
dead  and  that  therefore  his  proposition  for  peace 
might,  if  he  wished,  be  withdrawn.  You  must  decide, 
he  said,  whether  you  will  make  peace  or  not ; it  is 
immaterial  whether  I fight  or  conclude  a treaty  of 
peace.  To  such  a message  there  could  be  only  one 
answer.  Peace  was  at  once  concluded  and  Hideyoshi 
started  for  Kyoto  to  deal  with  the  traitors. 

The  attempt  to  assassinate  Hideyoshi  on  his 
journey  came  very  near  being  successful.  He  was 
in  such  eagerness  to  reach  his  destination  that  he 
hurried  on  without  regard  to  his  army  which  ac- 
companied him.  A small  body-guard  kept  up  as 
well  as  they  could  with  their  impatient  chief.  At 
Nishinomiya  in  this  journey  Hideyoshi,  when  in 
advance  of  his  body-guard,  was  attacked  by  a band 
of  the  assassins.  His  only  way  of  escape  was  by  a 
narrow  road  between  rice  fields,  leading  to  a small 
temple.  When  he  had  traversed  part  of  this  lane 
he  dismounted,  turning  his  horse  around  along  the 
way  he  had  come,  and  stabbed  him  in  the  hind  leg. 
Mad  with  pain,  he  galloped  back  with  disastrous 
effect  upon  the  band  which  was  following  him. 
Meanwhile  Hideyoshi  hurried  to  the  temple.  Here 
the  priests  were  all  in  a big  common  bath-tub,  tak- 
ing their  bath.  Hastily  telling  them  who  he  was, 
and  begging  their  protection,  he  stripped  off  his 
clothes  and  plunged  in  among  the  naked  priests. 

’ Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi,  p.  274. 


TO  YO  TO  MI  HIDEYOSHI. 


195 


When  the  assassins  arrived,  they  could  find  nothing 
but  a bath-tub  full  of  priests,  whom  they  soon  left 
in  search  of  the  fugitive.  As  they  disappeared,  the 
anxious  body-guard  arrived,  and  were  astonished 
and  amused  to  find  their  chief  clad  in  the  garb  of  a 
priest  and  refreshed  after  his  hurried  journey  with  a 
luxurious  bath.' 

Hideyoshi,  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Kyoto,  issued 
■an  invitation  to  all  the  princes  to  join  him  in  punish- 
ing those  who  had  brought  about  the  death  of  Nobu- 
naga.  A battle  was  fought  at  Yodo,  not  far  from 
Kyoto,  which  resulted  in  the  complete  defeat  of 
Akechi.  He  escaped,  however,  from  this  battle,  but 
on  his  way  to  his  own  castle  he  was  recognized  by  a 
peasant  and  wounded  with  a bamboo  spear.  Seeing 
now  that  all  hope  was  gone,  he  committed  hara-kiri, 
and  thus  ended  his  inglorious  career.  His  head  was 
exposed  in  front  of  Honnoji,  the  temple  where 
Nobunaga  perished. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  this  premature 
death  of  Nobunaga — for  he  was  only  forty-nine 
years  old — created  an  intense  excitement.  The 
idea  of  heredity  had  so  fixed  a place  in  men’s  minds, 
that  the  only  thought  of  Nobunaga’s  friends  and  re- 
tainers was  to  put  forward  in  his  place  some  one 
who  should  be  his'heir.  There  were  living  two  sons, 
both  by  concubines,  viz.  Nobuo  and  Nobutaka,  and 
a grandson,  Samboshi,  still  a child,  who  was  a son  of 
his  son  Nobutada,  now  deceased.  Each  of  these 
representatives  had  supporters  among  the  powerful 
retainers  of  the  dead  prince.  It  may  be  assumed 
' See  Dening's  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi,  p.  378, 


196 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


chat  each  was  supported  not  because  of  the  rightful 
claim  which  he  had  to  the  estates  and  the  power 
which  the  dead  prince  had  left  behind  him,  but 
solely  because  the  supporters  of  the  successful  heir 
w'ould  be  entrusted  with  special  authority,  and  en- 
dowed with  conquered  provinces.  It  is  sufficient  to 
explain  here  that  Hideyoshi  supported  the  candidacy 
of  the  grandson,  Samboshi,  probably  with  no  higher 
motive  nor  more  disinterested  purpose  than  the 
others.  After  a noisy  and  hot  debate  it  was  finally 
agreed  that  the  grandson  should  be  installed  as  suc- 
cessor, and  Hideyoshi  undertook  to  be  his  guardian. 
He  had  a large  army  at  Kyoto,  and  with  this  he  felt 
strong  enough  to  carry  things  with  a high  hand. 
He  appointed  a funeral  ceremony  to  be  held  in  honor 
of  Nobunaga,  to  which  all  the  princes  were  invited, 
and  he  posted  his  troops  in  such  a way  as  to  com- 
mand every  avenue  of  approach.  He  claimed  for 
himself,  as  guardian  of  the  child  Samboshi,  prece- 
dence of  all  the  princes  and  generals.  So  at  the 
funeral  service,  with  the  child  Samboshi  in  his  arms, 
he  proceeded  in  advance  of  all  others  to  pay 
memorial  honors  to  the  dead.  He  supported  this 
action  with  such  an  overwhelming  display  of  mili- 
tary force  that  his  enemies  were  afraid  to  show  any 
resistance. 

The  disappointed  princes  retired  to  their  provinces 
and  hoped  that  by  some  fortuitous  circumstances 
they  might  still  be  able  to  circumvent  the  plans  of 
Hideyoshi.  He  saw  well  that  he  must  meet  the  oppo- 
sition which  would  be  concentrated  on  him  by  ac- 
tivity and  force.  As  a general  not  one  of  his  enemies 


TO  YO  TO  MI  HIDEYOSHI. 


*97 


could  compare  with  him  in  fertility  of  resources,  in 
decisiveness  of  action,  and  in  command  of  military 
strength.  His  first  contest  was  with  his  old  com- 
rade in  arms  Shibata  Katsuie,  who  had  served  with 
him  under  Nobunaga,  and  who  was  intensely  jealous 
of  Hideyoshi’s  rapid  rise  in  military  rank  and  terri- 
torial authority.  Shibata  had  championed  the  cause  of 
Nobutaka  in  the  contest  as  to  the  successor  of  Nobu- 
naga. He  had  command  of  troops  in  Echizen,  and 
Nobutaka  was  governor  of  the  castle  of  Gifu  in  the 
province  of  Mino.  The  campaign  was  a short  and 
decisive  one.  The  battle  was  fought  at  Shigutake 
and  resulted  in  the  complete  defeat  of  Shibata  and 
his  allies.  It  is  notable  that  in  this  battle  artillery 
were  used  and  played  a conspicuous  part.  Shibata 
after  his  overthrow  committed  hara-kiri.  Nobu- 
taka having  escaped  also  put  an  end  to  himself. 
Thus  the  active  enemies  of  Hideyoshi  in  the  north 
and  west  were  overcome  and  the  forfeited  territory 
made  use  of  to  reward  his  friends. 

His  next  contest  was  with  the  adherents  of  Nobuo, 
the  other  son  of  Nobunaga.  This  was  made  memor- 
able by  the  assistance  which  leyasu  rendered  to 
Nobuo.  Hideyoshi’s  army,  himself  not  being 
present,  was  defeated.  leyasu  being  satisfied  with 
this  victory  and  knowing  that  he  could  not  ulti- 
mately triumph  now  made  peace  with  Hideyoshi. 
The  island  of  Shikoku,  which  was  under  the  contro’ 
of  Chosokabe  Motochika  was  reduced  to  subjection 
in  a brief  campaign  and  the  chiefs  compelled  to  dc 
duty  to  Hideyoshi  as  their  head. 

It  seems  that  at  this  time  Hideyoshi  was  ambi- 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPART. 


198 

tious  to  attain  official  appointment  which  would 
legitimately  descend  to  his  children  and  make  him 
the  founder  of  a new  line  of  shoguns.  He  applied 
to  the  ex-shogun  Yoshiaki,  whom  Nobunaga  had  de- 
posed' and  who  was  now  living  in  retirement,  inti- 
mating that  it  would  be  to  his  interest  to  adopt 
him  as  his  son  so  that  he  could  be  appointed  by  the 
emperor  as  shogun.  But  Yoshiaki  declined  to  com- 
ply with  this  suggestion  on  account  of  Hideyoshi’s 
humble  origin.  In  place  of  this  appointment,  how- 
ever, he  was  installed  A.D.  1585  by  the  Emperor 
Ogimachi  as  Kuanibahi,  which  is  higher  in  rank 
than  any  other  office  in  the  gift  of  the  imperial 
court.  Hitherto  this  title  had  been  borne  exclu- 
sively by  members  of  the  Fujiwara  family,  and  it 
must  have  been  a severe  blow  to  their  aristocratic 
pride  to  have  a humble  plebeian  who  had  risen 
solely  by  his  own  talents  thus  elevated  by  imperial 
appointment  to  this  dignified  position.  He  also 
received  at  this  time  the  name  of  Toyotomi"  by 
which  he  was  afterward  called,  and  in  recognition  of 
his  successful  conquest  of  much  territory  he  received 
A I).  1575  the  honorary  title  of  Chikuzen-no-kami. 

There  were  a few  years  from  about  A.i).  1583  — 
with  an  important  exception  which  will  be  given 

' See  p.189. 

’ Ilis  original  name  was  Nakamura  Hyoshi,  the  family  taking  its 
name  from  the  village  where  he  was  born.  Then  at  his  induction  to 
manhood  A.D.  1553  his  name  was  changed  to  Tokichi  Takayoshi.  At 
another  turn  in  his  career  he  became  Kinoshita  Tokichi  Takayoshi, 
In  the  year  A.D.  1562  he  received  permission  to  use  the  name  Hide- 
yoshi  instead  of  Tokichi,  and  A.D.  1575  his  name  was  again  changed 
to  Ilashiba,  which  the  Jesuit  fathers  wrote  Faxiba. 


TO  YO  TO  MI  HIDEYOSHI. 


199 


below — when  peace  reigned  in  all  the  territories  of 
Japan,  and  when  Hideyoshi  devoted  himself  wisely 
and  patiently  to  the  settlement  of  the  feudal  condi- 
tion of  the  country.  It  was  at  this  time  he  began 
building  his  great  castle  at  Osaka  which  occupied 
about  two  years.  Workmen  were  drawn  from  almost 
all  parts  of  Japan,  and  a portion  of  it  is  said  to  have 
been  finer  and  more  massive  than  had  ever  been 
seen  in  Japan.  This  magnificent  work'  survived  its 
capture  by  leyasu  in  1614  and  remained  undisturbed 
down  to  the  wars  of  the  restoration  in  1868,  when  it 
was  burned  by  the  Tokugawa  troops  at  the  time 
they  were  about  to  evacuate  it. 

The  exception  to  which  reference  is  made  above 
was  the  important  campaign  which  Hideyoshi  was 
called  upon  to  conduct  in  the  island  of  Kyushu 
against  the  Satsuma  clan.*  The  distance  at  which 
Kyushu  lay  from  the  centre  of  imperial  operations, 
the  mountainous  and  inaccessible  character  of  a 
great  part  of  the  territory,  made  it  no  easy  matter 
to  deal  with  the  refractory  inhabitants  of  this  island. 
The  Satsuma  clan  even  at  that  early  day  had  a repu- 
tation for  bravery  and  dash  which  made  them  feared 
by  all  their  neighbors.  The  prince  of  Satsuma  at 
this  time  was  Shimazu  Yoshihisa,  a member  of  the 
same  family  who  held  the  daimiate  until  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  feudal  system.  It  is  a tradition  that  the 
first  of  this  family  was  a son  of  Yoritomo,  who  in 

' See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  341. 

^ The  facts  here  related  concerning  this  most  interesting  episode  in 
the  life  of  Hideyoshi  are  chiefly  taken  from  a paper  furnished  by  Mr. 
J.  H.  Gubbins  to  the  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  viii.,  p.  92. 


200 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


the  year  A.D.  1193  was  appointed  governor  of  Sat- 
suma.  Like  all  the  feudal  princes  of  the  period,  the 
prince  of  Satsuina  was  ambitious  to  extend  his  do 
minion  as  far  as  possible.  Hyuga,  Bungo,  Higo, 
and  Hizen  were  either  wholly  or  in  part  subject  to 
his  authority,  so  that  by  the  year  A.D.  1585  it  was 
the  boast  of  the  prince  that  eight  provinces  acknowl- 
edged him  as  lord.' 

It  was  in  this  critical  period  that  Hideyoshi  was 
appealed  to  for  help  by  the  threatened  provinces. 
He  first  sent  a special  envoy  to  Kagoshima,  who  was 
directed  to  summon  the  prince  to  Kyoto  to  submit 
himself  to  the  emperor  and  seek  investiture  from 
him  for  the  territories  which  he  held.  Shimazu 
received  this  message  with  scorn,  tore  up  the  letter 
and  trampled  it  under  his  feet,  and  declared  that  to 
a man  of  mean  extraction  like  Hideyoshi  he  would 
never  yield  allegiance.  Both  parties  recognized  the 
necessity  of  deciding  this  question  by  the  arbitra- 
ment of  war. 

Hideyoshi  called  upon  thirty-seven  provinces  to 
furnish  troops  for  this  expedition.  It  is  said  that 
150,000  men  were  assembled  at  Osaka  ready  to  be 
transported  into  Kyushu.  The  vanguard,  consist- 
ing of  60,000  men  under  Hidenaga,  the  brother  of 
Hideyoshi,  set  sail  January  7,  A.D.  1587.  Troops 
from  the  western  provinces  joined  these,  so  that  this 
advanced  army  numbered  not  less  than  90,000  men. 

•The  Emperor  Ogimachi  retired  from  the  throne  A.D.  1586,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Go-Vojo,  then  sixteen  years  old.  It  shows  of  how 
small  account  the  emperors  had  become,  that  this  change  in  the  head 
of  the  nation  is  scarcely  mentioned  in  the  histories  of  the  time. 


TO  YO  TOM  I HIDEYOSHI. 


201 


In  due  time,  January  22d,  Hideyoshi  himself,  with 
his  main  army,  consisting  of  1 30,000  men,  left  Osaka, 
marching  by  land  to  Shimonoseki,  and  from  this 
point  crossing  over  to  Kyushu.  The  Satsuma  armies 
were  in  all  cases  far  outnumbered,  and  step  by  step 
were  compelled  to  retreat  upon  Kagoshima.  Hide- 
yoshi had  by  means  of  spies  ' acquired  a complete 
knowledge  of  the  difficult  country  through  which 
his  armies  must  march  before  reaching  Kagoshima. 
After  much  fighting  the  Satsuma  troops  were  at  last 
driven  into  the  castle  of  Kagoshima,  and  it  only 
remained  for  Hideyo.shi  to  capture  this  stronghold 
in  order  to  end  in  the  most  brilliant  manner  his 
undertaking. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Hideyoshi  made  one 
of  these  surprising  and  clever  movements  which 
stamp  him  as  a man  of  consummate  genius.  In- 
stead of  capturing  the  fortress  and  dividing  up  the 
territory  among  his  deserving  generals,  as  was  ex- 
pected, he  restored  to  the  Shimazu  family  its  origi- 
nal buildings,  viz.,  the  provinces  of  Satsuma  and 
Osumi  and  half  the  province  of  Hyuga,  only  im- 
posing as  a condition  that  the  present  reigning 
prince  should  retire  in  favor  of  his  son,  and  that  he 
should  hold  his  fief  as  a grant  from  the  emperor. 
Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  memorable  of  the 

’ The  spies  and  guides  employed  by  Hideyoshi  were  priests  of  the 
Shin  sect  of  Buddhists,  who  after  the  fall  of  Kagoshima  were  discov- 
ered and  crucified.  A decree  was  also  issued  that  every  inhabitant  of 
Satsuma  who  was  connected  with  this  sect  must  renounce  his  creed. 
To  this  day  there  exists  among  the  people  of  .Satsuma  a general  hos- 
tility to  the  Buddhists  which  can  be  traced  t > this  trying  episode. 
See  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  viii.,  p.  143. 


202 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


campaigns  which  Hideyoshi  had  up  to  this  time 
undertaken,  and  with  this  also  closed  a series  of 
events  which  exerted  a permanent  influence  on  the 
history  of  Japan. 

It  will  be  desirable  at  this  point  to  trace  the  in- 
cidents which  had  transpired  in  connection  with  the 
Jesuit  fathers.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  work 
of  the  fathers ' was  much  interfered  with  by  the 
political  troubles  which  preceded  the  advent  of  No- 
bunaga.  Owing  to  their  taking  sides  with  his 
enemies  he  was  very  much  incensed  against  the 
Buddhist  priests  and  visited  his  indignation  upon 
them  in  a drastic  measure.’*  His  desire  to  humili- 
ate the  Buddhist  priests  probably  led  him  to  assume 
a favorable  attitude  towards  the  Christian  fathers. 
As  long  therefore  as  Nobunaga  lived,  churches  were 
protected  and  the  work  of  proselyting  went  on. 
Even  after  the  death  of  Nobunaga  in  A.D.  1582  noth- 
ing occurred  for  some  time  to  interfere  with  the 
spread  of  Christianity.  Hideyoshi  was  too  much 
occupied  with  political  and  military  affairs  to  give 
much  attention  to  the  circumstances  concerning 
religion.  Indeed  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Dening®  in  his 
Life  of  Hideyoshi  is  no  doubt  true,  that  he  was  in  no 
respect  of  a religious  temperament.  Even  the  super- 
stitions of  his  own  country  were  treated  with  scant 
courtesy  by  this  great  master  of  men. 

Gregory  XHI.  seeing  what  progress  the  Jesuits 
were  making,  and  realizing  how  fatal  to  success  any 
conflict  between  rival  brotherhoods  would  be,  issued 

• See  p.  178.  ’ See  p.  186. 

® See  Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi.  pp.  148,  344. 


TO  YO  TOM  I HIDEYOSHI. 


203 


a brief  in  A.D.  1585,  that  no  religious  teachers  except 
Jesuits  should  be  allowed  in  Japan.  This  regulation 
was  exceedingly  distasteful  to  both  the  Dominicans 
and  the  Franciscans,  especially  after  the  visit  of  the 
Japanese  embassy  to  Lisbon,  Madrid,  and  Rome 
had  directed  the  attention  of  the  whole  religious 
world  to  the  triumphs  which  the  Jesuits  were  making 
in  Japan.  Envy  against  the  Portuguese  merchants 
for  their  monopoly  of  the  Japanese  trade  had  also 
its  place  in  stirring  up  the  Spaniards  at  Manila  to 
seek  an  entrance  to  the  island  empire.  The  opposi- 
tion with  which  Christianity  had  met  was  repre- 
sented as  due  to  the  character  and  behavior  of  the 
missioners.  In  view  of  these  circumstances  the 
Spanish  governor  of  Manila  sent  a letter  to  Hide- 
yoshi,  asking  for  permission  to  open  trade  with 
some  of  the  ports  of  Japan.  Four  Franciscans  at- 
tached themselves  to  the  bearer  of  this  letter  and  in 
this  way  were  introduced  into  the  interior  of  Japan. 
Among  the  valuable  presents  sent  to  Hideyoshi  by 
the  governor  of  Manila  was  a fine  Spanish  horse ' 
with  all  its  equipments.  These  Franciscans  who 
came  in  this  indirect  way  were  permitted  to  estab- 
lish themselves  in  Kyoto  and  Nagasaki.  They  were 
at  once  met  by  the  protest  of  the  Jesuits  who  urged 
that  the  brief  of  the  pope  excluded  them.  But  these 
wily  Franciscans  replied  that  they  had  entered 
Japan  as  ambassadors  and  not  as  religious  fathers, 

‘ When  Father  Valignani  came  to  Japan  in  A.D.  1577  it  is  said 
that  he  brought  as  one  of  his  presents  a beautiful  Arabian  horse.  It 
is  not  improbable  that  some  of  the  improved  breeds,  now  seen  in 
the  southern  provinces,  owe  their  origin  to  these  valuable  horses 
sent  over  as  presents. 


204 


THE  STORY  OR  JAPAN. 


and  that  now  when  they  were  in  Japan  the  brief  of 
the  pope  did  not  require  them  to  leave. 

A very  bitter  state  of  feeling  from  the  first  there- 
fore manifested  itself  between  the  Jesuits  and  Fran- 
ciscans. The  latter  claimed  that  the  opposition  they 
met  with  was  due  to  the  plots  and  intrigues  of  the 
Jesuits,  and  they  openly  avowed  that  the  Jesuit 
fathers  through  cowardice  failed  to  exert  themselves 
in  the  fulfilment  of  their  religious  duties,  and  in  a 
craven  spirit  submitted  to  restrictions  on  their 
liberty  to  preach.  Hideyoshi’s  suspicion  was  aroused 
against  the  foreigners  about  this  time,  A.D.  1587,  by 
the  gossip  of  a Portuguese  sea-captain  which  had 
been  reported  to  him.  This  report  represented  the 
captain  as  saying:  “The  king,  my  master,  begins 
by  sending  priests  who  win  over  the  people; 
and  when  this  is  done  he  despatches  his  troops 
to  join  the  native  Christians,  and  the  con- 
quest is  easy  and  complete.” ' This  plan  seemed 
so  exactly  to  agree  with  experiences  in  China, 
India,  and  the  East  Indies,  that  Hideyoshi  resolved 
to  make  it  impossible  in  Japan.  He  therefore 
issued  an  edict  in  the  year  A.D.  1587  commanding 
all  foreign  religious  teachers  on  pain  of  death  to 
depart  from  Japan  in  twenty  days.  This  edict, 
however,  gave  leave  to  Portuguese  merchants  “ to 
traffic  and  reside  in  our  ports  till  further  order;  but 
withal  we  do  hereby  strictly  forbid  them,  on  pain  of 

’ See  Chamberlain’s  Things  Japanese.  1892,  p.  298,  note.  Ac- 
cording to  Charlevoix  this  indiscreet  speech  was  made  by  a Spanish 
captain.  See  Gubbin’s  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol. 
vi.,  part  ii.,  p.  16. 


TO  YO  TO  MI  HIDEYOSHI. 


205 


having  both  their  ships  and  merchandises  confis- 
cated, to  bring  over  with  them  any  foreign 
religious.”  ' 

In  consequence  of  this  edict,  in  A.D.  1593  six 
Franciscans  and  three  Jesuits  were  arrested  in 
Osaka  and  Kyoto  and  taken  to  Nagasaki,  and  there 
burnt.  This  was  the  first  case  of  the  execution  of 
Christians  by  the  order  of  the  government.  To 
explain  the  transportation  of  these  missionaries  to 
Nagasaki  and  their  execution  there,  it  should  be 
stated  that  in  A.D.  1586,  at  the  close  of  the  Satsuma 
campaign,  Nagasaki  had  been  taken  from  the  prince 
of  Omura  and  made  a government  city,  to  be  con- 
trolled by  a governor  appointed  immediately  from 
Kyoto.  Shortly  after  this,  in  A.D.  1590,  on  account 
of  its  superior  harbor,  it  was  fixed  upon  as  the  only 
port  at  which  foreign  vessels  would  be  admitted. 

There  was  still  one  refractory  element  in  his 
dominions  which  it  was  necessary  to  deal  with. 
Hojo  Ujimasa  maintained  a hostile  attitude  at 
Odaward.  He  was  determined  once  for  all  to 
reduce  this  rebellious  chief  and  the  others  who 
might  be  influenced  by  his  example.  It  is  unneces- 
sary to  give  the  details  of  this  short  but  decisive 
undertaking.  Only  one  incident  deserves  to  be 
given  as  illustrative  of  the  character  of  Hideyoshi. 
In  sending  troops  to  the  field  of  action  it  was  neces- 
sary that  a large  number  of  horses  should  cross  the 
sea  of  Enshu,^  which  was  usually  very  rough  at  that 
time  of  year.  The  boatmen,  as  is  usual,  were  very 

' For  the  text  of  this  edict  see  Dickson’s  yapan,  p.  172. 

’ See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  2d  ed.,  p.  72. 


2o6 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


superstitious,  and  had  a decided  aversion  to  trans- 
porting  the  horses  in  their  boats  ; averring  that  the 
god  of  the  sea  Ryugu  had  a special  dislike  for 
horses.  Hideyoshi  sent  for  the  boatmen  and  told 
them  that  he  had  undertaken  this  expedition  at  the 
command  of  the  emperor,  and  that  the  god  of  the 
sea  was  too  polite  to  interfere  in  anything  pertain- 
ing to  the  transportation  of  troops  for  such  a pur- 
pose. He  said  however  that  he  would  make  it  all 
right  by  writing  a letter  to  Ryugu,  instructing  him 
to  insure  the  safe  passage  of  the  ships.  This  was 
done,  and  a letter  addressed  “ Mr.  Ryugu  ” was 
thrown  into  the  sea.  The  boatmen  were  satisfied, 
and  the  horses  were  taken  over  without  difficulty.' 

With  the  fall  of  Odawara  the  whole  of  the 
Kwanto,  comprising  the  provinces  of  Sagami, 
Musashi,  Kotsuke,  Shimotsuke,  Hitachi,  Shimosa, 
Kazusa,  and  Awa  came  into  the  possession  of 
Hideyoshi.  During  the  progress  of  the  siege,  it  is 
said  that  he  and  leyasu  were  standing  in  a watch 
tower  which  they  had  built  on  the  heights  above 
the  castle  of  Odawara.  Hideyoshi  pointed  to  the 
great  plain  before  them  and  said":  “ Before  many 
days  I will  have  conquered  all  this,  and  I propose  to 
give  it  into  your  keeping.” 

leyasu  thanked  him  warmly  and  said  : “ That 
were  indeed  great  luck.” 

Hideyoshi  added : “ Wilt  thou  reside  here  at 
Odawara  as  the  Hojo  have  done  up  to  this  time  ? ” 
leyasu  answered  : “ Aye,  my  lord,  that  I will.” 

* See  Dening’s  Life  of  'Toyolomi  Hideyoshi,  p.  405. 

* See  Adams’  LListory  of  Japan,  vol.  i.,  p.  66. 


TO  YO  TO  Mr  HIDEYOSHI. 


207 


“ That  will  not  do,”  said  Hideyoshi.  “ I see  on 
the  map  that  there  is  a place  called  Yedo  about 
twenty  ri  eastward  from  us.  It  is  a position  far 
better  than  this,  and  that  vvdll  be  the  place  for  thee 
to  live.” 

leyasu  bowed  low  and  replied : “ I will  with 
reverence  obey  your  lordship’s  directions.” 

In  accordance  with  this  conversation  after  the 
fall  of  Odawara,  leyasu  was  endowed  with  the 
provinces  of  the  Kwanto  and  took  up  his  residence 
at  Yedo.  This  is  the  first  important  appearance  of 
Yedo  in  the  general  history  of  Japan.  It  had  how- 
ever an  earlier  history,  when  in  the  fifteenth  century 
it  appears  as  a fishing  village  called  Ye-do,  that  is 
door  of  the  bay.  Near  this  fishing  village  Ota 
Dokwan,  a feudal  baron,  built  himself  in  A.D.  1456 
a castle.  With  the  advent  of  leyasu,  Yedo  became 
a place  of  first  importance,  a rank  which  it  still 
holds.  The  object  of  Hideyoshi  in  thus  entrusting 
this  great  heritage  to  leyasu  seems  to  have  been  to 
secure  him  by  the  chains  of  gratitude  to  himself  and 
his  family.  Already  leyasu  was  connected  by  mar- 
riage with  Hideyoshi,  his  wife  being  Hideyoshi’s 
sister.  By  making  him  lord  of  an  immense  and 
powerful  country  he  hoped  to  secure  him  in  per- 
petual loyalty  to  himself  and  his  heirs. 

In  order  that  he  might  be  free  from  the  cares 
and  responsibilities  of  the  government  at  home, 
Hideyoshi  retired  from  the  position  of  kwambaku 
A.D.  1591  and  took  the  title  of  Taiko.  By  this  title 
he  came  to  be  generally  known  in  Japanese  history, 
Taiko  Sama,  or  my  lord  Taiko,  being  the  form  by 


2o8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


which  he  was  commonly  spoken  of.  His  nephew 
and  heir  Hidetsugu  was  at  this  time  promoted  to 
the  title  of  kiuambaku,  and  was  ostensibly  at  the 
head  of  the  government.  The  Jesuit  fathers  speak 
of  him  as  mild  and  amiable,  and  as  at  one  time  a 
hopeful  student  of  the  Christian  religion.  They 
note  however  a strange  characteristic  in  him,  that 
he  was  fond  of  cruelty  and  that  when  criminals 
were  to  be  put  to  death  he  sought  the  privilege  of 
cutting  them  into  pieces  and  trying  cruel  experi- 
ments upon  their  suffering  bodies. 

In  A.D.  1592  Taiko  Sama  had  by  one  of  his  wives 
a son,  whom  he  named  Hideyori.  Over  this  new- 
born heir,  whom,  however,  many  suspect  of  not 
being  Taiko  Sama’s  son,  he  made  great  rejoicing 
throughout  the  empire.  He  required  his  nephew  to 
adopt  this  new-born  son  as  his  heir,  although  he  had 
several  sons  of  his  own.  The  result  of  this  action 
was  a feeling  of  hostility  between  the  uncle  and 
nephew.  Hidetsugu  applied  to  Mori,  the  chief  of 
Chosu,  to  aid  him  in  the  conflict  with  his  uncle. 
But  Mori  was  too  wary  to  enter  upon  such  a contest 
with  the  veteran  general.  Instead  of  helping 
Hidetsugu,  he  revealed  to  Taiko  Sama  the  traitorous 
proposition  of  his  nephew.  Hidetsugu  was  there- 
upon stripped  of  his  office  and  sent  as  an  exile  to 
the  monastery  of  Koya-san  in  the  province  of  Kii. 
A year  later  he  was  commanded  with  his  attendants 
to  commit  hara-kiri ; and  with  an  unusual  exhibi- 
tion of  cruelty,  his  counsellors,  wives,  and  children 
were  likewise  put  to  death. 

Hideyoshi  had  for  a long  time  contemplated  the 


TO  YOTOMI  HIDE  YOSHJ. 


209 


invasion  of  Korea  and  ultimately  of  China.  In  a 
conversation  with  Nobunaga  when  he  was  about  to 
set  out  on  his  conquest  of  the  western  provinces  he 
is  represented  as  saying':  “I  hope  to  bring  the 

whole  of  Chugoku  into  subjection  to  us.  When 
that  is  accomplished  I will  go  on  to  Kyu.shu  and 
take  the  whole  of  it.  When  Kyushu  is  ours,  if  you 
will  grant  me  the  revenue  of  that  island  for  one 
year,  I will  prepare  ships  of  war,  and  purchase  provi- 
sions, and  go  over  and  take  Korea.  Korea  I shall 
ask  you  to  bestow  on  me  as  a reward  for  my  services, 
and  to  enable  me  to  make  still  further  conquests  ; 
for  with  Korean  troops,  aided  by  your  illustrious 
influence,  I intend  to  bring  the  whole  of  China 
under  my  sway.  When  that  is  effected,  the  three 
countries  [China,  Korea,  and  Japan]  will  be  one.  I 
shall  do  it  all  as  easily  as  a man  rolls  up  a piece  of 
matting  and  carries  it  under  his  arm.”  He  had  al- 
ready carried  out  part  of  this  plan  ; he  had  brought 
the  whole  of  Chugoku  and  of  the  island  of  Kyushu 
under  his  rule.  It  remained  for  him  to  effect  the 
conquest  of  Korea  and  China  in  order  to  complete 
his  ambitious  project. 

For  this  purpose  he  needed  ships  on  a large  scale, 
for  the  transportation  of  troops  and  for  keeping 
them  supplied  with  necessary  provisions.  From  the 
foreign  merchants,  who  traded  at  his  ports,  he  hoped 
to  obtain  ships  larger  and  stronger  than  were  built 
in  his  own  dominions.  It  was  a great  disappoint- 
ment to  him  when  he  found  this  impossible,  and 
that  the  merchants,  whom  he  had  favored,  were  un- 

’ See  Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi,  p.  263. 

14 


210 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


willing  to  put  their  ships  at  his  disposal.  It  is 
claimed  by  the  Jesuit  fathers  that  this  disappoint- 
ment was- the  chief  reason  for  the  want  of  favor  with 
which  Hideyoshi  regarded  them  during  the  last 
years  of  his  life.  It  is  also  advanced  as  one  reason 
for  his  entering  on  the  invasion  of  Korea,  that  he 
might  thus  employ  in  distant  and  dangerous  expedi- 
tions some  of  the  Christian  princes  whose  fidelity  to 
himself  and  loyalty  to  the  emperor  he  thought  he 
had  reason  to  doubt.  He  was  ambitious,  so  they 
said,  to  rival  in  his  own  person  the  reputation  of  the 
Emperor  Ojin,  who  rose  in  popular  estimation  to 
the  rank  of  Hachiman,  the  god  of  war,  and  who  is 
worshipped  in  many  temples,  because,  while  he  was 
still  unborn,  his  mother  led  a hostile  and  successful 
expedition  into  this  same  Korea. 

The  immediate  pretext ' for  a war  was  the  fact 
that  for  many  years  the  embassies  which  it  had  been 
the  custom  to  send  from  Korea  to  Japan  with  gifts 
and  acknowledgments  had  been  discontinued.  In 
A.D.  1582  he  sent  an  envoy  to  remonstrate,  who  was 
unsuccessful.  Subsequently  he  sent  the  prince  of 
Tsushima,  who  had  maintained  at  Fusan,  a port  of 
Korea,  a station  for  trade,  to  continue  negotiations. 
After  some  delay  and  the  concession  of  important 
conditions  the  prince  had  the  satisfaction,  in  A.D. 
1 590,  of  accompanying  an  embassy  which  the  gov- 
ernment of  Korea  sent  to  Hideyoshi.  They  arrived 

' We  are  indebted  to  Mr.  W.  G.  Aston  for  a full  and  clear  account 
of  Hideyoshi’s  invasion  of  Korea,  which  he  had  derived  not  only 
from  Japanese  books  and  documents,  but  from  Korean  sources 
which,  until  his  researches,  were  inaccessible.  See  Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  p.  227  ; ix.,  pp.  87,  213. 


TOYOTOMI  HIDEYOSHI. 


21 1 


at  Kyoto  at  the  time  when  Hideyoshi  was  absent 
on  his  campaign  against  Hojo  Ujimasa  at  Odawara. 
He  allowed  them  to  await  his  return,  and  even  when 
he  had  resumed  his  residence  at  the  capital  he 
showed  no  eagerness  to  give  them  an  audience.  On 
the  pretence  that  the  hall  of  audience  needed  re- 
pairs, he  kept  them  waiting  many  months  before  he 
gave  orders  for  their  reception.  It  seemed  that  he 
was  trying  to  humiliate  them  in  revenge  for  their 
dilatoriness  in  coming  to  him.  It  is  not  impossible 
that  he  had  already  made  up  his  mind  to  conduct 
an  expedition  in  any  event  into  Korea  and  China, 
and  the  disrespect  with  which  he  treated  the  embassy 
was  with  the  deliberate  intention  of  widening  the 
breach  already  existing. 

Mr.  Aston  has  given  us  an  account  of  the  recep- 
tion which  was  finally  accorded  to  the  ambassadors, 
drawn  from  Korean  sources,  and  which  shows  that 
they  were  entertained  in  a very  unceremonious  fash- 
ion. They  were  surprised  to  find  that  in  Japan  this 
man  whom  they  had  been  led  to  look  upon  as  a 
sovereign  was  only  a subject.  They  presented  a 
letter  from  the  king  of  Korea  conveying  his  con- 
gratulations and  enumerating  the  gifts ' he  had  sent. 
These  enumerated  gifts  consisted  of  horses,  falcons, 
saddles,  harness,  cloth  of  various  kinds,  skins,  gin- 
seng, etc.  These  were  articles  which  the  Japanese 
of  an  earlier  age  had  prized  very  highly  and  for  the 
more  artistic  production  of  some  of  which  the  Ko- 

' The  peculiarly  Eastern  form  of  expression  is  noticeable  in  an- 
nouncing these  presents  : “You  will  find  enclosed  a list  of  some  of 
the  poor  productions  of  our  country,  which  we  beg  you  will  refrain 
from  laughing  at  immoderately.” 


2\2 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


reans  had  rendered  material  assistance.  Hideyoshi 
suggested  that  the  embassy  should  return  to  their 
own  country  at  once  without  waiting  for  an  answer 
to  their  letter.  This  they  were  unwilling  to  do.  So 
they  waited  at  Sakai  whence  they  were  to  sail, 
till  the  ku'ambaku  was  pleased  to  send  them  a mes- 
sage for  their  king.  It  was  so  arrogant  in  tone  that 
they  had  to  beg  for  its  modification  several  times 
before  they  dared  to  carry  it  home.  The  letter 
plainly  announced  his  intention  to  invade  China  and 
called  upon  the  Koreans  to  aid  him  in  this  purpose. 

The  ambassadors  went  home  with  the  conviction 
that  it  was  Hideyoshi’s  intention  to  invade  their 
country.  At  their  instigation  the  government  made 
what  preparations  it  could,  by  repairing  fortresses, 
and  collecting  troops,  arms,  and  provisions.  The 
country  was  a poor  country,  and  had  had  the  good 
fortune  or  the  misfortune  to  remain  at  peace  for 
two  hundred  years.  The  arts  of  war  had  been  for- 
gotten. They  had  no  generals  who  could  cope  with 
the  practised  soldiers  of  Japan.  Firearms  which 
had  been  introduced  into  the  military^  equipments  of 
Japanese  armies  were  almost  unknown  in  Korea.  It 
is  true  that  they  had  been  taken  under  the  protec- 
tion of  China  and  could  call  upon  her  for  aid.  But 
China  was  distant  and  slow,  and  Korea  might  be 
destroyed  before  her  slumbering  energies  could  be 
aroused. 

The  preparations  which  Hideyoshi  made,  as  was 
his  custom,  were  thorough  and  extensive.  Each 
prince  in  Kyushu,  as  being  nearest  to  the  seat  of 
war,  was  required  to  furnish  a quota  of  troops  in 


TO  YO  TO  MI  HIDEYOSHI. 


213 


proportion  to  his  revenues.  Each  prince  in  Shikoku 
and  in  the  Main  island,  in  like  manner,  was  to  pro- 
vide troops  proportionate  to  his  revenue  and  his 
proximity  to  the  seat  of  war.  Princes  whose  terri- 
tories bordered  on  the  sea  were  to  furnish  junks  and 
boats,  and  men  to  handle  them.  The  force  which 
was  thus  assembled  at  Nagoya,  now  called  Karatsu, 
in  Hizen  was  estimated  at  300,000  men,  of  whom 
130,000  were  to  be  immediately  despatched.  Hi- 
deyoshi  did  not  personally  lead  this  force.  It  was 
under  the  command  of  two  generals  who  were  inde- 
pendent of  each  other,  but  were  ordered  to  co- 
operate. One  of  these  generals  was  Konishi  Yuki- 
naga  Settsu-no-kami,  whom  the  Jesuit  fathers  refer 
to  under  the  name  of  Don  Austin.  From  an  humble 
position  in  life  he  had  risen  to  high  and  responsible 
rank  in  the  army.  Under  the  influence  of  Takeyama, 
a Christian  prince,  whom  the  Jesuit  fathers  call  Justo 
Ucondono,  he  had  been  converted  to  Christianity. 
Hideyoshi,  as  has  been  pointed  out,  was  desirous  of 
securing  the  help  of  the  Christian  princes  in 
Kyushu,  and  therefore  appointed  a Christian  as  one 
of  the  generals-in-chief.  Under  him  were  sent  the 
contingents  from  Bungo,  Omura,  Arima,  and  other 
provinces  where  the  Christian  element  was  predomi- 
nant. This  division  of  the  invading  army  may 
therefore  be  looked  upon  as  representing  the  Chris- 
tian population  of  the  empire.  The  other  general- 
in-chief  was  Kato  Kiyomasa,'  who  had  been 

' He  became  one  of  the  most  famous  heroes  of  Japan,  and  is  wor- 
shipped under  the  name  of  Seishokd,  at  a shrine  connected  with  the 
temple  of  Hommonji  at  Ikegami.  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook, 
p.  30. 


214 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


associated  with  Hideyoshi  ever  since  the  times  of 
Nobunaga.  He  was  the  son  of  a blacksmith  and  in 
A.D.  1563  he  became  one  of  Hideyoshi’s  retainers. 
He  was  a man  of  unusual  size  and  of  great  personal 
bravery.  He  commanded  an  army  collected  mainly 
from  the  northern  and  eastern  provinces,  which  com- 
prised the  experienced  veterans  of  Hideyoshi’s  earlier 
campaigns.  He  is  usually  spoken  of  as  inimical  to 
the  Christians,  but  this  enmity  probably  grew  up 
along  with  the  ill-feeling  between  the  two  armies  in 
Korea. 

Konishi’s  division  arrived  in  Korea  April  13,  A.D. 
1592,  and  captured  the  small  town  of  Fusan, 
which  had  been  the  port  at  which  the  Japanese  had 
for  generations  maintained  a trading  post.  After 
the  arrival  of  Kato  the  two  divisions  marched  tow- 
ards the  capital,  reducing  without  difficulty  the 
castles  that  lay  in  their  way.  The  greatest  terror 
prevailed  among  the  inhabitants,  and  the  court,  with 
King  Riyen  at  its  head,  resolved  to  flee  into  the 
province  bordering  on  China.  The  armies  reached 
the  capital  and  then  set  out  northward.  The  dissen- 
sions between  the  commanders  had  by  this  time 
reached  such  a point  that  they  determined  to  sepa- 
rate. Kato  traversed  the  northeastern  provinces 
and  in  his  course  captured  many  Koreans  of  rank. 

Konishi  marched  to  the  north  and  found  the  king 
at  Pingshang  on  the  borders  of  the  river  Taitong- 
Kiang.  Here  he  was  joined  by  Kuroda  Noritaka, 
whom  the  Jesuit  fathers  named  Condera'  Combien- 

' .See  Mr.  Satow’s  identification  of  this  name.  Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  vii.,  p.  151. 


TOYOTOMI  HIDEYOSHI. 


215 


dono,  and  by  Yoshitoshi  the  prince  of  Tsushima, 
who  had  marched  with  their  forces  by  a different 
route.  An  effort  at  negotiations  at  this  point  met 
with  no  success.  The  king  continued  his  flight 
northward  to  Ichiu,  a fortified  town  on  the  borders 
of  China.  After  he  left  a sharp  contest  took  place 
between  the  besiegers  and  defenders,  which  resulted 
in  the  abandonment  of  the  town  and  its  capture  by 
the  Japanese.  The  stores  of  grain  which  had  been 
collected  by  the  Koreans  were  captured  with  the 
town. 

Konishi  was  anxious  to  conduct  further  military 
operations  in  connection  with  the  Japanese  vessels 
which  had  been  lying  all  this  time  at  Fusan. 
Directions  were  accordingly  sent  to  have  the  junks 
sent  round  to  the  western  coast.  The  Koreans 
picked  up  courage  to  show  fight  with  their  vessels, 
which  seemed  to  have  been  of  a superior  construc- 
tion to  those  of  their  enemies.  They  allured  the 
Japanese  boats  out  to  sea  and  then  turned  upon 
them  suddenly  and  treated  them  so  roughly  that 
they  were  glad  to  get  back  to  the  protection  of  the 
harbor  and  to  give  up  the  purpose  of  cruising  along 
the  western  coast.  The  result  of  this  little  success 
encouraged  the  Koreans  so  much  that  it  may  be  said 
to  have  been  a turning  point  in  the  invasion. 

In  the  meantime  the  piteous  appeals  of  the 
Koreans  to  China  had  produced  some  effect.  A 
small  army  of  five  thousand  men,  which  was  raised 
in  the  adjoining  province  of  Laotung,  was  sent  to 
their  aid.  This  insufficient  force  rashly  undertook 
to  attack  the  Japanese  in  Pingshang.  But  they 


2i6  the  story  of  japan, 

led  the  invaders  into  the  town,  and  then  so 
thoroughly  routed  them  that  the  escaped  remnants 
made  their  way  back  to  Laotung.  This  experience 
led  the  Chinese  officials  to  see  that  if  they  wished 
to  help  the  Koreans  at  all  they  must  despatch  a 
stronger  force.  This  they  set  to  work  at  once  to 
do.  They  endeavored  to  gain  seme  time  by  pre- 
tending to  enter  upon  negotiations  for  an  armistice. 
During  the  autumn  months  of  A.D.  1592  the 
Japanese  troops  were  almost  idle.  And  they  were 
very  much  taken  by  surprise  when  near  the  end  of 
the  year  the  Chinese  army,  forty  thousand  strong, 
besides  Koreans,  made  its  appearance  on  the  scene. 
The  Japanese  commander  had  no  time  to  call  for 
help,  and  before  he  realized  the  imminency  of  the 
danger  Pingshang  was  attacked.  Being  far  outnum- 
bered Konishi  deemed  it  prudent  to  make  his  escape 
from  the  beleaguered  town,  and  to  save  his  army  by 
a retreat,  which  was  a painful  and  inglorious  one. 

The  other  division  of  the  Japanese  army  under 
Kato,  who  had  occupied  the  west  coast,  found  its 
p<isition  untenable  with  a superior  Chinese  army 
threatening  it.  It  also  was  compelled  to  retreat 
towards  the  south.  But  the  veteran  army  of  Kato 
was  not  content  to  yield  all  that  it  had  gained  with- 
out a struggle.  A bloody  engagement  followed 
near  Pachiung,  in  which  the  Chinese  and  Korean 
army  suffered  a significant  defeat.  The  Chinese  army 
then  retired  to  Pingshang,  and  Kato  was  not  in  a 
condition  to  follow  it  over  the  impassable  winter 
roads  and  with  deficient  supplies.  The  Japanese 
troops  had  suffered  an  experience  such  as  never  befell 


TO  YO  TO  MI  H/DEYOSHI. 


217 


Jiem  under  the  redoubtable  leadership  of  Hideyoshi. 
And  the  Chinese  had  had  enough  of  the  terrible 
two-handed  swords  which  the  Japanese  soldier 
could  wield  so  effectively.* 

The  chief  obstacle  to  peace  was  the  mutual  dis- 
trust with  which  each  of  the  three  parties  regarded 
the  others.  Korea  hated  the  Japanese  with  a per- 
fect and  justifiable  hatred ; she  also  feared  and 
despised  the  pompous  and  pretentious  pride  of 
China.  But  in  the  negotiations  which  ensued  the 
country  which  had  suffered  most  had  least  to  say. 
It  remained  for  the  two  greater  powers  to  come  to 
some  agreement  which  should  be  satisfactory  to 
them  ; and  whether  Korea  were  satisfied  or  not  was 
of  secondary  moment. 

The  Japanese  envoy  proceeded  to  Peking  and  is 
said  to  have  negotiated  peace  on  these  conditions  : 
That  the  emperor  of  China  should  grant  to  Hide- 
yoshi the  honor  of  investiture,  that  the  Japanese 
troops  should  all  leave  Korea,  and  that  Japan  should 
engage  never  to  invade  Korea  again.  There  was 
some  jangling  about  the  withdrawal  of  the  Japanese 
soldiers  but  at  last  this  matter  was  arranged. 

An  embassy  was  sent  by  the  Chinese  government 
to  Japan  to  carry  out  the  ceremony  of  investiture. 
They  arrived  in  the  autumn  of  the  year  A.D.  1596. 
Taiko  Sama  made  elaborate  preparations  for  their 
reception.  Some  fears  were  felt  as  to  how  Taiko 
Sama  would  regard  this  proposition  of  investiture 
when  he  came  to  understand  it.  The  Buddhist 
priest,  who  was  to  translate  the  Chinese  document 

* .See  Mr.  Aston’s  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  ix.,  p.  go- 


2i8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


'nto  Japanese'  for  the  benefit  of  Taiko  Sama,  was 
urged  to  make  some  modification  in  the  wording  to 
conciliate  his  ambition.  But  he  was  too  honest  to 
depart  from  the  true  rendering.  He  read  to  Taiko 
Sama  and  the  assembled  court  a letter  from  the 
Chinese  emperor  granting  him  investiture  as  king 
of  Japan,  and  announced  having  sent  by  the  am- 
bassadors the  robe  and  the  golden  seal  pertaining 
to  the  ofifice. 

Taiko  Sama  listened  with  amazement,"  as  he  for 
the  first  time  realized  that  the  Emperor  of  China  by 
this  document  had  undertaken  to  invest  him  as  king 
of  Japan  instead  of  (“  Ming  emperor  ”).  He  was  in 
an  uncontrollable  rage.  He  tore  off  the  robe  which 
he  had  put  on.  He  snatched  the  document  from 
the  reader  and  tore  it  into  shreds,  exclaiming: 

Since  I have  the  whole  of  this  country  in  my 
grasp,  did  I wish  to  become  its  emperor  I could  do 
so  without  the  consent  of  the  barbarians.”  He  was 
with  difficulty  restrained  from  taking  the  life  of 
the  Japanese  ambassador  who  had  negotiated  the 
treaty.  He  sent  word  to  the  Chinese  envoys  who 
had  brought  the  robe  and  seal  to  begone  back  to 
their  country  and  to  tell  their  emperor  that  he  would 
send  troops  to  slaughter  them  like  cattle.  Both 
Korea  and  China  knew  that  a new  invasion  would 

' \ Japanese  scholar  could  read  such  a document  in  the  ideographic 
Chinese  characters  without  translation  ; but  Taiko  Sama  was  not  a 
scholar  and  therefore  was  not  aware  of  the  purport  of  the  document 
until  it  was  translated  to  him. 

* See  Mr.  Aston’s  description  of  this  humiliating  scene  as  given  in 
Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  ix.,  p.  217  ; also  Dening’s  Life  oj 
Toyotomi  Hideyosh?,  p.  360. 


TOYOTOMI  HfDEYOSHI. 


219 


surely  result  from  this  disappointment.  Kato  and 
Konishi  the  Japanese  generals  in  the  previous  cam- 
paign and  who  had  gone  home  during  the  interval 
were  ordered  back  to  take  command  of  the  old 
troops  and  of  fresh  recruits  which  were  to  be  sent. 
They  busied  themselves  with  repairing  the  fortifica- 
tions which  had  been  left  in  possession  of  the 
Japanese  garrisons. 

The  disgraced  and  frightened  Chinese  ambas- 
sadors made  their  way  back  to  Peking.  They  were 
ashamed  to  present  themselves  without  showing 
something  in  return  for  the  gifts  they  had  carried  to 
Taiko  Sama.  They  purchased  some  velvets  and 
scarlet  cloth,  which  they  represented  as  the  presents 
which  had  been  sent.  They  pretended  that  Taiko 
Sama  was  much  pleased  with  the  investiture,  and 
that  his  invasion  of  Korea  was  due  to  the  fact  that 
the  Korean  government  had  interfered  to  prev'ent 
the  free  and  kindly  intercourse  between  China  and 
Japan.  The  cloth  and  velvet,  however,  were  at  once 
recognized  as  European  productions  and  not  derived 
from  Japan.  So  the  ambassadors  were  charged 
with  deceit  and  at  last  confessed. 

The  Japanese  army  was  reinforced,  it  is  said,  with 
130,000  fresh  troops.  Supplies,  however,  were  dififi- 
cult  to  obtain,  and  the  movements  were  much  hin- 
dered. A small  Chinese  army  of  5,000  men  arrived 
at  the  end  of  the  year  A.D.  1597  to  aid  the  Koreans. 
An  attack  on  the  Japanese  ships  at  Fusan  was  made 
by  the  Korean  navy,  but  it  was  without  difficulty 
repelled  and  most  of  the  attacking  ships  destroyed. 
After  some  material  advantages,  which,  however. 


220 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


were  not  decisive,  the  Japanese  troops  were  forced 
to  return  to  Fusan  for  the  winter.  The  principal 
engagement  was  at  Yol-san,  a strong  position,  acces- 
sible both  by  sea  and  land.  It  was  garrisoned  by 
troops  of  Kato’s  division,  who  were  brave  and  de- 
termined. The  army  composed  of  Chinese  and 
Koreans,  under  the  Chinese  commander-in-chief 
Hsing-chieh,  laid  siege  to  this  fortress,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  cutting  off  all  its  communications.  But 
Kuroda  and  Hachisuka  came  to  Kato’s  assistance, 
and  compelled  the  Chinese  general  to  raise  the  siege 
and  retreat  to  Soul,  the  Korean  capital.  It  was  in 
one  of  the  battles  fought  during  the  summer  of 
A.D.  1 598,  that  38,700  heads  of  Chinese  and  Korean 
soldiers  are  said  to  have  been  taken.  The  heads 
were  buried  in  a mound  after  the  ears  and  noses 
had  been  cut  off.  These  grewsome  relics  of  savage 
warfare  were  pickled  in  tubs  and  sent  home  to 
Kyoto,  where  they  were  deposited  in  a mound  in 
the  grounds  of  the  temple  of  Daibutsu,  and  over 
them  a monument  erected  which  is  marked  viimi- 
ziika  or  ear-mound.  There  the  mound  and  monu- 
ment can  be  seen  to  this  day.* 

The  death  of  Taiko  Sama  occurred  on  the  day 
equivalent  to  the  i8th  of  September,  A.D.  1598,  and 
on  his  death-bed  he  seems  to  have  been  troubled 
with  the  thought  of  the  veteran  warriors  who  were 
uselessly  wearing  out  their  lives  in  Korea.  In  his 
last  moments  he  opened  his  eyes  and  exclaimed 
earnestly : “ Let  not  the  spirits  of  the  hundred 
thousand  troops  I have  sent  to  Korea  become  dis- 
' See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  369. 


TO  YO  TO  MI  HIDEYOSHI. 


221 


embodied  in  a foreign  land.” ' ley^asu,  on  whom 
devolved  the  military  responsibility  after  the  Taiko’s 
death,  and  who  had  never  sympathized  with  his 
wishes  and  aims  regarding  Korea,  did  not  delay  the 
complete  withdrawal  of  the  troops  which  still  re- 
mained in  Korea. 

Thus  ended  a chapter  in  the  history  of  Japan, 
on  which  her  best  friends  can  look  back  with 
neither  pride  nor  satisfaction.  This  war  was  begun 
without  any  sufficient  provocation,  and  its  results 
did  nothing  to  advance  the  glory  of  Japan  or 
its  soldiers.  The  great  soldier  who  planned  it  and 
pushed  it  on  with  relentless  energy  gained  nothing 
from  it  except  vexation.  Much  of  the  time  during 
which  the  war  lasted  he  sat  in  his  temporary  palace 
at  Nagoya  in  Hizen,  waiting  eagerly  for  news  from 
his  armies.  Instead  of  tidings  of  victories  and 
triumphs  and  rich  conquests,  he  was  obliged  too 
often  to  hear  of  the  dissensions  of  his  generals,  the 
starving  and  miseries  of  his  soldiers,  and  the  curses 
and  hatred  of  a ruined  and  unhappy  country.  All 
that  he  had  to  show  for  his  expenditure  of  men  and 
money  were  several  sake  tubs  of  pickled  ears  and 
noses  with  which  to  form  a mound  in  the  temple  of 
Daibutsu,  and  the  recollection  of  an  investiture  by 
the  emperor  of  China,  which  could  only  bring  to 
him  pain  and  humiliation. 

The  only  beneficial  results  to  Japan  that  can  be 
traced  to  all  this  was  the  introduction  into  different 
provinces  of  some  of  the  skilled  artisans  of  Korea. 
The  prince  of  Satsuma,  Shimazu  Yoshihiro,  in 

' See  Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoski,  p.  380. 


222 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


A.D.  1598,  brought  home  with  him  when  he  re- 
turned  from  the  Korean  war  seventeen  families  of 
Korean  potters,'  who  were  settled  in  his  province. 
They  have  lived  there  ever  since,  and  in  many  ways 
still  retain  the  marks  of  their  nationality.  It  is  to 
them  that  Satsuma  faience  owes  its  exquisite  beauty 
and  its  w'orld-wide  reputation. 

When  the  Taiko  realized  that  his  recovery  was 
impossible  he  tried  to  arrange  the  affairs  of  the  em- 
pire in  such  a way  as  to  secure  a continuation  of  the 
power  in  his  son  Hideyori,  who  was  at  that  time 
only  five  years  old.  For  this  purpose  he  appointed 
a council  consisting  of  Tokugawa  leyasu,  Maeda 
Toshi-ie,  Mori  Terumoto,  Ukita  Hide-ei  and  Uesugi 
Kagekatsu,  of  which  leyasu  was  the  president  and 
chief.  These  were  to  constitute  a regency  during 
his  son’s  minority.  He  also  appointed  a board  of 
associates,  who  were  called  middle  councillors,  and 
a board  of  military  officers  called  bugyo.  He  called 
all  these  councillors  and  military'  officers  into  his 
presence  before  he  died,  and  made  them  swear 
allegiance  to  his  successor  Hideyori.  There  seems 
to  have  been  among  them  a suspicion  of  the  fidelity' 
of  leyasu,  for  the  Taiko  is  represented  as  saying  to 
two  of  his  friends:  “You  need  not  be  anxious 

about  leyasu.  He  will  not  rebel  against  myHiouse.’ 
Cultivate  friendship  with  him,”  Thus  in  his  si.xty'- 
second  year  died  (September,  1598)  the  greatest 

' See  Mr,  Satow’s  paper  entitled  “ The  Korean  Potters  in  Sat- 
suma,” Society  Ti'ansactions,  vol.  vi.,  p.  193  ; also  as  referred 

to  in  Mr.  Satow's  paper,  Mr.  Ninagawa’s  Notice  Historique  et  De- 
scriptive sur  les  Arts  et  Industries  Japonais.  part  v.,  Tokyo,  1877. 

’ “ In  point  of  fact,  however,  making  Ongoschio  (leyasu)  regent  was 
placing  a goat  in  charge  of  a kitchen  garden.” — IVarenius,  p.  20. 


TO  VO  TOM/  HIDEYOSHI. 


223 


soldier,  if  not  the  greatest  man,  whom  Japan  has 
produced.  That  he  rose  from  obscurity  solely  by 
his  own  talents,  is  a more  conspicuous  merit  in 


Hideyoshi. 

Japan  than  in  most  other  countries.  Family  and 
heredity  have  always  counted  for  so  much  in  this 
land  of  the  gods,  that  few  Instances  have  occurred 
in  which  men  of  humble  birth  have  risen  to  emi- 
nence. That  one  such  in  spite  of  his  low  birth,  in 
spite  of  personal  infirmities,  in  spite  of  the  opposi- 
tion and  envy  of  contemporaries,  had  risen  to  so 
high  a position  in  the  empire,  has  been  a source  of 


224 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


pride  and  encouragement  to  thousands  of  his  coun- 
trymen. 

The  Taiko  was  buried  close  to  the  Daibutsu 
temple,  which  he  himself  had  built  to  shelter  the 
colossal  figure  of  Buddha,  constructed  in  imitation 
of  the  Daibutsu  which  Yoritomo  had  built  at  Ka- 
makura. The  figure  was  to  be  one  hundred  and 
sixty  feet  in  height,  and  the  workmen  had  it  nearly 
finished  when  a terrible  earthquake  in  A.D.  1596 
shook  down  the  building.  In  the  following  year  the 
temple  was  rebuilt,  and  the  image  was  completed 
up  to  the  neck.  The  workmen  were  preparing  to 
cast  the  head,  when  a fire  broke  out  in  the  scaffold- 
ing and  again  destroyed  the  temple,  and  also  the 
image.  It  was  one  of  the  schemes  of  leyasu,  so  it 
is  said,  to  induce  the  young  Hideyori  to  exhaust  his 
resources  upon  such  expensive  projects,  and  thus 
render  him  incapable  of  resisting  any  serious  move- 
ment against  himself.  He  therefore  suggested  to 
the  boy  and  his  mother  that  this  temple  and  image, 
which  Hideyoshi  had  begun,  should  not  fail  of  erec- 
tion. They  therefore  resumed  the  construction, 
and  carried  it  on  with  great  lavishness.  It  took 
until  A.D.  1614  to  complete  the  work,  and  when  it 
was  about  to  be  consecrated  with  imposing  ceremo- 
nies, leyasu,  who  by  this  time  was  supreme  in  the 
empire,  suddenly  forbade  the  progress  of  the  cere- 
mony. He  affected  to  be  offended  by  the  inscrip- 
tion which  had  been  put  on  the  bell,'  but  the  real 
reason  was  probably  his  desire  to  find  some  pretext 
by  which  he  could  put  a quarrel  upon  the  adherents 
of  Hideyori. 

' See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  368. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE. 

Among  all  the  friends  and  retainers  of  Hideyoshi 
the  most  prominent  and  able  was  Tokugawa  leyasu. 
He  was  six  years  younger  than  Hideyoshi,  and 
therefore  in  A.D.  1598,  when  the  Taiko  died,  he  was 
fifty-six  years  old.  He  was  born  at  the  village  of 
Matsudaira  in  the  province  of  Mikawa  A.D.  1542. 
His  family  counted  its  descent  from  Minamoto 
Yoshi-ie,  who  in  the  eleventh  century  had  by  his 
military  prowess  in  the  wars  against  the  Ainos 
earned  the  heroic  name  of  Hachiman-Taro.  There- 
fore he  was,  as  custom  and  tradition  now  for  a long 
time  had  required  for  those  holding  the  office  of 
shogun,  a descendant  from  the  Minamoto  family.' 
The  name  Tokugawa,  which  leyasu  rendered  famous, 
was  derived  from  a village  in  the  province  of 
ShimotsLike,  where  his  ancestors  had  lived.  His  first 
experiences  in  war  were  under  Nobunaga,  side  by 
side  with  Hideyoshi.  He  proved  himself  not  only  a 
capable  soldier,  prudent  and  painstaking,  but  also  a 
good  administrator  in  times  of  peace.  Hideyoshi 

' See  the  pedigree  of  leyasu  as  given  in  Mittheilungen  der  Dent- 
schen  Gesellschaft,  etc.,  Heft  i.,  p.  ig. 


■5 


225 


226 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


had  such  confidence  in  him,  and  so  much  doubt 
about  the  wisdom  of  requiring  the  guardians  to  wait 
until  his  son,  a mere  child  five  years  old,  had  grown 
up  to  years  of  responsibility,  that  he  is  represented 
as  having  said  to  leyasu  : “ I foresee  that  there  will 
be  great  wars  after  my  decease  ; I know  too  that 
there  is  no  one  but  you  who  can  keep  the  country 
quiet.  I therefore  bequeath  the  whole  country  to 
you,  and  trust  you  will  expend  all  your  strength  in 
governing  it.  My  son  Hideyori  is  still  young.  I 
beg  you  will  look  after  him.  When  he  is  grown  up, 
I leave  it  to  you  to  decide  whether  he  will  be  my 
successor  or  not.” ' 

As  soon  as  the  Taiko  was  dead,  and  the  attempt 
was  made  to  set  in  motion  the  machinery  he  had 
designed  for  governing  the  country,  troubles  began 
to  manifest  themselve.s.  The  princes  whom  he  had 
appointed  as  members  of  his  governing  boards,  be- 
gan immediately  to  quarrel  among  themselves.  On 
leyasu  devolved  the  duty  of  regulating  the  affairs  of 
the  government.  For  this  purpose  he  resided  at 
Fushimi,  which  is  a suburb  of  Kyoto.  His  most 
active  opponent  was  Ishida  Mitsunari,  who  had  been 
appointed  one  of  the  five  bugyd,  or  governors,  under 
the  Taiko’s  arrangement.  They  grew  jealous  of 
leyasu,  because,  under  the  existing  order  of  things, 
the  governors  were  of  very  minor  importance. 
Mitsunari  had  acquired  his  influence  with  the  Taiko, 
not  through  military  achievements,  but  by  intrigue 
and  flattery.  He  was  cordially  detested  by  such 
disinterested  friends  as  Kato  Kiyomasa  and  others. 

’ See  Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoski,  p.  377. 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE. 


227 


The  ground  on  which  the  opposition  to  leyasu  was 
based  was  that  he  was  not  faithfully  performing  his 
duty,  as  he  had  promised  to  the  dying  Taiko,  towards 
his  child  and  heir.  It  is  not  improbable  that  even 
at  this  early  day  it  was  seen  that  leyasu  proposed 
to  disregard  the  pretensions  of  the  youthfu'  son  of 
Hideyoshi,  in  the  same  way  that  he  in  his  day  had 
disregarded  the  claims  of  the  heir  of  Nobunaga. 
The  rough  and  warlike  times,  and  the  restless  and 
ambitious  manners  of  the  feudal  lords  of  these 
times,  made  it  impossible  to  entrust  the  country  to 
the  hands  of  a child. 

Under  this  strained  relation,  the  members  of  the 
regency  divided  into  two  parties.  Speaking  broadly, 
it  was  again  a contest  between  the  north  and  the 
south  of  Japan.  leyasu’s  association  had  been  from 
the  beginning  with  the  Kwanto,  and  now  more  than 
ever  his  power  was  centred  about  Yedo.  Mitsunari 
on  the  contrary  had  leagued  himself  with  the  princes 
of  Chosu  and  Satsuma,  and  with  others  of  minor 
importance,  all  more  or  less  representative  of  the 
southern  half  of  the  empire.  The  Christians  chiefly 
sided  with  Hideyori  and  his  adherents.  Mitsunari 
himself  was  a Christian  convert,  and  the  Jesuit 
fathers  explain  that  his  position  and  that  of  the 
other  Christian  leaders  were  due  to  their  conscien- 
tious desire  to  fulfil  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  Hideyori. 
That  leyasu  should  have  been  derelict  in  such  a 
solemn  duty  was  a sufficient  cause  for  their  opposi- 
tion to  him. 

Events  now  rushed  rapidly  to  a culmination.  One 
of  the  most  powerful  of  the  princes  allied  against 


228 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


leyasu  was  Uesugi  Kagekatsu,  the  lord  of  Echigo 
and  Aizu.  He  had  retired  to  Aizu  after  having 
solemnly  made  a covenant  * with  the  others  engaged 
in  the  plot  to  take  measures  against  leyasu.  He 
was  summoned  to  Kyoto  to  pay  his  respects  to  the 
emperor,  but  on  some  trivial  excuse  he  declined  to 
come.  leyasu  now  saw  that  nothing  but  war  would 
settle  the  disputes  which  had  arisen.  He  repaired 
to  Yedo  and  to  Shimotsuk^,  and  made  preparations 
for  the  conflict  which  he  saw  impending. 

In  the  meantime  the  members  of  the  league  were 
busy.  Mitsunari  sent  an  urgent  circular  to  all  the 
feudal  princes,  charging  leyasu  with  certain  mis- 
deeds and  crimes,  the  chief  of  which  was  that  instead 
of  guarding  the  inheritance  of  the  Taiko  for  his 
son,  he  was  with  the  blackest  guilt  endeavoring  to 
seize  it  for  himself.  A formidable  army  was  gath- 
ered at  Osaka  consisting  of  128,000  men.’*  Made  up 
as  it  was  from  different  provinces  and  officered  by 
its  provincial  leaders,  it  lacked  that  element  of  unity 
and  accord  which  is  so  essential  to  an  army.  The 
first  movement  was  against  the  castle  of  Fushimi, 
which  was  the  centre  from  which  leyasu  governed 
the  country.  After  a short  siege  it  fell  and  then,  it 
is  said,  was  accidentally  burned  to  the  ground. 

The  news  of  the  attack  upon  Fushimi  was  brought 
to  leyasu  in  Shimotsuke,  and  a council  of  his  friends 
and  retainers  was  held  to  determine  what  steps  must 

' This  covenant  is  said  to  have  been  signed  with  blood  in  accord- 
ance with  a custom  still  occasionally  prevalent,  in  which  a drop  of 
blood  is  drawn  from  the  middle  finger  and  sealed  by  pressing  it  with 
the  thumb  nail.  Rein’s  Japan,  p.  297,  note. 

® See  Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi,  p.  397. 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE. 


229 


be  taken  to  meet  the  emergency.  It  was  urged  that 
the  time  had  come  when  leyasu  should  meet  his 
enemies,  and  settle  by  battle  the  questions  which 
had  risen  between  them.  It  was  determined  that 
all  the  scattered  troops  should  be  gathered  together, 
and  that  they  should  march  to  Fushimi  prepared  to 
encounter  the  enemy  in  battle  at  whatever  point 
they  should  meet  them.  The  eldest  son  of  leyasu, 
Hideyasu,  was  put  in  charge  of  Yedo  and  entrusted 
with  the  care  of  the  surrounding  provinces.  This 
was  an  important  trust,  because  the  powerful  prince 
Ucsugi  lay  to  the  north  of  him  and  would  seize  the 
first  opportunity  to  attack  him.  To  Fukushima  was 
given  the  command  of  the  vanguard.  The  principal 
army  was  divided  into  two  parts,  one  of  which  was 
to  march  along  the  Tokaido  under  the  command  of 
leyasu  himself,  the  other  was  placed  under  the 
charge  of  leyasu’s  second  son  Hidetada,  and  was  to 
take  the  route  along  the  Nakasendo.  The  whole 
army  consisted  of  75,000  men,  a number  much 
smaller  than  the  army  of  the  league,  but  which  had 
the  advantage  of  being  controlled  by  one  mastering 
and  experienced  commander. 

The  armies  met  at  Sekigahara,'  a little  village  on 
the  Nakasendo,  October,  a.d.  1600.  One  place  on 
the  neighboring  hill  is  still  pointed  out  whence 
leyasu  witnessed  the  battle  and  issued  his  orders. 
Both  sides  fought  with  determined  bravery,  and  the 
battle  lasted  the  whole  day.  Cannon  and  other 

' This  place  receives  its  name  from  a barrier  that  was  erected  in 
the  ninth  century  to  control  the  travel  towards  the  capital.  Its  mean- 
ing is,  “ Plain  of  the  Barrier.”  See  Chamberlain’s  Handbook, 
p.  268. 


230 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


firearms  were  to  some  extent  made  use  of,  but  the 
old-fashioned  weapons,  the  sword  and  the  spear, 
were  the  terrible  means  by  which  the  victory  was 
decided.  For  a long  time  the  battle  raged  without 
either  party  obtaining  a decisive  advantage.  Not- 
withstanding his  inferiority  in  numbers  leyasu  was 
completely  victorious.  The  carnage  was  dreadful. 
The  number  of  the  confederate  army  said  to  have 
been  killed  was  40,000.*  This  seems  like  an  impos- 
sible exaggeration,  and  the  Japanese  annalists  are, 
like  those  of  other  nations,  given  to  heightened 
statements.  But  that  the  loss  of  life  on  both  sides 
w'as  v'^ery  great  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

Two  ghastly  mounds  called  Kubi-zuka,  or  head 
piles,  are  still  shown  where  the  heads  of  the  decapi- 
tated confederates  were  buried.  This  battle  must 
always  stand  with  that  at  Dan-no-ura  between  the 
Minamoto  and  Taira  families,  as  one  of  the  decisive 
battles  in  the  history  of  Japan.  By  it  was  settled 
the  fate  of  the  country  for  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years. 

It  was  fortunate  that  the  victor  in  this  battle  was 
a man  who  knew  how  to  .secure  the  advantages  to  be 
derived  from  a victory.  It  is  said  that  at  the  close 
of  this  battle  when  he  saw  success  perching  on  his 
banners,  he  repeated  to  those  around  him  the  old 
Japanese  proverb  : “ After  victory  tighten  the  strings 
of  your  helmet.”  ’*  The  division  of  Hidetada  joined 

' See  Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotoini  Hideyoshi,  p.  399. 

’ This  proverb  is  quoted  as  having  been  used  by  Hideyoshi  when 
remonstrating  with  Nobunaga  about  following  up  his  victory  over 
Imagawa  Yoshimoto.  See  Dening’s  Life  of  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi, 

p.  156. 


THE  TOKUGA  WA  SHOGUN  A TE. 


231 


him  after  the  battle,  and  he  promptly  followed  up 
his  victory  by  seizing  the  castles  on  his  way  and  tak- 
ing possession  of  Kyoto  and  Osaka.  The  feudal 
princes  who  had  stood  aloof  or  opposed  him  nearly 
all  came  forward  and  submitted  themselves  to  his 
authority.  Uesugi  and  Satake  in  the  north,  who 
had  been  among  his  most  active  opponents,  at  once 
presented  themselves  to  Hideyasu  at  Yedo  and 
made  their  submission.  Mori,  the  powerful  lord  of 
the  western  provinces,  who  had  been  most  active  in 
the  confederation  against  him,  sent  congratulations 
on  his  victory,  but  they  were  coldly  received.  Fi- 
nally he  was  pardoned,  being  however  deprived  of 
six  out  of  his  eight  provinces.  He  was  suffered  to 
retain  of  all  his  rich  inheritance  only  Suo  and 
Nagato.  Several  of  the  leaders  were  captured, 
among  whom  were  Mitsunari,  Konishi,  and  Otani, 
who  being  Christians  deemed  it  unworthy  their  faith 
to  commit  hara-kiri.  They  were  carried  to  Kyoto 
where  they  were  beheaded  and  their  heads  exposed 
in  the  dry  bed  of  the  Kamo-gawa. 

The  work  of  reducing  to  order  the  island  of 
Kyushu  was  entrusted  to  the  veteran  generals  Kato 
Kiyomasa  and  Kuroda  Yoshitaka.  The  former 
undertook  the  reduction  of  Hizen,  and  the  latter 
that  of  Bungo,  Buzen,  and  Chikuzen.  The  house  of 
Shimazu,  although  it  had  taken  sides  against  leyasu 
in  the  great  contest,  duly  made  its  submission  and 
was  treated  with  great  consideration.  The  whole  of 
the  territory  assigned  to  it  by  Hideyoshi  after  the 
war  of  A.D.  1586  was  restored  to  it,  namely,  the 
whole  of  the  provinces  of  Satsuma  and  Osumi,  and 


232 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


one  half  of  the  province  of  Hyuga.  To  Kato 
Kiyomasa  ’ was  given  the  province  of  Higo,  which 
had,  after  the  Korean  war,  been  assigned  to  Konishi 
in  recognition  of  his  services,  but  which  was  now 
taken  from  his  family  because  he  had  been  one  of 
leyasu’s  active  opponents.  The  Kuroda  family  re- 
ceived as  its  inheritance  a portion  of  the  province  of 
Chikuzen  with  its  capital  at  Fukuoka,  which  it  held 
until  the  abolition  of  feudal  tenures  in  1871. 

leyasu  was  a peaceful  and  moderate  character, 
and  in  the  settlement  of  the  disturbances  which  had 
marked  his  advent  to  power,  he  is  notable  for  having 
pursued  a course  of  great  kindness  and  consideration. 
With  the  exception  of  the  cases  already  mentioned 
there  were  no  e.xecutions  for  political  offences.  It 
was  his  desire  and  ambition  to  establish  a system  of 
government  which  should  be  continuous  and  not 
liable,  like  those  of  Nobunaga  and  Taiko  Sama, 
to  be  overturned  at  the  death  of  him  who  had 
founded  it.  By  the  gift  of  Taiko  Sama  he  had 

' Kiyomasa  was  a bitter  enemy  of  the  Christians,  owing  no  doubt 
to  the  rivalry  and  antagonism  which  had  sprung  up  with  Konishi,  who 
was  a Christian,  in  the  Korean  war.  He  is  termed  Toronosqui  by 
the  Jesuit  fathers  from  a personal  name  Toronosuke  which  he  bore  in 
his  youth,  and  he  is  characterized  as  “ zir  ter  exccrandus,"  on  account 
of  his  persecution  of  the  Christians  in  his  province.  Perhaps  on  ac- 
count of  this  fierce  opposition  he  was  greatly  admired  by  the  Buddh- 
ists, and  is  worshipped  under  the  name  of  Seishdko  by  the  N'ichiren 
sect  at  a shrine  in  the  temple  of  Hommonji  at  Ikegami.  Another 
monument  to  his  memory'  is  the  Castle  of  Kumamoto,  which  he  built 
and  which  still  stands  as  one  of  the  best  existing  specimens  of  the 
feudal  castles  of  Japan.  As  an  evidence  of  its  substantial  character, 
in  A.D.  1877,  under  the  command  of  General  Tani,  it  withstood  the 
siege  of  the  Satsuma  rebels  and  gave  the  government  time  to  bring 
troops  to  crush  the  rebellion. 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE. 


233 


already  in  his  possession  a large  part  of  the  Kwanto. 
And  by  the  result  of  the  war  which  had  ended  at 
Sekigahara,  he  had  come  into  possession  of  a great 
number  of  other  fiefs,  with  which  he  could  reward 
those  who  had  been  faithful  to  him.  It  was  the  dif- 
ficult and  delicate  part  of  his  work  to  distribute 
judiciously  among  his  supporters  and  retainers  the 
confiscated  estates.  To  realize  how  completely  the 
feudal  system  as  reformed  by  leyasu  was  bound  to 
him  and  constituted  to  support  and  perpetuate  his 
family,  it  is  only  necessary  to  examine  such  a list  of 
the  daimyos ' as  is  given  in  Appert’s  Ancicn  Japan? 
Out  of  the  two  hundred  and  sixty-three  daimyos 
there  enumerated,  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  are 
either  vassals  or  branches  of  the  Tokugawa  family. 
But  while  he  thus  carefully  provided  the  supports 
for  his  own  family,  he  spared  many  of  the  old  and 
well-rooted  houses,  which  had  incorporated  them- 
selves into  the  history  of  the  country.  He  built  his 
structure  on  the  old  and  tried  foundation  stones. 
With  far-sighted  statesmanship  he  recognized  that 
every  new  form  of  government,  to  be  permanent, 
must  be  a development  from  that  which  precedes  it, 
and  must  include  within  itself  whatever  is  lasting  in 
the  nature  of  its  forerunner. 

The  dual  form  of  government  had  for  many  cen- 
turies existed  in  Japan,  and  the  customs  and  habits 
of  thinking,  and  the  modes  of  administering  justice 
and  of  controlling  the  conduct  of  men  had  become 
adapted  to  this  system.  It  was  therefore  natural 

' The  plural  of  this  word  is  here  and  elsewhere  used  in  its  English 
form,  although  no  such  plural  is  found  in  Japanese. 

^ Ancien  Japon,  par  G.  Appert,  Tokyo,  1888,  vol.  ii. 


234 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


that  leyasu  should  turn  his  attention  to  reforming 
and  perfecting  such  a form  of  government.  A 
scheme  of  this  kind  seemed  best  adapted  to  a coun- 
try in  which  there  existed  on  the  one  hand  an 
emperor  of  divine  origin,  honored  of  all  men,  but 
who  by  long  neglect  had  become  unfit  to  govern, 
and  in  whom  was  lodged  only  the  source  of  honor; 
and  on  the  other  hand  an  executive  department  on 
which  devolved  the  practical  duty  of  governing, 
organizing,  maintaining,  and  defending.  Though  he 
was  compelled  to  look  back  through  centuries  of 
misrule,  and  through  long  periods  of  war  and  usur- 
pation, he  could  see  straight  to  Yoritomo,  the  first 
of  the  shoguns,  and  could  trace  from  him  a clear 
descent  in  the  Minamoto  family.  To  this  task, 
therefore,  he  set  himself : to  maintain  the  empire  in 
all  its  heaven-descended  purity  and  to  create  a line 
of  hereditary  shoguns  who  should  constitute  its 
executive  department. 

In  pursuance  of  this  plan,  he  sent  his  son  Hideiada 
to  the  emperor  to  make  a full  report  of  everything 
that  had  been  done  in  the  settlement  of  the  affairs 
of  the  country.  The  emperor  was  graciously  pleased 
to  approve  his  acts  and  to  bestow  upon  him,  A.D. 
1603,  the  hereditary  title  of  Sei-i-tai-shogun.  This 
was  the  title  borne  by  Yoritomo  when  he  was  the 
real  ruler  of  the  country.  Since  that  time  there 
had  been  a long  line  of  shoguns,  the  last  of  whom 
was  Ashikaga  Yoshiaki,  whom  Nobunaga  deposed 
in  1573,  and  who  had  died  1597.  With  this  new 
appointment  began  a line  of  Tokugawa  shoguns 
that  ended  only  w’ith  the  restoration  in  1868. 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE. 


235 


leyasu’s  most  radical  change  in  the  system  of 
government  consisted  in  the  establishment  of  the 
seat  of  his  executive  department  at  Yedo.  Since 
A.D.  794  Kyoto  had  been  the  capital  where  successive 
emperors  had  reigned,  and  where  Nobunaga  and 
Hideyoshi  exercised  executive  control.  Kamakura 
had  been  the  seat  of  Yoritomo  and  his  successors. 
But  leyasu  saw  advantages  in  establishing  himself 
in  a new  field,  to  which  the  traditions  of  idleness 
and  effeminacy  had  not  attached  themselves,  and 
where  the  associations  of  his  own  warlike  career 
would  act  as  a stimulus  to  his  contemporaries  and 
successors.  He  remained  at  Fushimi  until  necessary 
repairs  could  be  made  to  the  Castle  of  Yedo'  and 
the  roads  between  it  and  the  capital  put  in  order. 
The  place  which  henceforth  was  to  be  the  principal 
capital  of  the  country  first  comes  into  notice,  as  we 
have  before  mentioned,  as  a castle  built  by  Ota  Dok- 
wan  in  A.D.  1456.  He  had  been  placed  here  by  the 
authorities  of  Kamakura  to  watch  the  movements  of 
the  restless  princes  of  the  north.  Recognizing  the 
strength  and  convenience  of  the  high  grounds  on 
the  border  of  Yedo  bay,  he  built  a castle  which, 
through  many  transformations  and  enlargements, 
finally  developed  into  the  great  feudal  capital  of  the 
Tokugawa  shoguns.  It  was  here  that  leyasu,  after 
the  fall  of  Odawara,  by  the  advice  of  Hideyoshi,* 
established  himself  for  the  government  of  the  prov- 
inces of  the  Kwanto  which  had  been  given  to  him. 

' h.  full  account  of  the  Castle  of  Yedo  will  be  found  in  a paper  by 
Mr.  J.  R.  H.  McClatchie  in  the  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol. 
vi.,  part  I,  p.liQ. 

* See  p.  207. 


236 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


And  it  was  without  doubt  this  earlier  experience 
which  led  him  to  select  Yedo  as  the  centre  of 
his  feudal  government.  The  reputation  which  this 
eastern  region  bore  for  roughness  and  want  of  cul- 
ture, as  compared  with  the  capital  of  the  emperor  at 
Kyoto,  seemed  to  him  an  advantage  rather  than  an 
objection.  He  could  here  build  up  a system  of 
government  free  from  the  faults  and  weaknesses 
which  had  become  inseparable  from  the  old  seats  of 
power.  After  the  repairs  and  enlargements  had 
been  completed  he  took  up  his  residence  there. 
Besides  this  castle,  leyasu  had  for  his  private  resi- 
dence, especially  after  his  retirement  from  the 
shogunate,  an  establishment  at  Sumpu,  now  called 
Shizuoka.  Here  he  was  visited  by  English  and 
Dutch  envoys  in  reference  to  the  terms  of  allowing 
trade,  and  here,  after  the  manner  of  his  country,  he 
maintained  his  hold  upon  the  administration  of 
affairs,  notwithstanding  his  formal  retirement. 

A continued  source  of  disquietude  and  danger  to 
the  empire,  or  at  least  to  the  plans  of  leyasu  for  a 
dynasty  of  Tokugawa  shoguns,  lay  in  Hideyori,  the 
son  and  heir  of  Taiko  Sama.  He  was  born  in  1592, 
and  was  therefore  at  this  time,  1614,  in  his  twenty- 
third  year.  As  long  as  he  lived  he  would  be  natu- 
rally and  inevitably  the  centre  to  which  all  the 
disaffected  elements  of  the  country  would  gravitate. 
The  failure  of  leyasu  to  support  the  cause  of  his 
old  master’s  son  would  always  prove  a source  of 
weakness  to  him,  especially  in  a country  where 
fidelity  to  parents  and  superiors  was  held  in  such 
high  esteem.  He  determined,  therefore,  to  bring  to 


THE  TOKUGA  WA  SHOGUN  A TE. 


237 


a conclusion  these  threatening  troubles  which  had  so 
long  been  hanging  over  him.  Accordingly,  on  the 
ground  that  Hideyori  was  plotting  with  his  enemies 
against  the  peace  of  the  state,  he  set  out  from 
Sumpu,  where  he  was  then  residing  as  retired 
shogun,  with  an  army  of  seventy  thousand  men. 
Hideyori  and  his  mother  had  for  a long  time  resided 
at  the  castle  of  Osaka,  and  against  this  leyasu 
directed  his  large  army.  It  was  bravely  and  skil- 
fully defended,  and  without  the  help  of  artillery, 
which  at  this  early  day  was  rarely  used  in  sieges,  a 
long  time  elapsed  before  any  decided  advantage  was 
gained.  At  last  the  defenders  were  tempted  beyond 
the  protection  of  their  fortifications,  and  a battle 
was  fought  June  3,  1615.  It  is  described  by  the 
Jesuit  fathers,  two  of  whom  witnessed  it,  as  being 
sanguinary  beyond  the  example  of  the  bloody 
battles  of  the  Japanese  civil  wars.  It  resulted  in 
the  complete  overthrow  of  Hideyori’s  adherents, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  castle  by  fire.  Both 
Hideyori  and  his  mother  were  said  to  have  perished 
in  the  conflagration.  Reports  were  current  that 
they  had,  however,  escaped  and  taken  refuge  in 
some  friendly  locality.  But  no  trace  of  them  was 
ever  found,  and  it  was  taken  for  granted  that  this 
was  the  end  of  Hideyori  and  his  party. 

Before  ending  this  chapter,  which  is  designed  to 
record  the  establishment  of  the  Tokugawa  shoguns, 
reference  should  be  made  to  the  settlement  of  the 
questions  left  in  dispute  by  Taiko  Sama  respecting 
Korea.  There  remained  after  the  war,  with  all  its 
attendant  atrocities  and  sufferings,  a feeling  of  in- 


^38  rHE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

tense  bitterness  towards  the  Japanese  on  the  part 
both  of  the  Koreans  and  Chinese.  The  absence  of 
any  sufficient  cause  for  the  invasion,  and  the  avowed 
purpose  of  Taiko  Sama  to  extend  his  conquests  to 
China  had  awakened  against  him  and  his  armies  a 
hatred  which  generations  could  not  wipe  out.  Soon 
after  the  recall  of  the  Japanese  troops  which  fol- 
lowed the  death  of  Taiko  Sama,  leyasu  opened 
negotiations  with  Korea  through  the  daimyo  of 
Tsushima.  He  caused  the  government  to  be  in- 
formed that  any  friendly  overtures  on  its  part  would 
be  received  in  a like  spirit.  The  king  of  Korea 
accordingly  despatched  an  embassy  with  an  auto- 
graph letter,  addressed  to  the  “ king  of  Japan.”  A 
translation  of  this  letter  will  be  found  in  Mr.  Aston's 
last  paper’  on  Hideyoshi’s  invasion  of  Korea. 
Among  other  things  it  says : “ The  sovereign  and 
subjects  of  this  country  were  profoundly  grieved, 
and  felt  that  they  could  not  live  under  the  same 
heaven  with  your  country.  . . . However  your 
country  has  now  reformed  the  errors  of  the  past 
dynasty  and  practises  the  former  friendly  relations. 
If  this  be  so,  is  it  not  a blessing  to  the  people  of 
both  countries?  We  have  therefore  sent  you  the 
present  embassy  in  token  of  friendship.  The  en- 
closed paper  contains  a list  of  some  poor  produc- 
tions of  our  country’.  Be  pleased  to  understand 
this.”  This  letter  was  dated  in  the  y^ear  1607.  A 
friendly  answer  was  returned  to  it,  and  from  this 
time  it  may  be  understood  that  the  relations  be- 
tween the  two  countries  were  placed  on  a satisfac- 

* Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  xi.,  p.  124. 


THE  TOKUGAWA  SHOGUNATE. 


239 


tory  basis.  These  steps  were  taken  on  the  part  of 
Korea  with  the  knowledge  and  approval  of  China, 
which  now  claimed  to  hold  a protectorate  over  the 
peninsula  of  Korea.  The  same  negotiations  there- 
fore which  resulted  in  peaceful  relations  with  Korea 
brought  about  a condition  of  amity  with  China 
which  was  not  disturbed  until  very  recent  times. 

The  ruinous  effects  of  this  invasion,  however, 
were  never  overcome  in  Korea  itself.  Her  cities 
had  been  destroyed,  her  industries  blotted  out,  and 
her  fertile  fields  rendered  desolate.  Once  she  had 
been  the  fruitful  tree  from  which  Japan  was  glad  to 
gather  her  arts  and  civilization,  but  now  she  was 
only  a branchless  trunk  which  the  fires  of  war  had 
charred  and  left  standing. 


TOKUGAWA  CREST. 


CHAPTER  XL 

CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

To  the  readers  of  the  story  of  Japan  the  most 
interesting  episode  is  that  of  the  introduction  and 
subsequent  extirpation  of  Christianity.  We  have 
therefore  given  an  account  of  the  first  arrival  of  the 
Jesuit  missionaries  with  the  sainted  Xavier  at  their 
head,  and  we  have  seen  their  labors  crowned  with  a 
very  wide  success.  During  the  times  of  Nobunaga 
and  Hideyoshi  the  question  had  assumed  something 
of  a political  aspect.  In  several  of  the  provinces  of 
KyOshu  the  princes  had  become  converts  and  had 
freely  used  their  influence,  and  sometimes  their 
authority,  to  extend  Christianity  among^their  sub- 
jects. In  Kyoto  and  Yamaguchi,  in  Osaka  and 
Sakai,  as  well  as  in  Kyushu,  the  Jesuit  fathers  had 
founded  flourishing  churches  and  exerted  a wide 
influence.  They  had  established  colleges  where  the 
candidates  for  the  church  could  be  educated  and 
trained.  They  had  organized  hospitals  and  asylums 
at  Nagasaki  and  elsewhere,  where  those  needing  aid 
could  be  received  and  treated. 

It  is  true  that  the  progress  of  the  work  had  met 


240 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  lyTH  CENTURY.  24I 

with  a severe  setback  in  A.D.  1587,  when  Taiko 
Sama  issued  an  edict  expelling  all  foreign  religious 
teachers  from  Japan.  In  pursuance  of  this  edict 
nine  foreigners  who  had  evaded  expulsion  were 
burnt  at  Nagasaki.  The  reason  for  this  decisiv^e 
action  on  the  part  of  Taiko  Sama  is  usually  attrib- 
uted to  the  suspicion  which  had  been  awakened  in 
him  by  the  loose  and  unguarded  talk  of  a Portuguese 
sea  captain.'  But  other  causes  undoubtedly  con- 
tributed to  produce  in  him  this  intolerant  frame  of 
mind.  Indeed,  the  idea  of  toleration  as  applied  to 
religious  belief  had  not  yet  been  admitted  even  in 
Europe.  At  this  very  time  Philip  II.,  who  had 
united  in  his  own  person  the  kingdoms  of  Spain  and 
Portugal,  was  endeavoring  to  compel,  by  force  of 
arms,  the  Netherlands  to  accept  his  religious  belief, 
and  was  engaged  throughout  all  his  immense  domin- 
ions in  the  task  of  reducing  men’s  minds  to  a hideous 
uniformity. 

Even  in  several  of  the  provinces  of  Japan  where 
the  Jesuits  had  attained  the  ascendancy,  the  most 
forcible  measures  had  been  taken  by  the  Christian 
princes  to  compel  all  their  subjects  to  follow  their 
own  example  and  adopt  the  Christian  faith.  Take- 
yama,  whom  the  Jesuit  fathers  designate  as  Justo 
Ucondono,  carried  out  in  his  territory  at  Akashi  a 
system  of  bitter  persecution.  He  gave  his  subjects 
the  option  of  becoming  Christians  or  leaving  his 
teritory.  Konishi  Yukinaga,  who  received  part  of 
the  province  of  Higo  as  his  fief  after  the  Korean 
war,  enforced  with  great  persistency  the  acceptance 

' See  p.  204. 

16 


242 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


of  the  Christian  faith,  and  robbed  the  Buddhist 
priests  of  their  temples  and  their  lands.  The  princes 
of  Omura  and  Arima,  and  to  a certain  extent  the 
princes  of  Bungo,  followed  the  advice  of  the  Jesuit 
fathers  in  using  their  authority  to  advance  the  cause 
of  Christianity.  The  fathers  could  scarcely  complain 
of  having  the  system  of  intolerance  practised  upon 
them,  which,  when  circumstances  were  favorable, 
they  had  advised  to  be  applied  to  their  opponents. 
It  was  this  impossibility  of  securing  peace  and  har- 
mony, and  the  suspicion  of  the  territorial  ambition 
of  Spain  and  Portugal,  which  drove  Taiko  Sama  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  foreign  religious  teachers 
and  the  faith  which  they  had  so  successfully  propa- 
gated, were  a source  of  imminent  danger  to  his 
country.  To  him  it  was  purely  a political  question. 
He  had  no  deep  religious  impressions  which  had  led 
him  to  prefer  the  precepts  of  the  old  Japanese  faith 
to  those  of  Christianity.  These  systems  could  not 
apparently  live  together,  and  it  seemed  to  him  the 
safest  and  most  sensible  way  to  extinguish  the 
weaker  and  most  dangerous  before  it  became  too 
strong.  Hence  he  began  that  policy  of  repression 
and  expulsion  which  his  successor  reluctantly  took  up. 

During  the  first  years  of  leyasu’s  supremacy  the 
Christians  were  not  disturbed.  He  was  too  much 
occupied  with  the  establishment  of  the  new  execu- 
tive department  which  he  had  planned.  In  1606 
the  Portuguese  resident  bishop.  Father  Louis  Cer- 
queria,  was  received  by  leyasu  at  Kyoto.  The  fathers 
speak  of  this  audience  with  great  hopefulness,  and 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  lyTH  CENTURY.  243 

did  not  seem  to  be  aware  that  the  court  which  most 
of  the  Christian  princes  were  at  that  time  paying  to 
Hideyori  was  likely  to  prejudice  leyasu  against 
them.  Again  in  1607  leyasu,  who  was  then  at  Kofu 
in  the  province  of  Kai  awaiting  the  completion  of 
his  castle  at  Yedo,  expressed  a desire  to  see  the 
Provincial.  Accordingly  when  he  waited  on  leyasu 
he  was  received  very  cordially.  The  Christian  fathers 
were  much  encouraged  by  these  indications  of  the 
favor  of  leyasu.  But  whatever  they  may  have  been, 
they  cannot  be  interpreted  as  showing  any  intention 
on  his  part  to  promote  their  religious  proselytism. 
Even  in  the  very  midst  of  these  assumed  favors  he 
issued  in  1606  what  may  be  called  a warning  proc- 
lamation,' announcing  that  he  had  learned  with  pain 
that,  contrary  to  Taiko  Sama’s  edict,  many  had 
embraced  the  Christian  religion.  He  warned  all 
officers  of  his  court  to  see  that  the  edict  was  strictly 
enforced.  He  declared  that  it  was  for  the  good  of 
the  state  that  none  should  embrace  the  new  doc- 
trine ; and  that  such  as  had  already  done  so  must 
change  immediately. 

This  proclamation  of  leyasu  did  not,  however, 
prevent  the  Catholics  at  Nagasaki  from  celebrating 
in  a gorgeous  manner  the  beatification’  of  Ignatius 
Loyola,  the  founder  and  first  General  of  the  Society 
of  Jesus.  The  bishop  officiated  in  pontifical  robes, 
and  the  members  of  the  society,  together  with  the 
Franciscans,  Dominicans,  and  Augustinians,  made  a 

' See  Dickson’s  yapan,  p 227. 

■ Mis  beatification  was  decreed  by  the  pope  in  1609,  and  his  canoni- 
zation in  1622. 


244 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


solemn  procession  through  the  city.  This  celebra- 
tion was  in  distinct  contravention  of  the  orders 
which  had  been  issued  against  such  public  displays. 
It  was  made  more  emphatic  by  being  also  held  on 
the  same  day  in  the  province  of  Arima,  whose 
daimyo  was  an  ardent  advocate  of  the  Christian 
doctrine.  These  open  and  determined  infractions 
of  the  directions  of  the  gov'ernment  provoked  leyasu 
to  take  severe  measures.  He  began  by  punishing 
some  of  the  native  Christians  connected  with  his 
own  court,  who  were  charged  with  bribery  and 
intrigue  in  behalf  of  the  daimyo  of  Arima.  A 
number  of  these  accused  Christians  were  banished 
and  their  estates  confiscated. 

In  the  meantime  both  the  English  and  Dutch 
had  appeared  on  the  scene,  as  will  be  more  fully 
detailed  in  the  next  chapter.  Their  object  was 
solely  trade,  and  as  the  Portuguese  monopoly 
hitherto  had  been  mainly  secured  by  the  Jesuit 
fathers,  it  was  natural  for  the  new-comers  to  repre- 
sent the  motive  of  these  fathers  in  an  unfavorable 
and  suspicious  light.  “ Indeed,”  as  Hildreth  ’ says, 
“they  had  only  to  confirm  the  truth  of  what  the 
Portuguese  and  Spanish  said  of  each  other  to  excite 
in  the  minds  of  the  Japanese  rulers  the  gravest  dis- 
trust as  to  the  designs  of  the  priests  of  both  nations.”  “ 

' Hildreth’s  Japan,  etc.,  p.  176. 

® The  Jesuit  historians  relate  with  malicious  satisfaction  how  one 
of  the  Spanish  friars,  in  a dispute  with  one  of  Adams’  shipwrecked 
company,  to  sustain  the  authority  of  the  church  appealed  to  the 
miraculous  power  which  its  priests  still  possessed.  And  when  the 
Hollander  challenged  an  exhibition  of  such  power,  the  missionary 
undertook  to  walk  on  the  surface  of  the  sea.  A day  was  appointed 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  IJTH  CENTURY.  245 


Whether  it  is  true  as  charged  that  the  minds  of  the 
Japanese  rulers  had  been  poisoned  against  the 
Jesuit  fathers  by  misrepresentation  and  falsehood, 
it  may  be  impossible  to  determine  definitely;  but 
it  is  fair  to  infer  that  the  cruel  and  intolerant  policy 
of  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  would  be  fully  set 
forth  and  the  danger  to  the  Japanese  empire  from 
the  machinations  of  the  foreign  religious  teachers 
held  up  in  the  worst  light. 

During  the  latter  years  of  leyasu’s  life,  after  he 
had  settled  the  affairs  of  the  empire  and  put  the 
shogunate  upon  a permanent  basis,  we  see  growing 
evidence  of  his  prejudice  against  Christianity.  That 
he  had  such  prejudice  in  a very  pronounced  form  is 
clear  from  his  reference  to  the  “ false  and  corrupt 
school”  in  chapter  xxxi.  of  the  Legacy.  And  he 
had  inherited  from  Taiko  Sama  the  conviction  that  the 
spread  of  this  foreign  faith  was  a menace  to  the  peace 
of  the  empire.  The  instructions ' which  were  issued 

The  Spaniard  prepared  himself  by  confession,  prayer,  and  fasting. 
A great  crowd  of  the  Japanese  assembled  to  see  the  miracle,  and  the 
friar,  after  a confident  exhortation  to  the  multitude,  stepped,  crucifix 
in  hand,  into  the  water.  But  he  was  soon  floundering  over  his  head, 
and  was  only  saved  from  drowning  by  some  boats  .sent  to  his  assist- 
ance.— Hildreth’s  yapan,  etc.,  p.  140. 

' “This  will  seem  to  you  less  strange,  if  you  consider  how  the 
Apostle  .St.  Paul  commands  us  to  obey  even  secular  superiors  and 
gentiles  as  Christ  himself,  from  whom  all  well-ordered  authority  is 
derived  : for  thus  he  writes  to  the  Ephesians  (vii.  5) : ‘ be  obedient  to 
them  that  are  your  temporal  lords  according  to  the  flesh,  with  fear 
and  trembling  in  the  simplicity  of  your  heart,  as  to  Christ  ; not 
seeming  to  the  eye,  as  it  were  pleasing  men,  but  as  the  servants  of 
Christ  doing  the  will  of  God  from  the  heart,  with  a good  will  seem- 
ing as  to  the  Lord  and  not  to  men.’  ” 

The  above  is  an  extract  from  an  Epistle  of  St.  Ignatius,  the  26th 


The  ETORV  of  JaFaH. 


246 

to  the  members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  however, 
forbade  any  father  to  meddle  in  secular  affairs  or  to 
interfere  in  any  way  with  the  political  concerns  of 
the  government  in  which  they  were  laboring.  That 
there  were  occasional  instances  of  the  disregard  of 
this  regulation  by  the  enthusiastic  members  of  the 
order  may  be  supposed,  but  it  will  be  unjust  and 
unfounded  to  attribute  to  this  society  a settled 
policy  of  interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  nations 
where  they  were  employed  as  missionaries. 

leyasu,  evidently  having  made  up  his  mind  that 
for  the  safety  of  the  empire  Christianity  must  be 
extirpated,  in  1614  issued  an  edict ' that  the  mem- 
bers of  all  religious  orders,  whether  European  or 
Japanese,  should  be  sent  out  of  the  country  ; that 
the  churches  which  had  been  erected  in  various 
localities  should  be  pulled  down,  and  that  the  native 
adherents  of  the  faith  should  be  compelled  to  re- 
nounce it.  In  part  execution  of  this  edict  all  the 
members  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  native  and  foreign, 

of  March,  1553,  which  is  still  regarded  as  authoritative  and  is  read 
every  month  to  each  of  the  houses.  It  was  supplied  to  me  by  Dr. 
Carl  Meyer  and  verified  by  Rev.  D.  H.  Buel,  S.  J.  of  St.  h'rancis 
Xavier’s  College,  New  York  City.  Dr.  Meyer  has  also  pointed  out 
that  the  Second  General  Congregation,  1565,  severely  forbids  any 
Jesuit  to  act  as  confessor  or  theologian  to  a prince  longer  than  one  or 
two  years,  and  gives  the  minutest  instructions  to  prevent  a priest 
from  interfering  in  any  way  with  political  and  secular  affairs  in  such 
a position. 

’ This  edict  of  leyasu  is  given  by  Mr.  Satow  in  his  contributions 
to  the  debate  on  Mr.  Gubbins’  Review  of  the  Introduction  of  Christi- 
anity into  China  and  fapan.  Fifteen  rules  to  guide  the  Buddhist 
priests  in  guaranteeing  the  orthodoxy  of  their  parishioners  are  also 
given. — Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  part  i.,  p.  46. 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  IJTH  CENTURY.  247 

were  ordered  to  be  sent  to  Nagasaki.  Native 
Christians  were  sent  to  Tsugaru,  the  northern  ex- 
tremity of  the  Main  island.  Takeyama,  who  had 
already  been  banished  by  Taiko  Sama  to  the  prov- 
ince of  Kaga,  was  ordered  to  leave  the  country.  He 
was  sent  in  a Chinese  ship  to  Manila,  where  he  soon 
after  died.  In  order  to  repress  any  disturbance  that 
might  arise  from  the  execution  of  this  edict,  ten 
thousand  troops  were  sent  to  Kyushu,  where  the 
converts  were  much  the  most  numerous,  and  where 
the  daimyos  in  many  cases  either  openly  protected 
or  indirectly  favored  the  new  faith. 

In  accordance  with  this  edict,  as  many  as  three 
hundred  persons  are  said  to  have  been  shipped  from 
Japan  October  25,  1614.  All  the  resident  Jesuits 
were  included  in  this  number,  excepting  eighteen 
fathers  and  nine  brothers,  who  concealed  themselves 
and  thus  escaped  the  search.  Following  this  de- 
portation of  converts  the  most  persistent  efforts 
continued  to  be  made  to  force  the  native  Christians 
to  renounce  their  faith.  The  accounts  given,  both 
by  the  foreign  and  by  the  Japanese  writers,  of  the 
persecutions  which  now  broke  upon  the  heads  of  the 
Christians  are  beyond  description  horrible.  A special 
service  was  established  by  the  government  which 
was  called  the  Christian  Enquiry,*  the  object  of 
which  was  to  search  out  Christians  in  every  quarter 
and  drive  them  to  a renunciation  of  their  faith. 
Both  the  foreign  priests  who  had  remained  in  the 
country  in  spite  of  the  edict  and  the  native  converts 

' See  Gubbins’  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  part 

i..  p.  35. 


248 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


were  hunted  down  and  punished  with  the  most 
appalling  tortures.  Rewards  were  offered  for  in- 
formation involving  Christians  of  every  position  and 
rank,  even  of  parents  against  their  children  and  of 
children  against  their  parents.  At  what  time  this 
practice  began  it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  that  rewards 
were  used  at  an  early  period  is  evident  from  the 
re-issue  of  an  edict  in  1655,  in  which  it  is  .stated  ‘ 
that  formerly  a reward  of  200  pieces  of  silver  was 
paid  for  denouncing  a father  {baterai)  and  lOO  for 
denouncing  a brother  ; but  from  this  time 

the  rewards  should  be : for  denouncing  a father, 
300  pieces ; a brother,  200  pieces ; and  a catechist, 
50  pieces.  In  1711  this  tariff  was  raised,  for  de- 
nouncing a father  to  500  pieces,  a brother  to  300 
pieces,  and  a catechist  to  100  pieces;  also  for  de- 
nouncing a person  who,  having  recanted,  returned 
to  the  faith,  300  pieces.  These  edicts  against  Chris- 
tianity were  displayed  on  the  edict-boards  as  late  as 
the  year  1868. 

The  persecution  began  in  its  worst  form  about 
1616.  This  was  the  year  in  which  leyasu  died,  but 
his  son  and  successor  carried  out  the  terrible  pro- 
gramme with  heartless  thoroughness.  It  has  never 
been  surpassed  for  cruelty  and  brutality  on  the  part 
of  the  persecutors,  or  for  courage  and  constancy  on 
the  part  of  those  who  suffered.  The  letters  of  the 
Jesuit  fathers  are  full  of  descriptions  of  the  shocking 
trials  to  which  the  Christians  were  subjected.  The 
tortures  inflicted  are  almost  beyond  belief.  Mr. 

'See  Mr.  Satow’s  contributions  to  the  debate  on  Mr.  Gubbins' 
paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  part  i.,  p.  51. 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  IJTH  CENTURY.  249 


Gubbins,  in  the  paper  ‘ to  which  reference  has  already- 
been  made,  says:  “We  read  of  Christians  being 
executed  in  a barbarous  manner  in  sight  of  each 
other,  of  their  being  hurled  from  the  tops  of  preci- 
pices, of  their  being  buried  alive,  of  their  being  torn 
asunder  by  oxen,  of  their  being  tied  up  in  rice-bags, 
which  were  heaped  up  together,  and  of  the  pile  thus 
formed  being  set  on  fire.  Others  were  tortured 
before  death  by  the  insertion  of  sharp  spikes  under 
the  nails  of  their  hands  and  feet,  while  some  poor 
wretches  by  a refinement  of  horrid  cruelty  were  shut 
up  in  cages  and  there  left  to  starve  with  food  before 
their  eyes.  Let  it  not  be  supposed  that  we  have 
drawn  on  the  Jesuit  accounts  solely  for  this  informa- 
tion. An  examination  of  the  Japanese  records  will 
show  that  the  case  is  not  overstated.” 

The  region  around  Nagasaki  was  most  fully  im- 
pregnated with  the  new  doctrine,  and  it  was  here 
that  the  persecution  was  by  far  the  most  severe. 
This  was  now  an  imperial  city,  governed  directly  by 
officers  from  the  government  of  Yedo.  The  gov- 

' Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  part  l,  p.  35. 

’ See  chapter  xi.  of  a Description  of  the  Kingdom  of  fapan  and 
Siam,  by  Bernhard  Warenius,  M.D.,  Cambridge,  Printing-House  of 
John  Hayes,  Printer  to  the  University,  a.d.  1673.  The  volume  is 
in  Latin,  which,  as  well  as  a translation  of  the  same  in  manuscript, 
has  been  furnished  to  me  by  Mr.  Benjamin  Smith  Lyman,  of  Phila- 
delphia. Warenius  was  a Lutheran,  and  need  not  be  suspected  of 
being  prejudiced  in  favor  of  the  Jesuits.  See  also  History  of  the 
Martyrs  of  Japan,  Prague,  1675,  by  Mathia  Tanner,  containing  many 
engravings  of  the  horrible  scenes,  such  as  burnings,  crucifixions,  and 
suspensions  in  the  pit,  etc. ; also  Histoire  des  Vingt-six  Martyrs  dti 
Japon,  Crucifil  h.  Nagasaqui  le  j"  FIvrier,  i^gy,  par  D.  Bouix, 
Paris,  1862. 


250 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ernor  is  called  Kanwaytsdo  by  Warenius,  relying  on 
Caron  and  Guysbert,  but  I have  been  unable  to 
identify  him  by  his  true  Japanese  name.  Beginning 
from  i6i6  there  was  a continuous  succession  of  per- 
secutions. In  1622  one  hundred  and  thirty  men, 
women,  and  children  were  put  to  death,  among 
whom  were  two  Spanish  priests,  and  Spinola  an 
Italian.  The  next  year  one  hundred  more  were  put 
to  death.  The  heroism  of  these  martyrs  awakened 
the  greatest  enthusiasm  among  the  Christians.  In 
the  darkness  of  the  night  following  the  execution 
many  of  them  crept  to  the  place  where  their  friends 
had  been  burnt  and  tenderly  plucked  some  charred 
fragments  of  their  bodies,  which  they  carried  away 
and  cherished  as  precious  relics.  To  prevent  the 
recurrence  of  such  practices  the  officers  directed 
that  the  bodies  of  those  burnt  should  be  completely 
consumed  and  the  ashes  thrown  into  the  sea.  Guys- 
bert in  his  account  mentions  that  among  those  exe- 
cuted at  Hirado  was  a man  who  had  been  in  the 
employ  of  the  Dutch  factory  and  his  wife.  They 
had  two  little  boys  whom  the  factor  offered  to  take 
and  have  brought  up  by  the  Dutch.  But  the  parents 
declined,  saying  that  they  preferred  to  have  the  boys 
die  with  them.  A plan  was  devised  by  which  the 
heads  of  households  were  required  to  certify  that 
none  of  their  families  were  Christians,  and  that  no 
priests  or  converts  were  harbored  by  them. 

All  this  terrible  exercise  of  power  and  the  con- 
stantly recurring  scenes  of  suffering  were  more  than 
the  governor  could  endure,  and  so  we  find  him  at 
’ast  complaining  that  he  could  not  sleep  and  that  his 


CfiRlSTlANtTY  W THE  ifTH  CENTURY.  25! 


health  was  impaired.  At  his  earnest  petition  he  was 
relieved  and  a new  governor  appointed  in  1626.  He 
signalized  his  entrance  upon  his  duties  by  condemn- 
ing thirteen  Christians  to  be  burnt,  viz.;  Bishop 
Franciscus  Parquerus,  a Portuguese,  seventy  years 
old  ; Balthazar  de  Tores,  a Dominican,  fifty-seven 
years  old,  together  with  five  Portuguese  and  five 
Japanese  laymen.  When  it  came  to  the  crisis  the 
five  Portuguese  renounced  their  faith  and  escaped 
death.  On  the  twelfth  of  July  nine  more  were  exe- 
cuted, five  by  burning  and  four  by  beheading.  On 
the  twenty-ninth  of  July  a priest  was  caught  and 
executed  who  had  concealed  himself  in  a camp  of 
lepers,  and  who  had  hoped  in  that  way  to  escape 
detection. 

The  governor  exerted  himself  to  bring  about  re- 
cantations on  the  part  of  those  who  had  professed 
themselves  Christians.  He  promised  special  favors 
to  such  as  would  renounce  their  faith,  and  in  many 
cases  went  far  beyond  promises  to  secure  the  result. 
He  set  a day  when  all  the  apostates  dressed  in  their 
best  clothes  should  present  themselves  at  his  office. 
Fifteen  hundred  appeared  on  this  occasion,  and  were 
treated  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  consideration. 
But  the  officers  began  to  see  that  putting  Chris- 
tians to  death  would  not  prevent  others  from  em- 
bracing the  same  doctrine.  There  grew  up  such  an 
enthusiasm  among  the  faithful  that  they  sought 
rather  than  avoided  the  crown  of  martyrdom.  As 
Guysbert  points  out,  the  knowledge  of  the  Christian 
religion  possessed  by  these  converts  must  have  been 
exceedingly  small  ; they  knew  the  Lord’s  prayer 


252 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


and  the  A ve  Maria,  and  a few  other  prayers  of  the 
Church,  but  they  had  not  the  Scriptures  to  read, 
and  many  of  them  could  not  have  read  them  even 
if  they  had  been  translated  into  their  own  language. 
And  yet  these  humble  and  ignorant  people  with- 
stood death,  and  tortures  far  worse  than  death,  with 
a heroism  worthy  of  all  praise. 

On  the  eighth  of  February,  1627,  twelve  persons 
were  captured  in  a hiding-place  about  a mile  from 
Nagasaki  ; they  were  first  branded  with  a hot  iron 
on  the  forehead,  and  then  on  each  cheek  ; then  be- 
cause they  would  not  recant  they  were  burnt  to 
death.  Subsequently  forty  more  were  captured, 
amonef  whom  were  a father  and  mother  with  their 
three  }’oung  children.  The  children  were  frightened 
at  the  dreadful  preparations,  and  would  have  re- 
canted, but  their  parents  refused  to  permit  them  to 
take  advantage  of  the  offers  of  clemency.  After 
the  branding  and  beating,  those  who  were  not  yet 
driven  to  recant  were  sent  off  to  the  boiling  springs 
of  Onsen  in  Arima.  Here  they  were  tortured  by 
having  the  boiling  water  of  the  springs  poured  upon 
them,  and  by  being  compelled  to  breathe  the  suffo- 
cating sulphurous  air  which  these  springs  emitted. 

On  the  fourteenth  of  the  following  Ma)%  nine 
martyrs  suffered  all  the  torments  which  could  be 
contrived  and  finally  were  drowned.  August  sev^en- 
teenth  five  Christians  were  burnt  and  eighteen 
otherwise  put  to  death,  of  whom  one  was  a Fran- 
ciscan monk  and  the  rest  were  natives.  October 
twenty-sixth  three  Japanese  magnates  who  had 
joined  Hideyori  against  leyasu  were  discovered  to 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  I^jTH  CENTURY.  253 

be  Christians,  and  were  shipped  off  to  Macao.  In 
the  following  year,  1628,  it  is  said  that  three  hun- 
dred and  forty-eight  persons  were  tortured  for  their 
faith,  including  torture  by  the  boiling  springs,  beat- 
ing with  clubs,  and  burning.  It  had  been  reduced 
to  such  a science  that  when  they  saw  a subject 
becoming  weak  and  likely  to  die,  they  suspended 
their  torments  until  he  revived.  Whenever  a priest 
was  captured  in  any  household  the  whole  family  by 
whom  he  had  been  concealed  were  put  to  death. 

Another  new  governor  was  sent  to  Nagasaki  on 
the  27th  of  July,  1629.  He  came  with  the  high 
purpose  of  rooting  out  every  vestige  of  Christian- 
ity. He  set  about  his  work  in  the  most  system- 
atic manner.  Nagasaki,  it  must  be  understood,  is 
laid  out  in  streets  which  can  be  closed  up  by  gates. 
Each  street  had  its  head  man,  and  every  five  houses 
in  each  street  were  under  the  special  charge  of  a 
separate  overseer.  These  overseers  were  responsible 
as  to  what  occurred  and  who  were  concealed  in  each 
of  the  houses  under  his  charge.  The  gates  were 
all  closed  at  night  and  opened  again  in  the  morning. 

The  governor  went  through  these  streets  house 
by  house,  and  examined  every  person  in  every 
house.  If  the  occupants  were  not  Christians,  or  if 
they  renounced  their  Christianity,  they  were  al- 
lowed to  go  undisturbed  ; but  if  any  one  persisted 
in  the  new  doctrine  he  was  sent  off  to  be  tortured 
by  hot  water  at  the  boiling  springs.  This  torture 
was  now  improved  by  requiring  the  victim  to  have 
his  back  slit  open  and  the  boiling  water  poured 
directly  on  the  raw  flesh.  He  used  the  most  mon- 


254 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


strous  means  to  force  the  people  to  renounce  their 
faith.  He  compelled  naked  women  to  go  through 
the  streets  on  their  hands  and  knees,  and  many 
recanted  rather  than  suffer  such  an  ordeal.  Other 
cases  are  recorded  too  horrible  to  be  related, 
and  which  only  the  ingenuity  of  hell  could  have 
devised.  That  any  should  have  persisted  after  such 
inhuman  persecutions  seems  to  be  almost  beyond 
belief.  Guysbert  says  that  in  1626  Nagasaki  had 
forty  thousand  Christians,  and  in  1629  not  one  Avas 
left  who  acknowledged  himself  a believer.  The 
governor  was  proud  that  he  had  virtually  extermi- 
nated Christianity. 

But  the  extermination  had  not  yet  been  attained. 
The  severity  of  the  measures  adopted  in  Nagasaki 
had  indeed  driven  many  into  the  surrounding  prov- 
inces, so  that  every  place  of  shelter  was  full.  They 
awaited  in  terror  the  time  when  they  too  should  be 
summoned  to  torture  and  death.  Usually  they  had 
not  long  to  Avait,  for  the  service  of  the  Christian 
Enquiry  Avas  actiA^e  and  diligent.  NeAv  refinements 
of  cruelty  Avere  constantly  invented  and  applied. 
The  last  and  one  of  the  most  effectual  is  denomi- 
nated by  the  foreign  historians  of  these  scenes  the 
Tormc7it  of  the  Fosse.  Mathia  Tanner,  S.  J.,  in  his 
History  of  the  Martyrs  of  Japan,  published  in  Prague, 
1675,  gives  minute  accounts  of  many  martyrdoms. 
His  descriptions  are  illustrated  by  sickening  engrav- 
ings of  the  tortures  inflicted.  Among  these  he 
gives  one  illustrating  the  suspension  of  a martyr  in 
a pit  on  the  i6th  of  August,  1633.  The  victim  is 
SAvathed  in  a covering  Avhich  confines  all  parts  of  the 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  IJTH  CENTURY.  255 

body  except  one  hand  with  which  he  can  make 
the  signal  of  recantation.  A post  is  planted  by  the 
side  of  the  pit,  with  an  arm  projecting  out  over  it. 
The  martyr  is  then  drawn  up  by  a rope  fastened  to 
the  feet  and  run  over  the  arm  of  the  post.  He  is 
then  lowered  into  the  pit  to  a depth  of  five  or  six 
feet  and  there  suffered  to  hang.  The  suffering  was 
excruciating.  Blood  exuded  from  the  mouth  and 
nose,  and  the  sense  of  pressure  on  the  brain  was 
fearful.  Yet  with  all  this  suffering  the  victim  usually 
lived  eight  or  nine  days.  Few  could  endure  this 
torture,  and  it  proved  a most  effectual  method  of 
bringing  about  recantations.  Guysbert  says  that 
he  had  many  friendly  conversations  with  those 
who  had  experienced  the  torture  of  the  Fosse. 
They  solemnly  assured  him  “ that  neither  the  pain 
caused  by  burning  with  fire,  nor  that  caused  by  any 
other  kind  of  torture,  deserves  to  be  compared  with 
the  agony  produced  in  this  way.”  Not  being  able 
longer  to  endure  the  suffering,  they  had  recanted 
and  been  set  free.  Yet  it  is  told  as  a miraculous 
triumph  of  faith  that  a young  girl  was  submitted  to 
this  torture,  and  lived  fifteen  days  without  recant- 
ing and  at  last  died. 

It  is  surely  not  unnatural  that  human  nature 
should  succumb  to  such  torments.  Even  the  well 
seasoned  nerves  of  the  Jesuit  fathers  were  not  al- 
ways able  to.  endure  to  the  end.  The  enemies  of 
the  Jesuits  delight  in  narrating  the  apostasy  of  Fa- 
ther Christopher  Ferreyra,  seventy  years  old,  a Por- 
tuguese missionary  and  the  provincial  of  the  order. 
He  was  captured  in  Nagasaki,  1633,  and  was  tortured 


256 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


by  suspension  in  the  Fosse.  After  five  hours  he  gave 
the  signal  of  recantation  and  was  released.  He  was 
kept  for  some  time  in  prison  and  compelled  to  give 
information  concerning  the  members  of  his  order  in 
Japan.  He  was  set  at  liberty  and  forced  to  marry, 
assuming  the  Japanese  dress  and  a Japanese  name. 
There  was  a report  set  on  foot  by  the  Jesuits  that  in 
his  old  age  when  on  his  death-bed  he  recovered  his 
courage  and  declared  himself  a Christian,  where- 
upon he  was  immediately  carried  off  by  the  Japanese 
officers  to  the  torture  of  the  Fosse,  where  he  per- 
ished a penitent  martyr. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  method  of  trial  called 
E-fuvii'  or  trampling  on  the  cross,  was  instituted. 
At  first  pictures  on  paper  were  used,  then  slabs  of 
wood  were  substituted  as  more  durable,  and  finally 
in  the  year  1660  an  engraver  of  Nagasaki,  named 
Yusa,  cast  bronze  plates  from  the  metal  obtained  by 
despoiling  the  altars  of  the  churches.  These  plates 
were  about  five  inches  long  and  four  inches  wide 
and  one  inch  thick,  and  had  on  them  a figure  of 
Christ  on  the  cross.  We  take  from  the  French  edi- 
tion of  Kaempfer’s  History  of  Japan  ® an  account  of 
what  he  calls  “ this  detestable  solemnity.”  It  was 
conducted  by  an  officer  called  the  kirishitan  bugyd, 
or  Christian  inquisitor,  and  began  on  the  second  day 
of  the  first  month.  In  Nagasaki  it  was  commenced 

’ See  Woolley’s  “ Historical  Notes  on  Nagasaki,”  Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  ix.,  part  2,  p.  134  ; also  Mr.  Satow’s  contributions 
to  the  discussion  of  Mr.  Gubbins’  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions, 
vol.  vi.,  part  2.,  p.  52.  Specimens  of  the  metal  plates  are  in  the 
Uyeno  Museum  of  Tokyo. 

* See  Kffimpfer’s  Histoire  de  T Empire  de  Japon,  tome  i.,  p.  287. 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  I'JTH  CENTURY.  257 

at  two  different  places  at  once,  and  was  carried  on 
from  house  to  house  until  the  whole  city  was  fin- 
ished. The  officers  of  each  street  were  required  to 
be  present.  The  metal  plate  on  which  was  a figure 
of  the  Saviour  upon  the  cross  was  laid  upon  the 
floor.  Then  the  head  of  the  house,  his  family,  and 
servants  of  both  sexes,  old  and  young,  and  any 
lodgers  that  might  be  in  the  house,  were  called  into 
the  room.  The  secretary  of  the  inquisitor  there- 
upon made  a list  of  the  household  and  called  upon 
them  one  by  one  to  set  their  feet  on  the  plate. 
Even  young  children  not  able  to  walk  were  carried 
by  their  mothers  and  made  to  step  on  the  images 
with  their  feet.  Then  the  head  of  the  family  put 
his  seal  to  the  list  as  a certificate  to  be  laid  before 
the  governor  that  the  inquisition  had  been  performed 
in  his  house.  If  any  refused  thus  to  trample  on  the 
cross  they  were  at  once  turned  over  to  the  proper 
officers  to  be  tortured  as  the  cases  required. 

This  same  method  of  trial  was  used  in  the  prov- 
inces about  Nagasaki,  the  governor  lending  to  the 
officers  the  plate  which  they  might  use. 

Without  following  the  entire  series  of  events 
which  resulted  in  the  extirpation  of  Christianity,  it 
will  be  sufficient  to  give  a brief  narrative  of  the 
closing  act  in  this  fearful  tragedy.  It  is  just,  how- 
ever, to  explain  that  the  Shimabara  rebellion  was 
not  due  to  the  Christians  alone,  but  that  other  causes 
contributed  to  and  perhaps  originated  it.  In  view, 
however,  of  the  cruel  persecutions  to  which  the 
Christians  were  subjected,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
they  should  have  been  driven  to  engage  in  such  a 

•7 


258 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


rebellion  as  that  in  Arima.'  The  wonder  rather  is 
that  they  were  not  often  and  in  many  places  impelled 
to  take  up  arms  against  the  inhumanities  of  their 
rulers.  The  explanation  of  this  absence  of  resist- 
ance will  be  found  in  the  scattered  condition  of  the 
Christian  communities.  Nowhere,  unless  it  might 
be  in  Nagasaki,  was  the  number  of  converts  col- 
lected in  one  place  at  all  considerable.  They  were 
everywhere  overawed  by  the  organized  power  of  the 
government,  and  the  experience  of  those  who  joined 
in  this  Arima  insurrection  did  not  encourage  a repe- 
tition of  its  horrors. 

The  beginning  of  the  revolt  is  traced  to  the  mis- 
government  of  the  daimyo  of  Arima.  The  original 
daimyo  had  been  transferred  by  the  shogun  to 
another  province,  and  when  he  removed  from  Arima 
he  left  nearly  all  his  old  retainers  behind  him.  The 
newly  instituted  daimyo,  on  the  contrary,  who  came 
to  occupy  the  vacated  province  brought  with  him  a 
full  complement  of  his  own  followers.  To  make 
room  for  these  new  retainers  the  old  ones  were  dis- 

' In  the  narrative  which  we  give  of  this  insurrection  we  have  re- 
lied chiefly  upon  the  accounts  of  Mr.  Gubbins  in  his  “ Review  of  the 
Introduction  of  Christianity,”  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vi., 
part  i,p.  36  ; of  Mr.  Woolley  in  his  “ Historical  Notes  on  Nagasaki,” 
do.,  vol.  ix.,  part  2,  p.  140  ; and  on  Dr.  Geerts’  paper  on  the  “Arima 
Rebellion  and  the  Conduct  of  Koeckebacker,  do.,  vol.  xi.,  p.  51.  Mr. 
Gubbins  and  Mr.  Woolley  had  access  to  Japanese  authorities,  and  we 
have  in  their  papers  been  enabled  to  see  this  bloody  episode  for  the 
first  time  from  a Japanese  standpoint.  Dr.  Geerts  has  rendered 
an  inv'aluable  service  in  giving  us  translations  of  letters  written  by 
Koeckebacker,  the  head  of  the  Dutch  factory  during  the  events, 
which  show  us  how  this  insurrection  was  regarded  by  the  Dutch  East 
India  Company. 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  IJTH  CENTURY.  259 

placed  from  their  dwellings  and  holdings,  and  com- 
pelled to  become  farmers  or  to  take  up  any  other 
occupation  which  they  could  find.  Like  the  samurai 
of  other  parts  of  Japan  who  had  been  unaccustomed 
to  any  calling  except  that  of  arms,  these  displaced 
retainers  proved  very  unsuccessful  farmers,  and  were 
of  course  very  much  dissatisfied  with  the  new  course 
of  things.  The  daimyo  was  a cruel  and  inconsiderate 
man,  who  made  small  account  of  the  hardships  and 
complaints  of  the  samurai  farmers.  The  taxes  were 
made  heavier  than  they  could  pay,  and  when  they 
failed  to  bring  in  the  required  amount  of  rice,  he 
ordered  them  to  be  dressed  in  straw  rain-coats  which 
were  tied  around  their  neck  and  arms.  Their  hands 
were  fastened  behind  their  backs,  and  in  this  help- 
less condition  the  rain-coats  were  set  on  fire.  Many 
were  fatally  burned,  and  some  to  escape  the  burning 
threw  themselves  into  the  water  and  were  drowned. 

This  senseless  cruelty  awakened  an  intense  feeling 
of  hatred  against  the  daimyo.  And  when  his  son 
who  succeeded  him  was  disposed  to  continue  the 
same  tyrannical  policy,  the  farmers  rose  in  insurrec- 
tion against  their  lord.  The  peasants  of  the  island 
of  Amakusa,  which  lies  directly  opposite  to  the  pro- 
vince of  Arima,  also  joined  in  this  rising,  owing  to 
their  discontent  against  the  daimyo  of  Karatsu. 

The  Christians,  who  had  so  long  groaned  under  the 
persecutions  of  their  rulers,  seized  this  opportunity 
to  rise,  and  joined  the  farmers.  They  declared  that 
the  time  had  now  come  for  them  to  avenge  the 
innocent  blood  of  Christians  and  priests  who  had 
perished  throughout  the  empire.  The  rising  of  the 


26o 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Christians  began  at  the  village  of  Oyei  in  Amakusa, 
October,  1637.  The  excitement  was  intense,  and  in 
a few  days  it  is  said  that  eight  thousand  three  hun- 
dred men  and  one  thousand  women  were  assembled 
at  this  village.  They  chose  as  their  chief  Shiro 
Tokisada  the  son  of  the  head  man  of  the  village  of 
Hara,  who  proposed  to  march  immediately  upon 
Nagasaki  and  open  negotiations  with  foreign  nations, 
and  if  possible  obtain  from  them  the  help  of  troops. 
He  was  an  enthusiast  and  without  experience  in  war. 
The  leading  spirit  in  the  insurrection  seems  to  have 
been  a rduin  ’ named  Ashizuka,  who  recommended 
that  the  insurgents  should  cross  over  to  Shimabara. 
But  Shiro  and  his  enthusiastic  followers  resolved  to 
attack  the  castle  of  Tomioka  situated  on  the  north- 
west coast  of  Amakusa.  They  were,  however,  unable 
to  make  any  impression  upon  it,  and  were  obliged 
to  withdraw.  Ashizuka  and  a few  followers  suc- 
ceeded in  breaking  into  the  castle  of  Shimabara  and 
seizing  the  arms  and  ammunition  and  provisions 
which  were  stored  there.  The  government  rice 
stores  were  seized  both  on  the  mainland  and  on  the 
island  of  Amakusa.  All  the  insurgents,  including 
men,  women,  and  children,  then  gathered  into  a 
deserted  castle  at  Hara,  which  was  capable  of  hold- 
ing 40,000  to  50,000  persons.  It  was  supposed  to  be 
impregnable,  and  was  put  in  order  and  provisioned 
for  a long  siege.  The  number  gathered  here  is 
estimated  by  the  Japanese  writers  at  40,200,  but 
this  number  without  doubt  is  an  exaggeration. 

' A ronin  was  a retainer  who  had  given  up  the  service  of  his  feudal 
master,  and  for  the  time  being  was  his  own  master. 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  IJTH  CENTURY.  261 

The  local  rulers  finding  themselves  unable  to  cope 
with  the  rebellion,  and  seeing  its  proportions  swell- 
ing every  day,  appealed  to  Yedo  for  help.  The 
shogun  at  this  time  was  lemitsu,  the  son  of  the 
preceding  shogun,  and  grandson  of  leyasu.  He  pos- 
sessed many  of  the  good  qualities  of  his  grandfather, 
and  is  looked  upon,  with  the  exception  of  leyasu,  as 
the  greatest  of  the  Tokugawa  line.  He  had  imbibed 
all  the  prejudices  of  his  predecessors  against  for- 
eigners and  against  the  religion  of  the  foreigners. 
He  feared  that  this  rebellion  was  begun  at  their 
instigation,  and  would  be  carried  on  with  their  en- 
couragement and  help.  He  prepared  therefore  for  a 
sharp  and  desperate  struggle,  which  he  was  deter- 
mined should  be  carried  out  to  the  bitter  end. 

Itakura  Naizen  was  sent  down  as  commander-in- 
chief, and  given  full  powers.  Under  his  direction 
the  siege  of  the  castle,  in  which  the  rebels  were 
gathered,  was  commenced  on  the  31st  of  Decem- 
ber, 1637.  The  daimyos  of  Kyushu,  on  the  de- 
mand of  the  government,  sent  additional  troops, 
so  that  the  besieging  army  amounted  to  160,000 
men.  Yet  with  all  this  force,  urged  on  by  an  ambi- 
tion to  end  this  rebellion,  no  serious  effect  had  yet 
been  produced  on  the  castle.  The  attacks  which 
had  been  made  had  produced  no  breach  in  its  walls. 
We  have  no  information  concerning  the  progre.ss  of 
affairs  among  the  inmates.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  a part  of  the  rebels  were  samurai  farmers,  who 
were  inured  to  arms,  and  who  knew  perfectly  that 
neither  consideration  nor  mercy  would  be  shown 
them  or  their  families  in  case  the  castle  were  taken. 


262 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  remainder  of  the  besieged  force  were  the  Chris- 
tian insurgents,  who  had  been  driven  to  this  rebellion 
by  their  cruel  persecution.  Nothing  could  be  worse 
than  what  they  had  already  endured,  and  they  had 
no  expectation  that  if  they  were  beaten  in  this  con 
test  any  pity  would  be  shown  to  them.  Despair 
made  the  attitude  of  both  divisions  of  the  rebels 
one  of  determined  resistance,  and  their  obstinacy 
led  the  besiegers  to  put  forth  every  effort. 

One  step  which  they  took  in  this  matter  led  to 
much  discussion  and  to  the  widening  of  the  breach 
between  the  Dutch  and  the  Portuguese.  On  the 
nth  of  Januarj^  1638,  the  besiegers  applied  to 
the  Dutch  at  Hirado  for  a supply  of  gunpowder, 
which  request  was  complied  with,  and  at  the  same 
time  an  apology  was  tendered  that  no  larger  quan- 
tity could  be  sent.  Again,  on  the  15th  of  Feb- 

ruary a request  for  cannon  to  be  used  in  the 
siege  was  received,  and  the  guns  were  sent.  Mr. 
Koeckebacker  says : “We  gave  the  largest  and  most 
uniform  guns  in  our  possession.”'  Finally,  on  the 
19th  of  February,  l\Ir.  Koeckebacker  was  asked  to 
send  one  of  the  Dutch  ships"  then  at  Hirado  to 
the  assistance  of  the  besiegers.  The  de  Ryp  was 
accordingly  sent,  and  i\Ir.  Koeckebacker  himself  ac- 
companied her.  The  guns  which  had  been  first  sent 
were  mounted  as  a land  battery,  and  the  guns  of  the 

' See  Dr.  Geerts’  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  xi.,  p. 

75. 

* The  ships  in  use  at  this  time  among  the  Japanese  were  far  less 
seaworthy  than  those  of  European  nations.  The  accompanying 
figures  given  by  Charlevoix,  although  probably  somewhat  fanciful, 
show  the  impractical  character  of  the  vessels  of  that  time. 


f 


i 


264 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


de  Ryp  from  her  anchorage  in  the  bay  were  trained 
on  the  castle.  It  was  a new  experience  for  the  Jap- 
anese to  see  cannon  used  in  the  siege  of  a castle,  but 
the  effect  was  much  less  than  had  been  expected. 
No  practicable  breach  was  made,  and  the  final  result 
seemed  as  far  off  as  ever.  “ During  the  fifteen  days 
from  the  24th  of  February  to  the  12th  of  March, 
there  were  thrown  into  the  camp  of  the  enemy 
four  hundred  and  twenty-six  cannon  balls  from  the 
twenty  guns  of  the  ship  de  Ryp."  ’ 

In  the  meantime  the  Japanese  officers  began  to 
feel  that  it  was  not  a dignified  proceeding  to  call 
upon  a foreign  nation  to  help  them  to  put  down  a 
local  rebellion.  Even  the  insurgents  had  shot  an 
arrow  into  the  imperial  camp  to  which  a letter  was 
attached,  deriding  them  for  calling  for  assistance 
when  there  were  so  many  courageous  soldiers  in 
Japan.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  cause,  the 
Dutch  received  notice  on  the  12th  of  March  that 
their  ship  was  no  longer  required,  and  accordingly 
they  returned  to  Hirado.  The  castle  was  taken  by 
assault  on  the  12th  of  April,  1638,  after  a siege 
which  had  lasted  one  hundred  and  two  days,  and 
about  seven  months  from  the  breaking  out  of  the 
rebellion.  By  special  orders  from  Yedo  the  insur- 
gents captured  in  the  castle  were  to  the  last  man, 
woman,  and  child  put  to  death.“  The  father  of 

' See  Dr.  Geerts’  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  xi., 
p.  III. 

® Mr.  Koeckebacker  says  : “ The  rebels  counted  in  all,  young  and 
old,  as  it  was  said,  about  forty  thousand.  They  were  all  killed  except 
one  of  the  four  principal  leaders  being  an  artist  who  formerly  used 
to  gain  his  livelihood  by  making  idols.  This  man  was  kept  alive  and 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  lyTII  CENTURY.  265 

Shiro,  the  young  leader,  was  crucified,  and  Shiro 
himself  was  decapitated,  and  his  head  exposed  for 
seven  days  on  the  great  pier  at  Nagasaki.  The 
daimyo,  whose  misgovernment  had  brought  on  this 
rebellion  in  Amakusa,  was  stripped  of  most  of  his 
territories,  and  he  was  so  intensely  hated  in  what 
remained  to  him  that  he  committed  hara-kiri.  The 
daimyo  of  Arima,  whose  misconduct  and  neglect 
had  driven  the  samurai  farmers  into  their  fatal 
rising,  was  also  permitted  to  take  his  own  life. 

The  help,  which  the  Dutch  rendered  in  this  siege, 
exposed  them  to  much  vituperation.  Naturally,  the 
Jesuit  historians  have  taken  a very  unfavorable  view 
of  the  Dutch  share  in  this  sad  transaction.  Dr. 
Geerts  in  his  defence  of  the  Dutch  argues:  “ Koecke- 
backer  did  no  more  than  any  one  else  of  any  nation- 
ality would  probably  have  done  in  the  same  difificult 
position.  . . . His  endeavor  was  t«j  preserve 
from  decline  or  destruction  the  interests  intrusted  to 
him,  and  this  was  done  at  the  smallest  possible 
price.  . . . Moreover,  the  letters  of  Koecke- 
backer  clearly  show  that  the  Japanese  government 

sent  to  Yedo.” — Dr.  Geerts’  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol. 
xi.,  part  I,  p.  107. 

There  is  a tradition  that  a number  of  the  prisoners  who  were 
captured  at  this  castle  were  hurled  down  from  the  rocks  of  the  island 
now  called  Papenberg  in  Nagasaki  harbor.  But  Dr.  Geerts  ridicules 
this  notion  and  says  : “A  little  local  knowledge  would  show  it  to  be 
impossible  to  throw  people  from  the  rocks  on  Papenberg  into  the  sea, 
as  the  rocks  are  by  no  means  steep  bluffs,  but  possess  an  inclined 
shape  and  a shore.  A little  knowledge  of  the  Dutch  language  would 
further  show  that  the  name  Papenberg  means  ‘ mountain  of  the  priest,’ 
in  allusion  to  the  shape  of  a Roman  Catholic  priest’s  cap  or  bonnet.” 
~ -Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  xi.,  part  i,  p.  I15. 


266 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


did  not  ask  the  aid  of  the  Dutch  in  the  persecution 
of  Christians,  as  has  often  been  asserted  by  foreign 
authors,  who  have  not  taken  the  trouble  to  inform 
themselves  thoroughly  on  the  subject,  but  they  re- 
quested the  guns  and  the  aid  of  the  Dutch  vessel  for 
the  purpose  of  subduing  rebellious  subjects.  . . . 

There  could  be  no  valid  reason  for  Koeckebacker  to 
refuse  the  pressing  request  for  aid,  and  consequently 
he  agreed  to  give  assistance,  as  every  wise  man 
would  have  done  in  his  place.  . . . Koeckebacker 
did  not  take  part  in  the  general  massacre  which  fol- 
lowed on  the  nth  of  April,  when  the  fortress  of  the 
rebels  was  taken  by  the  imperial  troops,  as  he  left 
with  his  ship  for  Hirado  on  the  I2th  of  March,  leav- 
ing the  guns  behind  in  Arima.  Had  it  been  in  his 
power  to  prevent  such  a general  massacre  after  the 
fortress  had  been  taken,  and  the  rebels  were  prison- 
ers, he  would  no  doubt  have  done  so.”  * 

This  frightful  termination  to  the  rebellion,  fol- 
.owed  as  it  was  by  severe  and  persistent  measures 
against  Christians  everywhere,  was  apparently  the 
death-blow  to  the  church  in  the  empire.  No  further 
efforts  were  made,  either  by  the  daimyos  of  provinces 
or  by  the  heads  of  the  church,  to  make  open  head- 
way against  the  determined  efforts  of  the  govern- 
ment. Whatever  was  done  was  in  secret,  and  every 
means  was  tried  on  the  part  of  those  who  still  clung 
to  the  Christian  belief,  and  especially  of  those  who 
were  still  daring  enough  to  try  to  minister  to  them, 
to  conceal  their  locality  and  their  identity.'* 

' See  Dr.  Geerts’  paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  xi., 
part  I,  pp.  no  and  lii. 

^ A Japanese  writer  thus  sums  up  the  result  of  the  effort  to  introduce 
Christianity  into  his  country:  “After  nearly  a hundred  years  of 


CHRISTIANITY  IN  THE  IjTH  CENTURY.  267 


The  history  of  Christianity  in  Japan  from  this 
time  downward  was  that  of  a scattered  and  dismem- 
bered remnant  struggling  for  existence.  A long  line 
of  edicts  reaching  to  modern  times  was  directed 
against  “ the  corrupt  sect,”  repeating  again  and 
again  the  directions  for  its  suppression.  The  kiri- 
shitan  bugyd,  or  Christian  inquisitor,  had  his  ofifice 
in  Yedo,  and  under  him  was  a numerous  and  active 
corps  of  assistants.  Inouye  Chikugo-no-Kami  for  a 
long  time  held  this  position.  A place  is  still  pointed 
out  called  Karishitan  Zaka,  or  Christian  Valley, 
where  once  stood  the  house  in  which  were  confined 
a number  of  the  foreign  priests.  Here  may  be  seen 
the  grave  of  Father  Chiara,  who  had  under  torture 
abjured  his  faith,  and  remained  a prisoner  for  forty 
years,  dying  1685.'  Professor  Dixon  says  that  “ there 
are  two  bamboo  tubes  inserted  in  sockets  in  front  of 
the  tomb,  which  I have  never  found  empty,  but 
always  full  of  flowers  in  bloom.  No  one  knows  who 

Christianity  and  foreign  intercourse,  the  only  apparent  results  of  this 
contact  with  another  religion  and  civilization  were  the  adoption  of 
gunpowder  and  firearms  as  weapons,  the  use  of  tobacco  and  the  habit 
of  smoking,  the  making  of  sponge-cake,  the  naturalization  into  the 
language  of  a few  foreign  words,  and  the  introduction  of  new  and 
strange  forms  of  disease.” — Shigetaka  .Shiga’s  History  of  Nations, 
Tokyo,  t888.  The  words  introduced  into  the  language  from  the 
Portuguese,  except  several  derived  from  Christianity,  are  as  follows  : 
tabako,  tobacco  ; pan  (pdo),  bread  ; kasutera  (from  Castilla),  sponge- 
cake ; tanto,  much  ; kappa  (capo),  a waterproof  ; kappu  {copa),  a cup 
or  wine  glass  ; birddo  {vellendo),  velvet  ; biidoro  {vidro),  glass. — Rein’s 
Japan,  p.  312. 

' See  Mr.  Satow’s  contributions  to  the  discussion  of  Mr.  Gubbins’ 
paper,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  part  l,  p.  61;  also  Satow 
and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  22  ; also  Griffis’  Mikado' s Empire,  p.  262; 
and  Professor  Dixon’s  paper  on  the  Christian  Valley,  Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  xvi.,  p.  207. 


268 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


offer  these  flowers,  but  they  must  be  descendants  of 
the  Doshin  Christians,  or  believers  in  Christianity,  or 
worshippers  of  Koshin.”  Here  also  was  confined 
Father  Baptiste  Sidotti,  a Sicilian  Jesuit  who  ven- 
tured to  enter  Japan  in  1707  with  the  purpose  of  re- 
suming the  work  of  the  Jesuits  which  the  persecution 
had  interrupted. 

And  yet  with  all  this  vigilance  and  severity  on  the 
part  of  the  government,  what  was  the  amazement  of 
the  Christian  world  to  learn  that  the  old  faith  still 
survived  ! In  the  villages  around  Nagasaki  there 
were  discovered  in  1865,"  not  only  words  and  sym- 
bols which  had  been  preserved  in  the  language,  but 
even  communities  where  had  been  kept  alive  for 
more  than  two  centuries  the  worship  bequeathed  to 
them  by  their  ancestors.  We  shall  have  occasion 
hereafter  to  refer  to  this  interesting  memento  of  the 
Christianity  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

’ See  Chamberlain’s  Things  Japanese,  1892,  p.  300. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN, 

Ieyasu  was  not  only  a general  of  eminent  abili- 
ties, who  had  from  his  youth  been  accustomed  to 
the  responsibility  and  management  of  great  cam- 
paigns, but  he  was  a statesman  who  knew  how  to 
secure  the  advantage  to  be  obtained  from  victories 
and  conquests.  After  the  decisive  battle  of  Sekiga- 
hara,  when  the  control  of  the  empire  became  fixed 
in  his  hands,  we  hear  little  more  of  him  as  a general, 
excepting  in  the  battle  at  Osaka,  when  the  for- 
tunes of  Hideyori  were  finally  and  definitely  settled. 
The  common  conception  of  Ieyasu  is  not  that  of 
a great  commander  like  Hideyoshi,  but  rather  of  an 
organizer  and  law-maker,  who  out  of  confused  and 
dismembered  provinces  and  principalities  of  the  em- 
pire constructed  a firm  and  abiding  state.'  After 
his  settlement  of  the  dissensions  at  home,  and  his 
admirable  adjustment  of  the  outstanding  difficulties 
with  Korea  and  China,  which  we  have  already  traced, 
we  shall  find  Ieyasu  principally  engaged  in  framing 
a government  which  should  be  suited  to  the  peculiar 

’ See  Legacy  of  Ieyasu,  cap.  xv. 

269 


270 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


wants  and  founded  on  the  historical  antecedents  of 
the  country. 

There  was  one  characteristic  of  leyasu  which  has 
not  received  sufficient  attention.  Although  not  a 
great  scholar  in  any  sense,  even  in  the  age  in  which 
he  lived,  he  was  more  familiar  than  most  men  of 
affairs  of  his  day  with  the  Chinese  classical  writings. 


lEYASU. 

and  was  in  the  more  leisurely  periods  of  his  life  a 
noted  patron  of  learned  men.  The  Chinese  classics 
were  said  to  have  been  brought  to  Japan  at  an  early 
period,  even  before  the  first  introduction  of  Buddh- 
ism. But  the  period  was  too  early  and  the  condi- 
tion of  the  country  too  rude  to  make  the  reading 
and  study  of  the  philosophical  and  political  writings 
of  Confucius  and  Mencius  an  essential  part  of  the 


FEUDALISM  IN'  /A  FA  AT. 


271 


education  of  the  people.  The  culture  which  Buddh- 
ism brought  with  it,  accompanied  with  a knowledge 
of  the  writing  and  reading  of  the  Chinese  letters, 
was  all  that  obtained  any  currency  during  the  dis- 
turbed and  warlike  ages  of  Japanese  history.  But 
when  peace  was  at  last  established  by  the  supremacy 
of  leyasu,  and  the  active  Japanese  intellect  had 
some  other  employment  than  fighting,  then  learn- 
ing took  a great  start.  And  as  the  only  idea  which 
the  Japanese  possessed  of  learning  was  that  which 
prevailed  in  China  and  was  imbedded  in  the  Chinese 
writings,  they  naturally  turned  to  them  for  thought 
and  systematic  training. 

Fortunately  leyasu  was  a man  who  appreciated 
at  its  full  value  the  effect  of  learning  on  the  charac- 
ter of  his  people.  He  caused  the  Confucian  classics  ' 
to  be  printed  at  a press  which  he  patronized  in 
Fushimi,  and  this  was  said  to  be  the  first  time  these 
works  had  ever  been  printed  in  Japan.  He  gathered 
scholars  about  him  at  Fushimi,  at  Yedo,  and  after 
his  retirement  at  Shizuoka  (Sumpu).  He  favored 
education  and  encouraged  the  daimyos  to  establish 
schools  where  the  children  of  their  retainers  could 
be  taught  not  only  military  accomplishments  but 
the  elements  of  a good  education.  The  Chinese 
classics  were  made  the  essentials  of  such  an  educa- 
tion, and  the  chief  duty  of  a school  was  to  teach  the 

' The  Confucian  classics  consist  of  the  Four  Books,  viz.:  The  Great 
Learning,  The  Doctrine  of  the  Mean,  The  Confucia^t  Analects,  and 
The  Sayings  of  Mencius  ; and  the  Five  Canons,  viz.:  The  Book  of 
Changes,  The  Book  of  Poetry,  The  Book  of  History,  The  Canon  of 
Rites,  and  Spring  and  Autumn  (^Annals  of  the  State  of  lu,  by  Con- 
fucius). Chamberlain’s  Things  fapanese,  1892,  p.  92. 


272 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


pupils  to  read  and  write  and  understand  the  works 
which  their  venerable  and  learned  neighbor  had 
furnished  them. 


MIXING  INK  FOR  WRITING. 

(From  R6gamey*s  Art  and  Industry,) 

Unfortunately  this  movement  in  behalf  of  learn- 
ing was  hampered  by  the  impracticable  nature  of 
the  Chinese  written  language.  Instead  of  a few 
characters  representing  sounds,  like  European  alpha- 
bets, it  consists  of  thousands  of  symbols,  each  repre- 
senting an  idea.  The  pupil  must  therefore  spend 
years  in  learning  to  make,  and  know  and  read  the 
mere  signs  of  language.  And  in  the  modern  neces- 


4H 

fflm  1 ] 
min  ^ 

@E3r  \ ( 
'I'la 

t 1 

-V- 

Styles  of  Letters. 

[Chinese  Proverb:  Hiroku  koriwo  aisuruvvo  jintoyu.  To  love  universally  is  true  humility. | 
I.  Kaisho  (book  letters).  2.  Ditto.  3.  Gyosho  (script  letters).  4.  Ditto.  5.  Hirakaua 

(Japanese  script). 


274 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


sities  of  2^rinting,'  the  compositor  must  handle  not 
less  than  4,000  or  5,000  Chinese  characters,  besides 
the  Japanese  kana  and  other  needful  marks.  The 
kana  here  mentioned  were  the  result  of  a promis- 
ing effort  which  was  made  to  simplify  the  Chinese 


V 

y 

k 

V 

T 

7 

r 

wa 

ra 

ya 

ina 

ha 

na 

ta 

sa 

ka 

a 

It 

>) 

— 

t 

T 

T 

d 

wi 

n 

yi 

mi 

hi 

ni 

chi 

shi 

Id 

i 

Y 

rL. 

A 

7 

y 

7 

y 

7 

wu 

ru 

yu 

mu 

hu 

nu 

tsu 

su 

ku 

u 

X 

IX 

JC 

T 

X 

7 

J1 

we 

re 

ye 

me 

ho 

ne 

te 

fie 

ke 

e 

P 

/ 

h 

y 

n 

t 

•wo 

ro 

yo 

mo 

ho 

no 

to 

so 

ko 

0 

JAPANESE  SYLLABARY. 


written  language  by  expressing  it  in  symbols  repre- 
senting sounds.  Forty-seven  letters — by  repe- 

tition extended  to  fifty — each  representing  a syllable, 
are  used  to  express  Japanese  words. 

The  castle  of  Yedo  was  reconstructed  and  enlarged 
after  the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  while  leyasu  con- 

' An  accurate  and  amusing  account  of  the  printing  of  a modern 
newspaper  in  Japan  is  given  in  Mr.  Henry  Norman  s Real  Japan,  p. 
43  p/  seq. 


FEUDALISM  IM  /A PAM. 


275 


tinued  to  reside  at  Fushimi.  The  Jesuit  fathers, 
who  accompanied  the  Father  Provincial  on  his  visit 
to  leyasu,  assert  that  300,000  men  were  employed  in 
this  work.  Very  much  of  the  ground  where  the 
present  city  of  Tokyo  now  stands,  was  then,  accord- 
ing to  old  maps,  covered  with  water.  In  excavating 
the  moat  which  surrounds  the  castle,  and  the  canals 
connecting  this  moat  with  the  Sumida-gawa,  immense 
quantities  of  earth  were  obtained,  which  were  used 
to  fill  up  lagoons  and  to  reclaim  from  the  shallow 
bay  portions  which  have  now  become  solid  land. 
This  work  of  building  the  castle  and  fitting  the  city 
for  the  residence  of  a great  population,  was  carried 
on  by  many  of  the  successors  of  leyasu.  The  third 
shogun,  lemitsu,  the  grandson  of  leyasu,  made  great 
improvements  both  to  the  castle  and  the  city,  so  that 
the  population  and  position  of  Yedo  in  no  long  time 
placed  it  as  the  chief  city  of  the  empire.' 

The  task  to  which  leyasu  devoted  himself  during 
the  years  of  his  residence  at  Yedo  was  that  of  con- 
solidating and  settling  the  feudal  system  of  the 
empire.  The  daimyos  had  for  centuries  been  so 
accustomed  to  conduct  themselves  independently, 
and  to  govern  each  his  own  province  in  his  own  way, 
that  they  might  be  expected  to  resent  any  efforts 
to  restrict  their  action.  Fortunately  leyasu  was  a 
mild  and  temperate  man,  who,  while  he  could  act 

' For  a history  of  the  city  of  Yedo,  and  reference  to  the  disasters 
to  which  it  has  been  subject  from  fires,  earthquakes,  and  pestilences, 
see  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  6.  See  also  “ The  Castle  of 
Yedo,”  by  T.  R.  H.  McClatchie,  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol. 
vi.,  part  I,  and  “The  Feudal  Mansions  of  Asiatic  Society 

Transactions,  vol.  vii.,  part  3. 


276 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


with  firmness,  was  most  considerate  of  the  feelings 
and  motives  of  others.  After  the  decisive  victory  of 
Sekigahara  he  readily  and  cordially  made  terms  with 
his  enemies,  and  did  not  show  himself  rapacious  in 
exacting  from  them  undue  penalties  for  their  hostil- 
ity. To  the  daimyo  of  Satsuma,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  he  restored  the  entire  territory  which  Taiko 
Sama  had  given  him.  The  daimyo  of  Choshu  was 
allowed  to  keep  two  of  the  provinces  out  of  the  ten 
which  he  had  acquired  by  conquest,  yet  these  two 
made  him  still  one  of  the  richest  and  most  powerful 
princes  in  the  empire.  With  others  he  dealt  in  the 
same  liberal  spirit,  so  that  out  of  the  old  proud 
daimyos  whom  he  spared  and  permitted  to  continue 
in  their  holdings,  he  created  for  himself  a body  of 
fast  friends. 

But  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  end  leyasu 
had  in  view  was  to  establish  a system  which  should 
continue  loyal  to  his  successors,  and  to  a line  of 
successors  who  should  be  of  his  own  family.  Hence 
out  of  the  confiscated  territories,  and  out  of  those 
which  were  in  part  vacated  as  a fine  on  the  former 
holders,  and  out  of  those  which  had  become  vacant 
by  natural  causes,  he  carved  many  fiefs  with  which 
he  endowed  members  of  his  own  family  and  those 
retainers  who  \vere  closely  affiliated  with  him.  He 
had  twelve  children,’  nine  sons  and  three  daughters. 
The  daughters  were  married  to  three  daimyos.  The 
oldest  of  his  sons,  Nobuyasu,  had  died  at  an  early 
age.  His  second  son,  Hideyasu,  had  been  adopted 
by  Taiko  Sama,  and  to  him  leyasu  gave  the  province 

’ See  Dickson’s  Japan,  p.  294. 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


277 


of  Echizen  as  his  fief.  The  third  son,  Hidetada, 
who  shared  with  his  father  the  command  of  the 
forces  at  the  battle  Sekigahara,  had  married  a 
daughter  of  Taiko  Sama,  and  succeeded  his  father 
as  shogun.  On  his  youngest  three  sons  he  bestowed 
the  rich  provinces  of  Owari,  Kii,  and  Mito,  and  con- 
stituted the  families  to  which  they  gave  rise  as  the 
Go-san-k^,  or  the  three  honorable  families.  In  case 
of  a failure  in  the  direct  line,  the  heir  to  the  sho- 
gunate  was  to  be  chosen  from  one  of  these  families. 

Without  undertaking  to  give  a detailed  account  of 
the  feudal  system  as  modified  and  established  by 
leyasu,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  give  the  classes  of 
daimyos  as  they  continued  to  exist  under  the  Toku- 
gawa  shogunate.'  It  must  be  understood  that 
feudalism  existed  in  Japan  before  the  time  of 
leyasu.  It  can  be  traced  to  the  period  when  Yori- 
tomo  obtained  from  the  emperor  permission  to  send 
into  each  province  a shiiigo  who  should  be  a military 
man,  and  should  act  as  protector  of  the  kokushu  or 
governor,  who  was  always  a civilian  appointed  by 
the  emperor.  These  military  protectors  were  pro- 
vided with  troops,  for  the  pay  of  whom  Yoritomo 
got  permission  from  the  emperor  to  levy  a tax. 
Being  active  men,  and  having  troops  under  their 
command,  they  gradually  absorbed  the  entire  au- 
thority, and  probably  in  most  cases  displaced  the 

' Those  who  desire  a fuller  explanation  of  this  complicated  and 
difficult  matter  are  referred  to  Dr.  Yoshida’s  Staatsverfassung  und 
Lehnwesen  von  Japan,  Hague,  1890,  and  to  the  paper  on  “The  Feudal 
System  in  Japan,”  by  J.  H.  Gubbins,  Esq.,  Asiatic  Society  Transac- 
tions, vol.  XV.,  part  2 ; also  to  the  introduction  by  Professor  Wig- 
more,  do,,  vol.  XX.,  Supplement,  p.  25. 


278 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


kokushfi,  who  only  represented  the  powerless  gov- 
ernment at  Kyoto.  Under  the  disturbed  times 
which  followed  the  fall  of  the  house  of  Yoritomo 
these  shiugo  became  the  hereditary  military  gov- 
ernors of  the  provinces,  and  usurped  not  only  the 
functions  but  the  name  of  kokusJm.  They  became 
a class  of  feudal  barons  who,  during  the  interval 
when  no  central  authority  controlled  them,  governed 
each  one  his  own  province  on  his  own  responsibility. 
Even  after  the  establishment  of  a central  authority, 
and  continuously  down  to  the  abolition  of  feudalism, 
the  government  of  the  people  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  daimyo  of  each  province.  The  assessment  of 
taxes,  the  construction  of  roads  and  bridges,  the 
maintenance  of  education,  the  punishment  of  crime, 
the  collection  of  debts,  the  enforcement  of  contracts, 
and  indeed  the  whole  circle  of  what  was  denomi- 
nated law  were  in  the  hands  of  the  local  government. 
In  truth,  in  Japan  as  in  other  feudal  countries  there 
was  scarely  such  a thing  as  law  in  e.xistence.  The 
customs  that  prevailed,  the  common-sense  decisions 
of  a magistrate,  the  final  determinations  of  the  dai- 
myo, were  authoritative  in  every  community.  And 
in  all  these  each  province  was  in  a great  degree  a 
law  unto  itself. 

The  classes  of  daimyos  as  arranged  and  established 
by  leyasu  were  not  altered  by  his  successors,  al- 
though the  number  included  under  each  class  was 
liable  to  minor  changes.  Before  leyasu’s  time  there 
were  three  classes  of  daimyos,  viz. : eighteen  koku- 
shu,  who  may  be  termed  lords  of  provinces,  thirty- 
two  rydshii  or  lords  of  smaller  districts,  and  two 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


279 


hundred  and  twelve  jdshu  or  lords  of  castles,  that  is 
two  hundred  and  sixty-two  in  all.  The  distinction 
between  the  first  two  was  one  of  rank,  but  the  third 
differed  from  the  others  in  the  fact  that  the  assessment 
in  each  case  was  less  than  100,000  kdku  of  rice.  The 
number  of  kokushu  daimiates  was  increased  by  the 
addition  of  Kii  and  Owari,  to  which  leyasu  appointed 
two  of  his  sons  as  daimyos.  A third  son  he  appointed 
daimyo  of  Mito,  which  was  already  of  the  kokushil 
rank.  He  vacated  this  place  by  compelling  the  pre- 
vious holder  to  accept  in  place  of  it  another  daimiate 
of  equivalent  value. 

leyasu  divided  all  daimyos  into  two  distinct 
classes,  the  fudai  and  the  tozama.  The  term  fiidai 
was  used  to  designate  those  who  were  considered 
the  vassals  of  the  Tokugawa  family.  The  tozama 
daimyos  were  those  who  were  considered  as  equal  to 
the  vassals  of  the  Tokugawa  family,  but  who  were 
not  in  fact  vassals.  Of  the  former  there  were 
originally  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven,  and  of  the 
latter  eighty-six.'  Twenty-one  of  the  fudai  daimyos 
were  relatives  of  the  shogun’s  family,  of  whom  three, 
as  has  been  stated,  were  the  “ honorable  families.” 
All  the  others,  numbering  eighteen,  bore  the  name 
of  Matsudaira,  one  of  the  family  names  of  leyasu, 
derived  from  a small  village  in  the  province  of 


' In  the  Legacy  of  leyasu  will  be  found  the  following  statement : 
“The  fudai  are  those  samurai  who  followed  me  and  proffered  me 
their  fealty  before  the  overthrow  of  the  castle  of  Osaka  in  the  province 
of  Sesshu.  The  tozama  are  those  samurai  who  returned  and  sub- 
mitted to  me  after  its  downfall,  of  whom  there  were  eighty-six.” — 
See  Legacy  of  leyasu,  cap.  vii. 


28o 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Mikawa,  where  leyasu  was  born.  This  was  allowed 
to  them  as  a special  honor. 

We  give  here  the  classification  of  the  daimyos  as 
enumerated  by  M.  Appert  ‘ in  his  list  for  the  epoch 
about  1850 : 


1.  Go-san-k^  (three  honorable  families)  . 3 

2.  Fudai  daimyos  (vassals  of  Tokugawa 

family)  ......  137 

3.  Tozama  daimyos  (equal  to  vassals)  . 99 

4.  Kamon  (all  the  other  branches  of  Toku- 

gawa family)  . . . . .18 

5.  Daimyos,  not  classified  ...  6 

Total  . . . 263 

The  five  leading  tozama  daimyos  were  Kaga, 


Sendai,  Aizu,  Choshu,  and  Satsuma,  and  although 
they  ranked  after  the  go-san-ke,  they  had  some 
superior  advantages.  They  were  classed  as  kyaktibiin, 
or  guests,  and  whenever  they  paid  a visit  to  the 
capital  of  the  shogun,  they  were  met  by  envoys  and 
conducted  to  their  residences. 

Besides  these  daimyos  of  different  classes,  leyasu 
established  an  inferior  kind  of  feudal  nobility,  which 
was  termed  hatamoto.  This  means  literally  under 
the  flag.  They  had  small  holdings  assigned  to  them, 
and  their  income  varied  very  greatly.  Mr-.  Gubbins, 
in  his  paper,  puts  the  number  at  about  2,000.  It 
was  the  custom  to  employ  the  members  of  this 
minor  class  of  aristocracy  very  largely  in  filling  the 
official  positions  in  the  shogun’s  government.  In- 

* Atuien  Japan,  vol.  ii. 


FEUDALISM  IN'  JAPAN. 


281 


deed,  it  was  held  as  a common  maxim,  that  the 
offices  should  be  filled  by  poor  men  rather  than  by 
rich.'  The  gokeyiin,  numbering  about  5,000,  were 
still  another  class  who  were  inferior  to  the  hatamoto. 
They  had  small  incomes,  and  were  mostly  employed 
in  subordinate  positions.  Beneath  these  again  stood 
the  ordinary  fighting  men,  or  common  samurai,  who 
were  the  retainers  of  the  daimyos  and  of  the  shogun. 
They  were  the  descendants  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
time  of  Yoritomo,  who  appointed  shingo  to  reside 
with  a company  of  troops  in  each  province,  for  the 
purpose  of  keeping  the  peace.  They  had  already 
grown  to  claim  a great  superiority  over  the  common 
people,  and  leyasu  encouraged  them  in  this  feeling 
of  superciliousness.  The  people  were  divided  into 
four  classes,  arranged  in  the  following  order: 
samurai,  farmers,  artisans,  and  merchants.  And  in 
his  Legacy  leyasu  thus  expresses  himself’:  “The 

samurai  are  masters  of  the  four  classes.  Farmers, 
artisans,  and  merchants  may  not  behave  in  a rude 
manner  towards  samurai  . . . and  a samurai  is 

not  to  be  interfered  with  in  cutting  down  a fellow 
who  has  behaved  to  him  in  a manner  other  than  is 
expected.”  Again  he  says’:  “A  girded  sword  is 

the  living  soul  of  a samurai” 

The  authority  coming  from  so  high  and  so  revered 
a source  did  not  grow  less  during  the  centuries  of 
feudalism  which  followed.  The  samurai  did  not 
fail  to  use  all  the  privileges  which  were  allowed  them 

' Dickson’s  Japan,  p.  303. 

* See  Legacy  of  leyasu,  cap.  xiv. 

* See  Legacy  of  leyasu,  cap.  xxxvii. 


282 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


by  leyasu’s  testamentary  law.  Especially  in  the 
large  cities  where  great  numbers  of  them  were  gath- 
ered, and  where  idleness  led  them  into  endless  evil 
practices,  the  arrogance  and  overbearing  pride  of  the 
samurai  made  them  an  intolerable  nuisance.  Never- 
theless  it  must  be  allowed  that  nearly  all  that  was 
good,  and  high-minded,  and  scholarly  in  Japan  was 
to  be  found  among  the  ranks  of  the  feudal  retainers. 
It  is  to  them  that  the  credit  must  be  given  of 
the  great  changes  and  improvements  which  have 
been  initiated  since  Japan  was  opened  up  to  for- 
eigners. They  were  the  students  who  went  out  into 
the  world  to  learn  what  western  science  had  to  teach 
them.  They  have  been  pioneers  in  a return  to  a 
central  authority  and  to  the  experiment  of  a rep- 
resentative government,  and  to  the  principles  of 
freedom  and  toleration  to  which  the  country  is 
committed.  To  them  Japan  owes  its  ancient  as 
well  as  its  modern  system  of  education.  Its  old 
stores  of  literature,  it  is  true,  are  not  due  to  them, 
but  surely  all  its  modern  development  in  newspapers, 
magazines,  history,  political  science,  and  legal  and 
commercial  codes,  is  to  be  traced  to  the  adaptability 
and  energy  of  the  old  samurai  class. 

The  samurai  had  the  privilege  of  carrying  two 
swords  ; the  principal  one  {katana)  was  about  four 
feet  long,  nearly  straight,  but  slightly  curved  toward 
the  point,  the  blade  thick  and  ground  to  a keen 
though  blunt  edge.  It  was  carried  in  a scabbard 
thrust  through  the  obi  or  belt  on  the  left  side,  with 
the  edge  uppermost.  Besides  the  katana  the  sanmrai 
carried  also  a short  sword  about  nine  and  a half 


f 

I 


i 


SWORD-MAKER. 


284 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


inches  long,  called  wakizashi.  The  blade  of  the 
sword  was  fastened  to  the  hilt  by  a pin  of  wood 
and  could  be  readily  detached.  On  the  part  of  the 
blade  inserted  in  the  hilt,  the  maker’s  name  was  al- 
ways inscribed,  and  it  was  a special  matter  of  pride 
when  he  was  one  of  the  famous  sword-smiths  of 
Japan.  The  most  noted  makers  were  Munechika, 
Masamune,  Yoshimitsu,  and  Muramasa,  who  ranged 
from  the  tenth  down  through  the  fourteenth  cen- 
tury. The  quality  of  the  Japanese  sword  has  been 
a matter  of  national  pride,  and  the  feats  which  have 
been  accomplished  by  it  seem  almost  beyond  belief. 
To  cleave  at  one  blow  three  human  bodies  laid  one 
upon  another;  to  cut  through  a pile  of  copper  coins 
without  nicking  the  edge,  were  common  tests  which 
were  often  tried.’ 

It  was  an  essential  part  of  the  education  of  a 
yowx\^  samurai  that  he  should  be  trained  thoroughly 
in  martial  exercises.  The  latter  part  of  every  school 
day  was  given  up  to  this  kind  of  physical  training. 
He  was  taught  to  ride  a horse,  to  shoot  with  the 
bow,  to  handle  the  spear,  and  especially  to  be  skilled 
in  the  etiquette  and  use  of  the  sword.’’  They  went 


‘ For  the  general  history  of  the  sword,  see  Mitford’s  TaUs  of  Old 
Japan,  vol.  i.,  p.  70;  T.  R.  H.  McClatchie’s,  The  sword  of  Japan, 
Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  p.  55  ; Chamberlain’s  Things 
Japanese,  1892,  p.  396.  For  the  mode  of  manufacture,  see  Rein’s 
Industries  of  Japan,  p.  430  ; and  especially  for  the  artistic  decora- 
tion of  swords,  see  Satow  and  Hawes’  Hand-book,  p.  114. 

1 have  been  told  by  a young  Satsuma  samurai  that  when  he  was  a 
boy  it  was  a test  of  skill  with  the  sword,  to  set  a chop-stick  (which 
was  about  six  inches  long)  on  its  end  and  before  it  could  fall  over  to 
draw  a sword  from  its  scabbard  and  cut  it  in  two. 


SWORU,  SPEARS.  AND  MATCHLOCK, 


286 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


through  again  and  again  the  tragic  details  of  the 
commission  of  hara-kiri,  and  had  it  impressed  on 
their  youthful  imaginations  with  such  force  and 
vividness,  that  when  the  time  for  its  actual  enact- 
ment came  they  were  able 
to  meet  the  bloody  reality 
without  a tremor  and  with 
perfect  composure.' 

The  foundation  of  the  re- 
lations between  the  feudal 
chiefs  and  their  retainers  lay 
in  the  doctrine  of  Confucius. 
The  principles  which  he  lays 
down  fitted  in  admirably  to 
the  ideas  which  the  histori- 
cal system  of  Japanese  feu- 
dalism had  made  familiar. 
They  inculcated  absolute 
submission  of  the  son  to 
the  father,  of  the  wife  to  her 
husband,  and  of  the  servant 
to  his  master,  and  in  these 
respects  Japanese  feudalism 

LANTERN.  , , 

was  a wdlmg  and  zealous 
disciple.  On  these  lines  leyasu  constructed  his  plans 
of  government,  and  his  successors  enthusiastically 
followed  in  his  footsteps. 

In  religious  belief  the  nation  by  the  time  of  leyasu 
was  largely  Buddhistic.  Through  ten  centuries  and 


' For  an  account  of  hara-kiri  see  the  “ Story  of  the  Forty-Seven 
Ronins  ” in  Mitford’s  Tales  of  Old  Japan,  vol.  i.,  p.  i. 


287 


DAIBUTSC  AT  KAMAKURA 
(From  a photograph.) 


288 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


a half  the  active  propagation  of  this  faith  had  been 
going  on,  until  now  by  far  the  greater  number  of  the 
population  were  Buddhists.  In  his  Legacy  leyasu 
expresses  a desire  to  tolerate  all  religious  sects  ex- 
cept the  Christian.  He  says:  “ High  and  low  alike 
may  follow  their  own  inclinations  with  respect  to  re- 
ligious tenets  which  have  obtained  down  to  the  pres- 
ent time,  except  as  regards  the  false  and  corrupt 
school  (Christianity).  Religious  disputes  have  ever 
proved  the  bane  and  misfortune  of  the  empire,  and 
should  determinedly  be  put  a stop  to.”  ' 

While  he  was  therefore  tolerant  towards  all  the 
different  sects  of  Buddhism  and  towards  the  old 
Shinto  faith  of  the  country,  he  particularly  patron- 
ized the  Jodo  sect  to  which  his  ancestors  had  been 
attached,  and  to  which  he  charges  his  posterity  to 
remain  faithful.*  In  the  archives  of  the  Buddhist 
temple  Zojoji  at  Shiba  in  Tokyo  was  preserved 
an  account  written  b}^  the  head  priest  of  the  time, 
how  leyasu,  in  1590,  visited  the  temple  and  took  it 
under  his  patronage,  saying,*  “For  a general  to  be 
without  an  ancestral  temple  of  his  own  is  as  though 
he  were  forgetful  of  the  fact  that  he  must  die.  . . . 
I have  now  come  to  beg  of  you  to  let  me  make  this 
my  ancestral  temple  here.”  So  that  from  the  time 
of  leyasu  the  Jodo  was  the  authorized  sect  to  which 
the  court  of  the  shoguns  was  especially  attached, 
and  to  this  is  to  be  attributed  the  fact  that  its 

' See  Legacy  of  leyasu,  cap.  xxxi. 

^ See  Legacy  of  leyasu,  cap.  xxviii. 

’ T.  R.  H.  McClatchie,  “ The  Castle  of  Yedo,”  Asiatic  Society 
Transactions,  vol.  vi.,  part  l,  p.  131. 


BELL  AT  KYOTO. 


289 


290 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


temples  and  monasteries  in  Tokyo  have  always  been 
of  the  most  majestic  and  gorgeous  character.' 

leyasu  did  not  long  hold  the  office  of  shogun, 
which  the  emperor  had  conferred  upon  him  in  1603. 
It  is  not  easy  to  understand  why  a man,  who  was 
only  sixty-three  years  of  age  and  who  was  still  in 
vigorous  health,  should  wish  to  throw  off  the  re- 
sponsibilities of  office  and  retire  to  private  life.  We 
must  remember,  however,  that  it  was  the  custom  of 
his  country,  consecrated  by  the  usage  of  the  im- 
perial house  and  of  the  shoguns  and  regents  who  had 
preceded  him.  Morever,  though  he  surrendered  to 
his  son  the  title  of  shogun,  he  retained  in  his  own 
hands  a large  part  of  the  power  which  he  had  hitherto 
exercised. 

It  may  be  supposed  that  he  was  anxious  to  estab- 
lish the  succession  of  the  shogunate  unquestionably 
in  his  own  family.  For  this  purpose  he  deemed  it 
wise  to  initiate  a successor  while  he  still  had  the  in- 
fluence and  the  power  to  compel  the  acquiescence  of 
the  feudal  lords  of  the  empire.  Acting  upon  these 

' As  illustrative  of  Buddhism  at  its  greatest  splendor  we  give  here  the 
figures  of  the  great  bronze  image  of  Buddha  at  Kamakura,  and  of  the 
great  bell  at  the  temple  of  Daibutsu  in  Kyoto.  The  former  was 
erected  about  a.d.  1252  after  plans  initiated  by  Yoritomo  before  his 
death.  The  statue  in  its  sitting  posture  is  nearly  fifty  feet  in  height. 
It  is  constructed  of  separate  plates  of  bronze  brazed  together.  For- 
merly it  was  enclosed  in  a temple,  but  this  was  twice  destroyed  by 
tidal  waves,  and  since  its  last  destruction  in  1494  it  has  not  been  re- 
built. 

The  bell  given  in  the  illustration  is  that  at  the  temple  of  Daibutsu, 
the  inscription  on  which  is  said  to  have  offended  leyasu.  It  is  nearly 
fourteen  feet  in  height  and  nine  feet  in  diameter.  Its  weight  is  more 
than  sixty-three  tons. — See  Satow  and  Hawes’  Handbook,  p.  368. 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN, 


2QI 


considerations  leyasu,  in  1605,  retired  in  favor  of  his 
third  son  Hidetada.  He  received  from  the  emperor 
the  title  of  sei-i-tai-shogun,  which  his  father  had  held, 
leyasu  took  up  his  residence  at  Sumpu ' (now 
Shizuoka),  which  was  situated  on  Suruga  bay,  one 
hundred  and  fourteen  miles  from  the  shogun’s  capi- 
tal. Here  he  maintained  a court  and  practically  in 
all  important  matters  governed  the  country.  He 
was  free,  however,  from  the  petty  details  of  the  ad- 
ministration, and  devoted  himself  as  an  amateur  to  a 
literary  life,  to  the  collection  and  printing  of  books, 
and  to  the  encouragement  and  patronage  of  literary 
men,  in  which  he  delighted. 

In  the  meantime  important  events  had  been  tak- 
ing place  which  had  great  influence  on  the  history 
of  Japan.  The  contest  between  the  Spanish  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  Dutch  and  English  on  the  other, 
was  not  confined  to  the  Atlantic,  but  broke  out  in 
the  Pacific,  where  the  Portuguese  and  Spaniards  had 
so  long  been  predominant.  A preliminary  to  the 
opening  of  trade  with  the  Dutch  were  the  arrival  of 
William  Adams  and  his  extraordinary  experiences 
in  Japan.  As  we  learn  from  his  own  letters,”  he  was 

’ In  the  account  given  by  Don  Rodrigo  de  Vivero,  the  late  governor 
of  Manila,  of  a visit  made  in  1608  by  him  in  behalf  of  Spanish  trade, 
Yedo  is  described  as  a city  of  seven  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  and 
Sumpu,  which  he  calls  Suruga,  where  the  emperor  (as  he  denominates 
leyasu)  lived,  is  estimated  to  contain  from  five  to  six  hundred  thou- 
sand inhabitants.  He  was  so  pleased  with  the  country  through  which 
he  travelled  that  he  declares,  “ if  he  could  have  prevailed  upon  him- 
self to  renounce  his  God  and  his  king  he  should  have  preferred  that 
country  to  his  own.” — See  Hildreth’s  etc.,  pp.  145,  147. 

’ These  letters  were  written  from  Japan  between  1611  and  1617. 
They  were  printed  in  part  in  Purchas’  Pilgrimes,  and  are  included  in 


2C)2 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


born  near  Rochester  in  England,  1574,  and  when 
twelve  years  old  was  apprenticed  to  Nicholas  Dig- 
gins  as  a pilot.  With  him  he  served  for  twelve 
years,  then  took  service  as  pilot  major  of  a fleet  of 
five  sail,  which  was  about  to  be  despatched  by  the 
“ Indish  Companie  ” to  take  part  in  the  trade  of  the 
East  Indies.  This  fleet  had  a rough  time,  and  with 
fevers  and  scurvy  and  want  of  food  a great  part  of 
the  crews  of  the  five  vessels  died.  They  sailed  by 
the  way  of  the  straits  of  Magellan,  then  northward 
past  Chili,  and  westward  across  the  broad  Pacific. 
Two  of  the  ships  turned  back  at  the  straits  and 
returned  to  Holland.  A third  vessel  was  captured 
by  the  Spaniards,  and  the  pinnace  of  a fourth  was 
seized  by  eight  men,  and  run  into  some  island  on  their 
way,  supposed  to  be  one  of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and 
there  wrecked,  and  the  eight  men  probably  eaten. 
The  two  vessels  still  remaining  were  the  Hope  and 
the  Charity.  The  former  of  these  was  never  more 
heard  of.  The  sole  remaining  vessel  was  the  Charity, 
of  which  Jaques  Maihore  was  the  master,  and  Wil- 
liam Adams  was  the  pilot.  Sickness,  especially  the 
scurvy,  which  was  the  frightful  scourge  on  board  the 
ve.ssels  of  that  day,  had  reduced  the  crew,  so  that 
only  four  were  able  to  walk,  of  whom  Adams  was 
one,  and  four  more  could  creep  on  their  knees. 

In  this  condition  they  reached,  on  the  eleventh 
of  April,  1600,  the  northeastern  coast  of  the  island 
of  Kyushu,  landing  in  the  province  of  Bungo,  whose 

the  publications  of  the  Hackluyt  Society,  h rom  the  latter  source 
they  were  printed  in  pamphlet  form  by  the  Japan  Gazette  at  \ oko- 
hama,  1879.  It  is  from  this  last  source  these  references  are  taken. 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


293 


prince  in  earlier  days  had  been  the  friend  and  patron 
of  the  Portuguese  Jesuits.  They  were  kindly  re- 
ceived, the  governor  of  the  district  furnishing  a 
guard  to  protect  their  property — too  late  however 
for  the  preservation  of  much  of  it — and  a house  in 
which  the  sick  could  be  cared  for.  In  a few  days  a 
Portuguese  Jesuit  and  other  Portuguese  arrived 
from  Nagasaki,  through  whom  the  Dutch  could 
communicate  with  the  natives.  The  national  and 
religious  animosity  between  the  strangers  and  their 
interpreters  could  not  fail,  however,  to  manifest 
itself.  The  Portuguese  tried  to  create  the  impres- 
sion that  the  refugees  were  pirates  and  unworthy  of 
protection  and  help. 

In  accordance  with  the  usual  custom,  word  was 
immediately  sent  to  leyasu  (whom  Adams  calls  the 
emperor),  who  at  this  time  was  at  the  castle  of 
Osaka.  He  sent  boats  to  Bungo,  by  which  Adams 
and  one  of  the  crew  were  conveyed  to  his  castle. 
Adams  gives  an  interesting  account  of  his  reception, 
of  the  questions  asked  concerning  his  country,  and 
its  relations  to  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese.  He 
took  occasion  to  explain,  that  the  object  of  the 
Dutch  in  entering  the  East  was  purely  that  of  trade, 
that  they  had  in  their  own  country  many  commodi- 
ties which  they  would  be  glad  to  exchange  for  the 
products  of  the  eastern  nations. 

After  this  interview  Adams  was  kept  thirty-nine 
days  in  prison,  expecting  to  suffer  the  punishment 
of  crucifixion,  which  he  understood  was  the  common 
mode  of  disposing  of  such  characters.  He  found 
afterwards  that  the  Portuguese  had  been  using  means 


294 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


to  poison  the  mind  of  leyasu  by  representing  them 
as  dangerous  characters,  and  recommending  that  all 
the  refugees  should  be  put  to  death  as  a warning  to 
others.  But  he  tells  us ' that  leyasu  answered  them, 
that  “ we  as  yet  had  done  to  him  nor  to  none  of  his 
lands  any  harm  or  dammage  [and  it  w^as]  against 
Reason  and  Justice  to  put  us  to  death.  If  our 
countreys  had  warres  the  one  with  the  other,  that 
was  no  cause  that  he  should  put  us  to  death.” 

While  Adams  was  thus  kept  in  prison,  the  Charity 
had  been  brought  to  Sakai,  near  to  Osaka.  Finally 
he  was  set  at  liberty,  and  suffered  to  revisit  his  ship, 
where  he  found  the  captain  and  remnant  of  the 
crew.  The  goods  and  clothing  on  board  had  been 
stolen  by  the  natives,  which  leyasu  tried  to  recover 
for  them.  But  everything  had  been  so  scattered 
that  it  was  impossible  to  regain  it,  “ savinge  50,000 
Rs  in  reddy  money  was  commanded  to  be  geven 
us”  [as  compensation].  After  this  settlement  they 
were  ordered  to  sail  with  their  ship  to  the  “ land  of 
Quanto  and  neere  to  the  citie  Eddo,”  whither 
leyasu  was  about  to  proceed  by  land.  Here  they 
had  a mutiny  among  their  men,  which  ended  in  the 
entire  disbanding  of  the  crew,  and  the  dividing  up 
among  them  the  money  which  they  had  received  for 
their  goods.  Each  man  was  left  to  shift  for  himself. 
The  captain  got  permission  to  sail  in  a Japanese 
junk  to  Patan,  where  he  hoped  to  meet  Dutch 
vessels. 

Adams  himself  was  kept  about  the  shogun’s  court, 

’ First  letter  of  Adams  in  pamphlet  edition.  Yokohama,  1878 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


295 


and  was  made  useful  in  various  ways.  His  first 
achievement  was  to  build  a vessel  of  about  eighteen 
tons  burthen,  which  gained  him  great  favor,  in 
which  he  made  several  short  voyages.  Then  in  1609, 
by  command  of  the  shogun,  he  built  another  ship  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  tons  burthen,  which  also 
was  a successful  venture.  For  it  so  happened  that 
the  governor  of  Manila  was  on  his  way  to  Nova 
Spania  ’ in  a large  ship  of  one  thousand  tons  burthen, 
and  was  wrecked  on  the  east  coast  of  Japan,  in  the 
province  of  Shimosa.  The  governor  and  those  of 
his  comrades  who  were  saved  from  the  shipwreck 
were  sent  on  to  Acapulco  in  the  ship  which  Adams 
had  just  built.  In  the  year  following,  the  governor, 
in  recognition  of  their  kindness  to  him,  sent  back  to 
the  Japanese  government  a much  larger  vessel  as  a 
present,  the  original  being  sent  to  and  retained  at 
Manila. 

Adams  was  a straightforward,  honest  fellow,  and 
commended  himself  to  leyasu  by  usefulness  not 
only  in  such  matters  as  building  ships,  but  in  fur- 
nishing information  concerning  foreign  affairs,  which 
at  this  time  were  pressing  on  the  government.  In 
order  to  render  him  more  content,  leyasu  gave  him 
a small  holding  at  Hemi,  near  the  present  town  of 
Yokosuka,  a few  hours’  sail  from  Yedo.  He  himself 
speaks  of  this  property  as  “ a living  like  unto  a lord- 

‘ This  name,  Nova  Spania  or  New  Spain,  was  first  given  to  the 
peninsula  of  Yucatan,  and  was  afterward  extended  to  the  territory  of 
Mexico  conquered  by  Cortez.  Finally  it  was  given  to  all  the  Spanish 
provinces  extending  on  the  Pacific  coast  from  Panama  to  Van  Couver’s 
island.  Acapulco  was  the  principal  harbor  on  the  Pacific  coast. — See 
Prescott’s  Conquest  of  Mexico. 


296 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ship  in  England,  with  eighty  or  ninety  husbandmen, 
that  be  as  my  slav'es  or  servants.”*  He  probably 
also  had  a residence  in  Yedo,  for  there  is  to  this  day 
a street  called  An-jin-cho,  or  Pilot  Street,  near  Nihon- 
bashi,  which  is  popularly  believed  to  have  been  the 
street  in  which  Adams  lived.  He  himself  says  that 
he  was  known  among  the  Japanese  as  “ An-gin 
Sama,”  or  Mr.  Pilot.  To  console  himself  for  the  loss 
of  his  wife  and  children  left  in  England,  he  married 
a Japanese  wife,  who,  with  several  children,  is  men- 
tioned by  Captain  Cocks  in  the  visit  above  referred 
to.  Notwithstanding  his  frequent  endeavors  to  get 
back  to  England,  he  was  never  able  to  return,  but 
after  much  important  service  both  to  the  Dutch  and 
English,  to  which  we  shall  refer  below,  he  died  May 
6,  1620.’* 

The  first  appearance  of  the  Dutch  after  Adams’ 
shipwreck,  as  above  described,  was  in  1609,  when 
the  Red  Lion  and  the  yacht  Griffon  arrived  at  Hi- 
rado.  They  were  well  received  by  the  daimyo,  and 

’ Captain  Cocks  in  his  “ Diarj',”  contained  in  Pnrchas’  Pilgrimes, 
part  I,  book  iv.,  gives  an  account  of  a visit  he  made  to  Yedo  in  1616, 
on  the  business  of  the  English  trade,  at  which  time  he  visited  Adams' 
seat,  which  he  calls  “ Phebe,”  doubtless  mistaking  the  sound  of  the 
real  name  “ Meni.”— See  Chamberlain’s  Things  Japanese,  1892, 
p.  15. 

^ His  place  of  burial  was  identified  in  1872  by  Mr.  James  Walter 
of  Yokohama  on  a beautiful  hill  near  Yokosuka,  where  both  he  and 
his  Japanese  wife  lie  buried.  His  will,  which  was  deposited  in  the 
archives  of  the  East  India  Company  in  London,  divided  his  estate 
equally  between  his  Japanese  and  English  families.  His  Japanese 
landed  estate  was  probably  inherited  by  his  Japanese  son.  His 
personal  estate  is  stated  at  about  five  hundred  pounds  sterling. — See 
Letters  of  William  Adams,  p.  39. 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN.  297 

a deputation  was  sent  to  Yedo  to  visit  the  shogun. 
Adams,  in  his  second  letter,  speaks  of  their  being 
“ received  in  great  friendship,  making  conditions 
with  the  emperor  (shogun)  yearly  to  send  a ship  or 
two.”  They  were  given  a letter  addressed  to  the 
“ King  of  Holland,”  with  which  they  went  back, 
arriving  home  July,  1610.  This  letter,  among  other 
things,  promises,  “ that  they  (your  subjects),  in  all 
places,  countries,  and  islands  under  mine  obedience, 
may  traffic  and  build  homes  serviceable  and  needful 
for  their  trade  and  merchandises,  where  they  may 
trade  without  any  hindrance  at  their  pleasure,  as 
well  in  time  to  come  as  for  the  present,  so  that  no 
man  shall  do  them  any  wrong.  And  I will  maintain 
and  defend  them  as  mine  own  subjects.”  ’ 

In  accordance  with  this  agreement  the  first  vessel 
to  arrive  was  a small  yacht  in  July,  1611.  A deputa- 
tion from  this  vessel  also  went  to  visit  the  shogun 
and  the  retired  shogun.  It  so  chanced  that  a Portu- 
guese party  had  preceded  them  by  a few  days. 
These  deputations  met  at  the  court  of  leyasu.  By 
the  assistance  of  Adams,  who  was  ready  to  do  a 
favor  to  his  old  friends,  the  Dutch  were  kindly  wel- 
comed by  the  ex-shogun’s  court,  and  in  spite  of  the 
hostility,  or  perhaps  aided  by  the  hostility,  of  the 
Portuguese,  they  received  from  him  a patent  for 
continued  trade.  As  given  in  Kaempfer  in  transla- 
tion it  is  as  follows  : 

“All  Dutch  ships  that  come  into  my  empire  of 
Japan,  whatever  place  or  port  they  may  put  into, 

' Hildreth’s  Japan,  etc.,  p.  142,  quoted  from  Purchas,  vol.  i.,  p. 
406. 


298 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


we  do  hereby  expressly  command  all  and  every  one 
of  our  subjects  not  to  molest  the  same  in  any  way, 
nor  to  be  a hindrance  to  them  ; but,  on  the  contrary, 
to  show  them  all  manner  of  help,  favor  and  assist- 
ance. Every  one  shall  beware  to  maintain  the  friend- 
ship, in  assurance  of  which  we  have  been  pleased  to 
give  our  imperial  word  to  these  people  ; and  every 
one  shall  take  care  that  our  commands  and  promises 
be  inviolably  kept. 

“Dated  (in  Japanese  equivalent  to)  August  30, 
161 1.”  ‘ 

This  was  the  authority  on  which  the  Dutch  trade 
in  Japan  began,  and  under  which,  with  many  changes 
and  vicissitudes,  it  continued  to  the  time  when  the 
country  was  opened  by  treaty  to  foreign  nations. 

The  effort  made  by  English  merchants  to  open  a 
trade  with  the  Japanese  was  made  only  a little  after 
this  time.  Indeed,  it  is  said  that  the  report  brought 
back  by  the  Dutch  in  the  Red  Lion  concerning 
Adams’  presence  and  influence  in  Japan,  gave  the 
impulse  which  started  an  expedition  under  Captain 
John  Saris  in  January,  1611.  Saris  was  an  old 
adventurer  in  the  East,  and  therefore  fitted  to 
encounter  the  varied  experiences  of  his  proposed 
trip.  He  carried  a letter  from  James  I.,  then  king 
of  England,  to  leyasu  the  retired  shogun.  At  Ban- 
tarn  on  his  way  he  found  that  Adams’  first  letter,  “ 
contained  in  the  collection  of  his  letters,  and  dated 
October  22,  1611,  had  just  been  received  by  the 

' Hildreth’s  Japan,  etc.,  p.  157. 

^ See  Letters  of  William  Adams,  No.  l. 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


299 


English  merchants.  It  encouraged  Saris  to  push  on 
in  his  expedition.  He  arrived  at  Hirado,  June,  1613, 
where  the  daimyo  welcomed  him  and  immediately 
sent  off  a special  messenger  to  the  shogun’s  court  to 
summon  Adams  to  their  aid.  He  came  at  once,  and 
by  his  advice  Captain  Saris  with  a party  set  out  to 
pay  his  respects  to  the  retired  shogun.  He  gives  an 
interesting  account'  of  this  journey  and  visit,  which 
resulted  in  a charter  of  privileges  “ for  the  London 
East  India  Company  to  trade  in  any  port  of  the 
empire.  Having  arranged  to  his  great  satisfaction 
this  important  matter  he  returned  to  Hirado,  where 
he  established  a factory  to  serve  as  the  basis  for 
future  English  trade.  In  this,  however,  he  encoun- 
tered no  little  opposition  from  the  Dutch  traders, 
who  had  a factory  in  the  same  place.  For  while 
these  enterprising  nations,  who  had  been  allies  in  the 
days  of  the  Armada,  could  combine  very  readily  in 
opposition  to  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese,  it  was 
not  easy  for  either  of  them  to  look  on  complacently 
while  the  other  secured  for  itself  superior  advantages 
in  the  matter  of  trade.  Captain  Saris  tried  to  come 
to  some  agreement  with  his  rivals,  so  that  the  prices 
of  commodities  might  be  kept  up,  but  he  was  com- 
pelled to  see  the  Dutch  factory,  in  order  to  crowd 
him  out  of  the  field,  putting  the  goods  which  they 
had  for  sale  at  prices  which  were  ruinous  to  both. 
Having  established  matters,  however,  on  as  satisfac- 
tory a footing  as  he  could  arrange,  and  having  left 

' See  Purchas’  Pilgrimes,  part  i,  book  iv. 

These  privileges  are  given  in  full  by  Hildreth,  p.  169,  taken 
from  Purchas. 


300 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


his  comrade,  Captain  Cocks,  in  charge  of  the  English 
factory,  he  sailed  for  home. 

The  subsequent  events  in  the  history  of  English 
trade  with  Japan  may  as  well  be  traced  here.  The 
relations  of  the  English  and  Dutch  in  the  East  grew 
steadily  more  inimical.  Perhaps  this  was  due  to  the 
increasing  rivalry  in  trade  and  navigation  which 
prevailed  between  them  at  home.  In  1617  the 
London  East  India  Company  fitted  out  an  expedi- 
tion of  five  large  vessels.  This  fleet  arrived  in  the 
East  in  the  summer  of  the  following  year.  After 
much  hostile  skirmishing  in  which  the  Dutch  ob- 
tained the  permanent  advantage,  and  the  English 
commander  was  about  to  retire,  word  was  brought 
to  them  from  Europe  that  a peace  had  been  arranged 
between  the  two  countries.  The  English  and  Dutch 
vessels  accordingly  sailed  to  Japan,  where  they  took 
a hand  at  trade  ; because  in  those  days  ships  always 
were  sent  to  the  East  prepared  either  to  fight  or 
trade  as  the  case  required.  But  this  amicable  ar- 
rangement did  not  last  many  years.  The  massacre 
at  the  Spice  Islands  in  1623,  for  which  Cromwell 
afterward  exacted  an  indemnity,  ended  all  attempts 
at  co-operation  in  the  East.  Soon  after  this  the 
English  company  withdrew  entirely  from  the  Japan- 
ese trade,  having  lost  in  the  effort  forty  thousand 
pounds.  The  Dutch  were  thus  left  without  a rival, 
and  we  shall  see  on  what  conditions  and  at  what 
sacrifices  they  continued  to  maintain  their  mo- 
nopoly. 

During  the  period  of  leyasu’s  retirement,  which 
lasted  from  1605  until  his  death  in  1616,  he  devoted 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


301 


himself,  as  we  have  seen,  to  the  consolidation  of  his 
family  dynasty  and  to  such  literary  occupations  as 
his  leisure  allowed.  He  was  a patron  of  the  art  de- 
rived from  Korea,  which  then  was  popular  in  Japan, 
of  printing  with  movable  types.'  This  art  fell  into 
disuse  afterwards,  but  during  leyasu’s  retirement  in 
Sumpu  he  interested  himself  in  printing  with  blocks 
as  well  as  by  the  new  method.  When  he  died  he 
was  engaged  in  seeing  through  the  press  an  edition 
of  an  important  Chinese  work. 

He  left  behind  him  a document,  called  the  Legacy 
of  leyasu,  which  to  those  desirous  of  studying  the 
character  and  motives  of  the  founder  of  the  Toku- 
gawa  dynasty  possesses  a supreme  interest.  Some 
doubt  has  been  thrown  by  Japanese  critics  on  the 
authenticity  of  this  composition.  It  has  been  as- 
serted that  it  was  not  the  work  of  leyasu  and  there- 
fore not  worthy  of  the  reverence  in  which  it  has  been 
held.  But  whether  the  Legacy"^  was  originally  com- 
posed by  him  or  approved  and  sanctioned  by  him, 
matters  little  for  our  purpose.  It  dates  from  the 
time  of  the  founding  of  the  Tokugawa  shogunate, 

' Mr.  Satow  has  collected  many  facts  concerning  the  history  of 
printing  in  Japan,  and  among  others  has  shown  that  printing  with 
movable  type  in  Korea  was  used  as  early  as  1317,  that  is  one  hundred 
and  twenty-six  years  before  the  date  of  the  first  printed  book  in 
Europe. — Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  x.,  p.  63. 

^ A translation  of  this  document  was  made  by  Mr.  J.  F.  Lowder 
and  published  in  Yokohama  in  1874.  We  are  indebted  to  W.  E. 
Grigsby,  Esq.,  formerly  professor  of  law  in  the  University  of  Tokyo, 
for  a valuable  paper  on  the  Legacy  of  leyasu  in  which  a careful  analy- 
sis is  given  and  a comparison  of  its  details  is  made  with  the  provisions 
for  the  regulation  of  early  communities  elsewhere. — See  Asiatic 
Society  Transactions,  vol.  iii.,  part  2,  p.  131. 


302 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


and  has  been  an  unimpeachable  authority  during  all 
Its  history.  One  of  the  singular  features  in  the  dis- 
position of  the  Legacy,  to  which  Professor  Grigsby 
directs  attention,  was  the  secrecy  in  which  it  was 
kept.  The  original  was  preserved  in  Kyoto  and 
w'as  never  seen,  while  an  authenticated  copy  was 
kept  at  the  shogun’s  court  in  Yedo,  and  once  a year 
was  open  to  the  inspection  of  all  above  a certain 
rank.  To  us  it  seems  unaccountable  that  a body  of 
so-called  laws,  by  which  the  conduct  of  men  was  to 
be  guided,  should  be  kept  secret  from  them.  But 
it  must  be  remembered  that  in  those  days  there 
were  no  such  things  as  laws  in  the  sense  we  now 
understand  the  term.  There  were  magistrates  who 
heard  causes  and  complaints,  but  their  decisions 
were  based  not  on  laws  which  had  been  enacted  by 
the  government,  but  upon  prevailing  custom  and 
upon  the  innate  sense  of  justice  which  was  assumed 
to  be  present  in  the  mind  of  every  man.  Whatever 
laws  or  rules  therefore  w'ere  in  existence  were  not 
for  the  information  of  the  people,  but  for  the  guid- 
ance of  the  magistrates. 

The  Legacy  of  Leyasu  consists  of  one  hundred 
chapters,  arranged  without  any  attempt  at  logical 
order.  Each  chapter  treats  of  a single,  separate 
subject,  and  is  usually  of  a very  moderate  length. 
As  Profe.ssor  Grigsby  has  pointed  out  : “ Sixteen 
chapters  consist  of  moral  maxims  and  reflections  ; 
fifty-five  are  connected  with  politics  and  administra- 
tions ; twenty-two  refer  to  legal  matters,  and  in 
seven  leyasu  relates  episodes  of  his  own  personal 
history.”  The  moral  maxims  are  quoted  chiefly 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


303 


from  the  works  of  the  Chinese  sages,  Confucius  and 
Mencius.  While  the  collection  on  the  whole  has  a 
military  aspect,  and  plainly  encourages  and  pro- 
motes the  well-being  of  a military  class,  yet  we  see 
in  it  the  mild  and  peaceful  nature  of  leyasu.  The 
fifteenth  chapter  says  : “ In  my  youth  my  sole  aim 
was  to  conquer  and  subjugate  inimical  provinces  and 
to  take  revenge  on  the  enemies  of  my  ancestors. 
Yuyo  teaches,  however,  that  ‘ to  assist  the  people  is 
to  give  peace  to  the  empire,’  and  since  I have  come 
to  understand  that  the  precept  is  founded  on  sound 
principle,  I have  undeviatingly  followed  it.  Let  my 
posterity  hold  fast  this  principle.  Any  one  turning 
his  back  upon  it  is  no  descendant  of  mine.  The 
people  are  the  foundation  of  the  empire.” 

His  estimate  of  the  social  relations  is  given  in  the 
forty-sixth  chapter,  in  which  he  says  : “ The  married 
state  is  the  great  relation  of  mankind.  One  should 
not  live  alone  after  sixteen  years  of  age,  but  should 
procure  a mediator  and  perform  the  ceremony  of 
matrimonial  alliance.  The  same  kindred,  however, 
may  not  intermarry.  A family  of  good  descent 
should  be  chosen  to  marry  into  ; for  when  a line  of 
descendants  is  prolonged,  the  foreheads  of  ancestors 
expand.  All  mankind  recognize  marriage  as  the  first 
law  of  nature.” 

The  old  custom  of  servants  and  retainers  follow- 
ing their  masters  to  death,  and  committing  suicide 
in  order  to  accompany  them,  is  referred  to  in  the 
seventy-fifth  chapter.'  It  is  not  improbable  that 

' leyasu  may  have  had  in  mind  a shocking  example  of  junshi  (dy- 
ing with  the  master)  which  occurred  in  his  own  family.  Tadayoshi, 


304 


THE  .STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


some  exhibition  of  this  custom  occasionally  was 
seen  in  the  days  of  leyasu,  for  he  very  sternly  con- 
demns it  thus  : “ Although  it  is  undoubtedly  an  an- 
cient custom  for  a vassal  to  follow  his  lord  to  death, 
there  is  not  the  slightest  reason  in  the  practice.  . . . 
These  practices  are  strictly  forbidden,  more  espe- 
cially to  primary  retainers,  and  also  to  secondary 
retainers  even  to  the  lowest.  He  is  the  opposite  of 
a faithful  servant  who  disregards  this  prohibition  ; 
his  posterity  shall  be  impoverished  by  the  confisca- 
tion of  his  property,  as  a warning  to  those  who  dis- 
obey the  laws.”  ' 

It  is  not  necessary  to  follow  in  detail  the  line  of 
Tokugawa  shoguns.  Few  of  them  impressed  them- 
selves in  any  marked  manner  on  the  history  of  their 
country.  lemitsu,  the  third  shogun,  who  was  a 
grandson  of  leyasu,  was  a man  of  great  ability,  and 
left  many  marks  of  his  talents  upon  the  empire. 
Under  his  administration  the  capital  made  great 
advances.  He  bound  the  daimyos  to  his  house  by 

his  fifth  son,  to  whom  had  been  assigned  an  estate  in  Owari,  died 
young,  and  five  of  his  retainers,  in  order  to  follow  their  master,  com- 
mitted hara-kiri  in  accordance  with  the  old  feudal  custom.  This  is 
believed  to  have  been  almost  the  last  instance  of  the  kind,  and  must 
have  touched  leyasu  very  closely. — Mikado's  Empire,  by  W.  E. 
Griffis,  D.D.,  p.  272. 

’ Notwithstanding  this  positive  prohibition  left  by  leyasu,  occasion- 
ally the  strength  of  the  old  feudal  habit  was  too  great  for  the  more 
merciful  spirit.  It  is  said  when  the  third  shogun  of  the  Tokugawa 
family  (lemitsu)  died,  two  of  the  daimyos,  Hotta  of  Sakura  and 
Abe  of  Bingo,  committed  hara-kiri.  Hotta’s  sword,  still  stained 
with  blood,  is  retained  in  the  kura  of  the  daimiate  at  Tokyo,  and  on 
the  anniversary  of  the  event  is  shown  to  the  samurai,  who  appear  on 
the  occasion  in  full  dress. 


FEUDALISM  IN  JAPAN. 


305 


requiring  them  to  maintain  residences  in  Yedo  under 
the  surveillance  of  the  government.  His  mausoleum 
is  placed  with  that  of  his  grandfather  amid  the 
august  glories  of  Nikko.  Tsunayoshi  (1681-1709) 
during  his  incumbency  was  more  than  usually  inter- 
ested in  the  peaceful  prosperity  of  his  country,  and 
is  gratefully  remembered  for  his  patronage  of  educa- 
tion and  letters.  But  on  the  whole  they  were  con- 
tent to  fill  the  office  of  shogun  in  a perfunctory 
manner,  and  to  leave  to  subordinates  the  duty  of 
governing. 

Japan  reached  the  acme  of  her  ancient  greatness 
during  the  Tokugawa  dynasty.  The  arts  which 
have  given  her  such  a deservedly  high  rank  attained 
their  greatest  perfection.  Keramics  and  lacquer, 
which  are  her  most  exquisite  arts,  achieved  a degree 
of  excellence  to  which  we  can  now  only  look  back 
with  hopeless  admiration.  Metal-work,  as  shown  in 
the  manufacture  of  bronze  and  in  the  forging  and 
mounting  of  swords,  was  scarcely  less  notable.  The 
still  higher  art  of  painting,  which  came  to  Japan 
from  China,  rose  during  the  Tokugawa  period  to  the 
rank  which  it  still  holds  in  the  estimation  of  the 
artistic  world. 

The  best  evidence,  however,  of  the  civilization  of 
a people  is  found  in  their  social  condition.  To  learn 
the  true  culture  of  a nation  it  is  necessary  to  study 
their  education  and  literature,  their  laws  and  system 
of  government,  and  their  morals  and  religion.  In 
some  of  these  particulars  it  is  still  difficult  to  obtain 
an  adequate  knowledge  of  Japan.  But  gradually 
they  are  being  revealed  to  us.  The  laws  and  legal 

90 


3o6 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


precedents  ' which  prevailed  during  the  Tokugawa 
period  have  been  unearthed  from  the  archives  of  the 
Department  of  Justice  and  are  being  published  in 
the  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society. 

The  medical  and  scientific  advancement  of  Japan 
in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  was  not 
co  ordinate  with  her  progress  in  the  arts.  They 
Avere  hampered  with  the  old  Chinese  notions  about 
a male  principle  and  a female  principle  which  were 
conceived  to  prevail  in  nature,  and  with  the  five 
elements  to  which  the  human  organs  were  supposed 
to  correspond.  Fortunately  nature  has  ways  of 
healing  diseases  in  spite  of  theories  and  drugs.  To 
this  benign  principle  must  be  assigned  the  fact  that 
the  human  race  has  survived  the  surgery  and  medica- 
ments of  mediaeval  Europe  as  well  as  mediaeval 
China  and  Japan.  In  one  particular  the  medical 
art  of  Japan  seems  to  have  been  differently,  perhaps 
better,  conducted  than  in  Europe.  It  is  narrated  by 
the  Japanese  annalists,*  that  if  a physical!  made  a 
mistake  in  his  prescription  or  in  his  directions  for 
taking  the  medicine  he  Avas  punished  by  three  years’ 
imprisonment  and  a heavy  fine  ; and  if  there  should 
be  any  impurity  in  the  medicine  prescribed  or  any 
mistake  in  the  preparation,  si.xty  lashes  Avere  inflicted 
besides  a heavy  fine. 

Three  peculiar  modes  of  medical  practice  deserve 

’ 'S&Q  Asiatic  Society  Transactions,  vol.  xx.,  Supplement,  in  which 
Prof.  J.  II.  Wigmore  has  undertaken  to  publish  the  material  dis- 
covered by  him,  with  a valuable  introduction  on  the  “ Administrative 
and  Commercial  Institutions  of  Old  Japan.” 

’ See  Whitney’s  “ Notes  on  Medical  Progress  in  Japan,”  Asiatic 
Society  Transactions,  vol.  xii.,part4,  p.  276. 


Oban. 

GOLD  COIN,  1727,  FULL  SIZE. 

Present  value  about  one  hundred  Mexican  dollars* 


3o8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


notice.  The  first  was  acupuncture,  which  consisted 
in  inserting  a thin  needle  through  the  skin  into  the 
muscles  beneath.  A second  was  the  cauterization 
by  moxa'  (Japanese  mogusd).  This  was  effected  by 
placing  over  the  spot  a small  conical  wad  of  the 
fibrous  blossoms  of  mugwort  (^Artemisia  vulgaris 
latifclid).  The  cone  was  kindled  at  the  top  and 
slowly  burned  till  it  was  consumed.  A painful 
blister  was  produced  on  the  spot,  which  was  be- 
lieved to  have  a wholesome  effect  in  the  case  of 


CAUTERIZING  WITH  MOXA. 


many  complaints.  A third  mode  of  treatment  is  the 
practice  of  massage  {amnia),  which  western  nations 
have  borrowed,  and  which  in  Japan  it  has  long  been 
the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  blind  to  apply. 

]\Iany  of  the  improved  notions  of  western  medicine 
were  introduced  by  the  Dutch,  and  this  accounts  for 
the  unprecedentedly  rapid  advance  which  this  science 
has  made  since  the  opening  of  the  country. 

' See  a description  of  this  process  in  Kaempfer’s  History  of  Japan, 
and  also  in  Whitney’s  “ Medical  Progress,”  .<4 Society  Transact 
tions,  yo\.  xii.,  part  4,  p.  289. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

COMMODORE  PERRY  AND  WHAT  FOLLOWED. 

The  most  potent  cause  which  led  to  the  breaking 
down  of  the  Tokugawa  Shogunate,  was  the  attitude 
which  the  empire  had  assumed  toward  foreign 
nations.  There  were  other  causes  which  co-operated 
with  this,  but  none  which  were  capable  of  such  far- 
reaching  and  revolutionary  effects.  We  have  seen 
that  this  attitude  was  due  to  the  fears  entertained 
concerning  the  designs  of  the  Portuguese  and  the 
Spanish.  These  fears  may  have  been  unfounded, 
but  they  were  none  the  less  real  and  operative. 
Such  fears  may  have  been  stimulated  by  the  Dutch, 
who  had  no  reason  to  deal  tenderly  with  the  fanatical 
enemies  of  the  independence  and  religion  of  their 
country.  The  spirit  of  trade  with  large  profits  was 
at  the  bottom  of  the  great  enterprises  which  were 
sent  out  from  Europe  to  the  East  and  West  Indies 
during  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  rivalry  between  the  Dutch  and  Portuguese  re- 
sulted in  the  banishment  of  the  latter,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Dutch  at  Nagasaki  in  1640.  They 
occupied  the  little  artificial  island  of  Deshima,  about 
three  acres  in  extent,  where  were  erected  their  houses, 


309 


310 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAH. 


their  offices  and  stores,  and  where  for  more  than  two 
hundred  years  their  trade  was  conducted.  And  this, 
together  with  a like  limited  arrangement  with  the 
Chinese,  was  the  sole  foreign  intercourse  allowed 
with  Japan. 

It  is  plain  now  that  this  seclusion  was  a great  mis- 
take. It  would  have  been  of  inestimable  value  to 
this  enterprising  and  progressive  people,  to  have 
kept  in  the  race  for  improvement  with  the  other 
nations  of  the  world.  They  would  not  at  this  late 
day  be  compelled,  under  a dreadful  strain  of  re- 
sources, to  provide  themselves  with  the  modern 
appliances  of  civilization.  Long  since  they  would 
have  tried  the  experiments  with  which  they  are  now 
engaged,  and  would  have  found  a way  through  the 
intricacies  of  politics  to  a free  and  stable  government. 
To  leyasu  and  his  successors  the  way  of  safety 
seemed  to  be,  to  shut  themselves  up  and  sternly 
deny  admittance  to  the  outside  world,  while  they 
continued  to  work  out  their  destiny  in  their  own 
way. 

With  whatever  shortcomings  the  Dutch  are  to  be 
charged  in  their  intercourse  with  Japan,  the  world 
owes  a great  debt  of  gratitude  to  them  for  what  they 
accomplished.  Whatever  was  known  concerning 
Japanese  history  and  civilization  down  to  the  times 
of  Commodore  Perry,  came  chiefly  from  the  Dutch. 
And  not  less  than  the  debt  of  the  rest  of  the  world 
is  that  of  Japan  herself.  Although  the  influence  of 
the  government  was  always  exerted  against  the 
admission  of  foreign  ideas,  not  a few  of  the  seeds  of 
western  civilization  were  by  them  planted  in  a fer- 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


31I 

tile  soil  and  bore  abundant  fruit.  To  Kaempfer 
and  Baron  von  Siebold  particularly  we  must  always 
look  for  our  knowledge  of  the  Japan  of  the  days  of 
its  seclusion.  Many  efforts  were  made  at  successive 
times  to  open  intercourse  by  the  representatives  of 
different  nations.  The  Russians  were  the  most  per- 
sistent, and  their  attempts  did  not  cease  until  the 
imprisonment  of  Captain  Galowin  in  1811.  In  com- 
paratively recent  times  numerous  essays  were  made 
resulting  in  disappointment.  The  American  brig 
Morrison  in  1 837,  the  British  surveying  ship  Saramang 
in  1845,  Captain  Cooper  in  1845,  Commodore  Biddle 
in  1848,  Admiral  Cecille  in  1848,  Commander  Glynn 
in  1849,  and  Commander  Matheson  in  the  same  year, 
all  made  efforts  to  communicate  with  the  govern- 
ment, but  were  rebuffed.  It  is  plain  that  affairs  were 
rapidly  verging  towards  a point  when  the  isolation  of 
Japan  must  be  given  up. 

Several  causes  contributed  to  the  creation  of  a 
special  interest  in  the  United  States  of  America, 
concerning  the  opening  of  negotiations  with  Japan. 
One  of  these  was  the  magnitude  to  which  the  whale 
fishery  had  attained,  and  the  large  financial  invest- 
ments * held  in  this  industry  by  American  citizens. 
A second  cause  was  the  opening  of  China  to  foreign 
trade  as  a result  of  the  opium  war.  But  the  most 
active  cause  was  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California 
in  1848,  and  the  consequent  development  of  that 
state  as  a centre  of  trade.  It  was  an  early  scheme 
to  run  a line  of  steamers  from  San  Francisco  to  the 
newly  opened  ports  of  China.  To  Hongkong  the 
* See  GrifEs’  Life  of  Matthew  Galbraith  Perry,  p.  296. 


312 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


distance  is  about  6,149  nautical  miles,  and  if  a steamer 
is  to  traverse  the  whole  distance  without  a break, 
she  must  carry  an  enormous  load  of  coal.  The  only 
remedy  lay  in  establishing  a coaling  station  on  the 
Japanese  islands,  and  this  could  only  be  effected 
when  Japan  abandoned  her  policy  of  seclusion  and 
entered  with  a free  heart  into  the  comity  of  nations. 

The  interest  of  the  government  and  people  of  the 
United  States  at  last  eventuated  in  the  expedition 
under  Commodore  Matthew  C.  Perry.  He  had  for 
a long  time  been  convinced  of  the  importance  and 
feasibility  of  such  an  undertaking,  and  when  he  was 
summoned  to  take  charge  of  it  he  made  the  most 
thorough  preparation  for  his  task. 

At  his  suggestion  the  government  procured  all 
available  books,  maps,  and  charts,  and  he  made  him- 
self master  of  every  conceivable  detail.  From  manu- 
facturing establishments  he  secured  models  of  rail- 
ways, telegraphic  lines,  and  other  interesting  industrial 
equipments.  He  realized  the  necessity  of  taking 
with  him  such  a naval  force  that  its  appearance  in 
Japanese  waters  would  produce  a profound  impres- 
sion upon  the  government.  And  knowing  that  all 
his  predecessors,  who  had  sought  access  by  way  of 
Nagasaki,  had  been  repelled,  he  resolved  to  avoid 
it  and  its  Portuguese  and  Dutch  traditions  and  ven- 
ture boldly  into  the  bay  of  Yedo. 

As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  a diplomatic  expedi- 
tion was  to  be  despatched  to  Japan  under  the  com- 
mand of  Commodore  Perry  he  was  deluged  with 
applications,  both  from  England  and  America,  to  be 
permitted  to  join  it. 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


313 


But  Perry  resolutely  declined  all  these  enterprising 
offers.  In  his  long  career  as  a naval  officer  he  had 
seen  the  danger  of  admitting  on  board  men-of-war 
persons  who  were  not  under  the  authority  of  the 
commander.  From  such  dangers  he  meant  to  be 
free.  He  therefore  refused  to  take  on  board  the 
ships  of  his  squadron  any  but  regularly  accredited 
officers  and  men  over  whom  he  exercised  legitimate 
control.  He  even  made  it  a rule  that  if  any  of  the 
officers  kept  diaries  during  the  progress  of  the  expe- 
dition, they  should  be  the  property  of  the  Navy 
Department  and  could  not  be  published  without  its 
permission  and  authority. 

Commodore  Perry  carried  with  him  a friendly 
letter  from  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Emperor  of  Japan,’  who  is  therein  addressed  as 
"•  Great  and  Good  Friend.”  The  letter  pointed  out 
the  contiguity  of  the  two  countries  and  the  import- 
ance of  their  friendship  and  commercial  intercourse; 
it  announced  that  Commodore  Perry  had  been  sent 
to  give  assurance  of  the  friendly  sentiment  of  the 
President,  and  to  arrange  for  privileges  of  trade,  for 
the  care  of  shipwrecked  sailors,  and  for  the  appoint- 
ment of  a convenient  port  where  coal  and  other 
supplies  might  be  obtained  by  the  vessels  of  the 
United  States. 

After  some  provoking  delays  and  disappointments 
the  expedition  sailed  from  Norfolk  on  the  24th  of 

' The  term  emperor  was  employed  in  this  letter  in  accordance 
with  the  usage  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers,  the  Dutch  writers,  and  William 
Adams,  all  of  whom  designated  the  shogun  as  emperor,  although  this 
term  could  be  properly  applied  only  to  the  Tenno  at  Kyoto. 


3H 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


November,  1852,'  proceeding  by  the  way  of  the 
cape  of  Good  Hope  to  the  China  sea.  There  taking 
on  board  Dr.  S.  Wells  Williams  as  interpreter,  and 
visiting  several  ports  in  China,  the  Bonin  islands, 
and  the  Ryukyu  islands,  they  sailed  to  Japan.  The 
squadron,  led  by  the  Susquehanna  and  followed  by 
the  Mississippi,  the  Plymouth,  and  the  Saratoga, 
entered  Yedo  bay,  July  8,  1853.“ 

The  Japanese  government  had  been  warned  of  the 
preparation  and  coming  of  this  expedition  by  the 
Dutch.  Eager  to  maintain  their  position  with  the 
government  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  addressed 
to  the  Shogun  a letter  in  1844  suggesting  the  relax- 
ation of  the  laws  excluding  foreign  nations  from 
trade.  But  in  the  following  year  he  received  an 
answer  declining  to  make  any  changes. 

With  all  the  warning,  however,  which  the  govern- 
ment had  received  and  the  preparations  which  had 
been  made  for  the  momentous  occasion,  the  appear- 
ance of  the  squadron  at  the  entrance  of  Yedo  bay 
was  an  intense  surprise.  Two  large  steam  frigates 
— the  SusquehaJina  and  the  Mississippi — and  two 
sloops-of-war  — the  Plymouth  and  the  Saratoga, — 
although  much  inferior  to  the  squadron  promised, 
composed  such  an  array  as  had  never  before  made 
its  appearance  in  Yedo  bay.  As  they  plowed  through 
the  peaceful  waters,  in  full  view  of  the  white-capped 
peak  of  Fuji-yama,  eveiy  height  and  vantage  ground 
along  the  shore  seemed  alive  with  troops  and  with 

* Official  Narrative  of  the  Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i.,  p.  8o. 

* Official  Narrative  of  the  Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i.,  p.  23X. 


COMMODORE  M.  C.  PERRY. 


315 


3i6 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


wondering  and  alarmed  inhabitants.  The  vessels 
came  to  anchor  off  the  village  of  Uraga,  which  is  not 
far  from  the  present  site  of  the  dockyards  at  Yoko- 
suka. 

The  account’  of  the  preliminary  negotiations  con- 
ducted by  Commodore  Perry  with  the  officers  of  the 
government  is  interesting,  as  showing  the  efforts  made 
by  them  to  send  him  to  Nagasaki,  and  his  absolute  re- 
fusal to  go  thither  or  conduct  his  business  through 
the  Dutch  or  Chinese.  When  there  seemed  no  other 
way,  consent  was  given  to  receive,  through  an  officer 
of  adequate  rank,  the  letter  from  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  the  Emperor  of  Japan.  When  he 
had  formally  delivered  this  letter,  he  took  his  de- 
parture with  an  intimation  that  he  would  return  at 
a future  day  and  receive  the  answer.’ 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  display  of  force 
which  Commodore  Perry  took  care  to  make  in  all 
his  transactions  with  the  Japanese  officials  at  the 
same  time  that  he  was  careful  to  convey  assurances 
of  his  friendly  purposes  and  objects,  produced  a 
deep  impression  on  the  government  with  which  he 
had  to  deal.  It  is  useless  to  deny  that  it  was  on 
this  display  of  force  that  Commodore  Perry  largely 
relied  for  the  success  of  his  expedition.  That  he 
was  prepared  to  use  force  had  it  been  necessary  we 

’ See  the  Official  Narrative  of  the  Japan  Expedition , vol  i.,  p.  233 
et  seq  ; also  Griffis’  Life  of  M . C.  Perry,  p.  314  et  seq  ; also  Bayard 
Taylor’s  India,  China,  and  Japan,  1855,  p.  41 1 et  seq. 

* I have  received  from  Mr.  F.  S.  Conover,  who  was  a member  of 
the  Japan  expedition  as  lieutenant  of  the  navy,  many  interesting 
details  of  experiences  in  Yedo  which  I have  incorporated  in  my 
account. 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


317 


may  feel  sure.’  But  the  instructions  of  his  govern- 
ment and  his  own  sense  of  international  justice 
bound  him  to  exhaust  every  peaceful  resource  be- 
fore resorting  to  measures  of  coercion. 

The  government  of  the  shogun  was  greatly  troubled 
by  this  responsibility  so  suddenly  laid  upon  it.  They 
knew  not  what  would  be  the  result  of  their  refusal 
to  enter  upon  negotiations  when  Perry  returned. 
The  seclusion  in  which  they  had  kept  themselves  so 
long  had  cut  them  off  from  a knowledge  of  the  rela- 
tions in  which  the  nations  of  the  world  stood  to  each 
other.  Notwithstanding  Commodore  Perry’s  protes- 
tations of  friendliness,  they  were  afraid  of  his  great 
ships  and  their  powerful  armaments.  Should  they, 
as  they  might  easily  do,  make  their  way  up  the  bay 
till  they  were  within  gunshot  of  the  capital,  what 
resistance  could  the  government  show,  or  how  could 
it  prevent  them  from  battering  down  the  castle  and 
all  the  daimyos’  residences. 

The  sentiment  of  loyalty  to  the  emperor  and  op- 
position to  the  shogun,  which  had  been  growing  up 
so  insidiously  and  had  now  become  really  formidable, 
was  a source  of  the  greatest  perplexity  to  the  Yedo 
government.  Should  they  proceed  with  their  nego- 
tiations and  make  a treaty  with  the  Americans,  this 
anti-shogun  sentiment  was  ready  to  manifest  itself 

’ “ The  question  of  landing  by  force  was  left  to  be  decided  by  the 
development  of  succeeding  events  ; it  was  of  course  the  very  last 
measure  to  be  resorted  to,  and  the  last  that  was  to  be  desired  ; but 
in  order  to  be  prepared  for  the  worst,  the  Commodore  caused  the 
ships  constantly  to  be  kept  in  perfect  readiness,  and  the  crews  to  be 
drilled  as  thoroughly  as  they  are  in  the  time  of  active  war.” — Japau 
Expedition,  vol.  i.,  p.  235. 


318 


THE  STORY  OF  /A RAH. 


against  them  with  terrible  effect.  If  they  refused  to 
negotiate,  then  they  must  be  ready  to  meet  the  in- 
vaders of  their  soil  with  their  miserable  obsolete 
armor  and  with  hearts  that  two  hundred  years  of 
peace  had  rendered  more  obsolete  than  their  armor. 

The  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  consult  the  dai- 
myos  and  learn  to  what  extent  they  could  rely  on 
their  co-operation.  The  daimyo  of  Mito,*  a descend- 
ant of  the  famous  Mitsukuni,  seemed  to  have  inher- 
ited one  at  least  of  the  opinions  of  his  ancestor. 
He  advocated  the  observance  of  a greater  reverence 
for  the  emperor  at  Kyoto,  and  criticised  the  assump- 
tion of  imperial  powers  by  the  shogun.  At  the 
same  time  he  was  an  ardent  foreign-hater,  and  in 
1841  had  been  placed  in  confinement  because  he  had 
melted  down  the  bells  of  the  Buddhist  temples  of 
his  domains,  and  cast  cannon  for  their  protection. 
But  now  he  was  pardoned  and  appointed  to  take 
measures  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  On  the 
15th  of  July — the  American  squadron  was  still  in 
the  bay,  for  it  left  on  the  17th — the  daimyo  of  Mito 
sent  in  to  the  government  a memorial  setting  forth 
his  decisive  views  on  the  subject.  He  gave  ten 
reasons  against  a treaty  and  in  favor  of  war.  We 
give  them  here  in  Mr.  Nitobe’s  translation  : 

“ I.  The  annals  of  our  history  speak  of  the  ex- 
ploits of  the  great,  who  planted  our  banners  on  alien 
soil ; but  never  was  the  clash  of  foreign  arms  heard 

’ See  the  Kius^  Shiriaku,  a history  of  Japan  from  1853  to  1869. 
translated  by  E.  M.  .Satow,  Yokohama,  1876. 

*See  Nitobe’s  Intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  yapan, 
P.  39- 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


3»9 


within  the  precincts  of  our  holy  ground.  Let  not 
our  generation  be  the  first  to  see  the  disgrace  of  a 
barbarian  army  treading  on  the  land  where  our 
fathers  rest. 

“ 2.  Notwithstanding  the  strict  interdiction  of 
Christianity,  there  are  those  guilty  of  the  heinous 
crime  of  professing  the  doctrines  of  this  evil  sect. 
If  now  America  be  once  admitted  into  our  favor, 
the  rise  of  this  faith  is  a matter  of  certainty. 

“ 3.  What ! Trade  our  gold,  silver,  copper,  iron, 
and  sundry  useful  materials  for  wool,  glass,  and 
similar  trashy  little  articles  ! Even  the  limited  bar- 
ter of  the  Dutch  factory  ought  to  have  been  stopped. 

“4.  Many  a time  recently  have  Russia  and  other 
countries  solicited  trade  with  us  ; but  they  were  re- 
fused. If  once  America  is  permitted  the  privilege, 
what  excuse  is  there  for  not  extending  the  same  to 
other  nations  ? 

“ 5.  The  policy  of  the  barbarians  is  first  to  enter 
a country  for  trade,  then  to  introduce  their  religion, 
and  afterward  to  stir  up  strife  and  contention.  Be 
guided  by  the  experience  of  our  forefathers  two  cen- 
turies back  ; despise  not  the  teachings  of  the  Chinese 
Opium  War. 

“ 6.  The  Dutch  scholars  say  that  our  people  should 
cross  the  ocean,  go  to  other  countries  and  engage 
in  active  trade.  This  is  all  very  desirable,  provided 
they  be  as  brave  and  strong  as  were  their  ancestors 
in  olden  time ; but  at  present  the  long-continued 
peace  has  incapacitated  them  for  any  such  activity. 

“ 7.  The  necessity  of  caution  against  the  ships 
now  lying  in  the  harbor  {i.  e..  Perry’s  squadron)  has 


320 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


brought  the  valiant  samurai  to  the  capital  from  dis- 
tant quarters.  Is  it  wise  to  disappoint  them  ? 

“ 8.  Not  only  the  naval  defence  of  Nagasaki  but 
all  things  relating  to  foreign  affairs  have  been  en- 
trusted to  the  two  clans  of  Kuroda  and  Nabeshima. 
To  hold  any  conference  with  a foreign  power  outside 
of  the  port  of  Nagasaki — as  has  been  done  this 
time  at  Uraga — is  to  encroach  upon  their  rights  and 
trust.  These  powerful  families  will  not  thankfully 
accept  an  intrusion  into  their  vested  authority. 

“ 9.  The  haughty  demeanor  of  the  barbarians  now 
at  anchorage  has  provoked  even  the  illiterate  popu- 
lace. Should  nothing  be  done  to  show  that  the 
government  shares  the  indignation  of  the  people, 
they  will  lose  all  fear  and  respect  for  it. 

“ 10.  Peace  and  prosperity  of  long  duration  have 
enervated  the  spirit,  rusted  the  armor,  and  blunted 
the  swords  of  our  men.  Dulled  to  ease,  when  shall 
they  be  aroused  ? Is  not  the  present  the  most  aus- 
picious moment  to  quicken  their  sinews  of  war?  ” 

The  government  sent  to  all  the  daimyos  copies  of 
the  American  letter  to  the  shogun,  and  asked  for 
their  opinions  concerning  the  course  to  be  pursued. 
Many  answers  were  immediately  received.  They 
almost  unanimously  declared  against  the  open- 
ing of  the  country.  Some  advocated  the  alterna- 
tive suggested  in  the  letter  itself,  to  open  the 
country  temporarily  and  try  the  experiment  for 
three  years,  or  five  years,  or  ten  years.  In  the 
meantime  the  defences  of  the  country  and  new 
and  improved  arms  and  armaments  could  be  per- 
fected. The  government  did  indeed  busy  itself 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


321 


during  Perry’s  absence  in  hurrying  forward  defensive 
preparations.  The  line  of  forts  which  still  are  visible 
in  the  shallow  water  of  the  bay  opposite  Shinagawa, 
the  southern  suburb  of  the  capital,  were  hastily  con- 
structed. Bells  from  monasteries  and  metal  articles 
of  luxury  were  melted  down  and  cast  into  cannon. 
Lessons  were  given  and  became  quickly  fashionable 
in  the  use  of  European  small-arms  and  artillery. 
The  military  class  from  the  various  clans  flocked  to 
Yedo  and  Kyoto  in  large  numbers,  expecting  to  be 
called  upon  to  defend  their  country  against  the 
impudent  intrusion  of  the  barbarians. 

During  this  busy  time  of  perplexity  and  prepa- 
ration the  Shogun  leyoshi, — the  twelfth  of  the 
Tokugawa  dynasty — died  August  25,  1853.  His  son 
lesada  succeeded  him  as  the  thirteenth  shogun. 
The  death  of  the  reigning  shogun  did  not  produce 
any  marked  effect  upon  the  policy  of  the  govern- 
ment. Long  before  this  time  the  custom  of  abdi- 
cation, and  the  habits  of  luxury  and  effeminacy  in 
which  the  family  of  the  shogun  was  reared,  had 
dragged  the  house  down  to  the  usual  impotent  level. 
The  government  was  conducted  by  a system  of 
bureaucracy  which  relieved  the  titular  shoguns  from 
all  responsibility  and  allowed  them  to  live  in  profit- 
less voluptuousness.  So  that  one  died  and  another 
reigned  in  his  stead  without  causing  more  than  a 
ripple  upon  the  surface  of  current  events. 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  the  American 

squadron  from  Yedo  bay,  the  Russian  Admiral  Pon- 

tiatine  appeared  in  the  harbor  of  Nagasaki,  and 

made  application  for  a national  agreement  to  open 
21 


322 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ports  for  trade,  to  adjust  the  boundary  line  between 
the  two  nations  across  the  island  of  Saghalien,  and 
to  live  in  neighborly  intimacy.  English  vessels 
were  also  in  Chinese  waters  watching  the  Russians, 
and  the  war,  usually  called  the  Crimean  war,  actually 
broke  out  in  the  spring  of  1854.  A visit  from  these 
vessels  might  therefore  be  expected  at  any  time. 

Commodore  Perry  during  the  interval  between 
his  two  visits  to  Japan  sailed  to  the  ports  of  China 
where  the  Taiping  rebellion  was  then  in  action.  The 
confusion  and  insecurity  occasioned  by  this  uprising 
rendered  the  presence  of  the  squadron  most  accept- 
able to  the  American  merchants. 

On  the  13th  of  February,  1854,  he  made  his  ap- 
pearance a second  time  in  Yedo  bay  with  a fleet  of 
seven  ships,  viz.,  three  steam  frigates  and  four  sloops- 
of-war.  Three  additional  vessels  were  to  join,  and 
did  join,  the  fleet  in  Yedo  bay.  So  that  when  the 
fleet  was  all  mustered  there  were  ten  fully  armed 
vessels,  comprising  such  an  array  as  had  never  be- 
fore appeared  in  Japanese  waters. 

After  some  haggling  about  the  place  where  the 
negotiations  should  be  conducted,  it  was  finally  set- 
tled that  the  place  of  meeting  should  be  at  Kana- 
gawa,  near  the  village  (now  the  city)  of  Yokohama. 
Here  after  much  deliberation  and  discussion,  pro- 
posals and  amendments,  banquets  and  presents,  a 
treaty  was  agreed  upon.  The  signing  and  exchange 
took  place  on  the  31st  of  March,  1854.  It  was  im- 
mediately sent  to  Washington  for  ratification. 

As  this  was  the  first  formal  treaty  ‘ made  with 

' See  Treaties  and  Conventions  between  Japan  and  Other  Powers, 
P-  735- 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


323 


any  western  country  we  give  a synopsis  of  its  pro- 
visions. 

Art.  I.  Peace  and  amity  to  exist  between  the 
two  countries. 

Art.  II.  The  port  of  Shimoda  to  be  opened  im- 
mediately and  the  port  of  Hakodate  to  be  opened 
in  one  year,  and  American  ships  to  be  supplied  with 
necessary  provisions  in  them. 

Art.  III.  Shipwrecked  persons  of  either  nation  to 
be  cared  for,  and  expenses  to  be  refunded. 

Art.  IV.  Shipwrecked  and  other  persons  not  to 
be  imprisoned  but  to  be  amenable  to  just  laws. 

Art.  V.  Americans  at  Shimoda  and  Hakodate 
not  to  be  subject  to  confinement  ; free  to  go  about 
within  defined  limits. 

Art.  VI.  Further  deliberation  to  be  held  be- 
tween the  parties  to  settle  concerning  trade  and 
matters  requiring  to  be  arranged. 

Art.  VII.  Trade  in  open  ports  to  be  subject  to 
such  regulations  as  the  Japanese  government  shall 
establish. 

Art.  VHI.  Wood,  water,  provisions,  coal,  etc., 
to  be  procured  only  through  appointed  Japanese 
officers. 

Art.  IX.  If  at  any  future  day  privileges  in  addi- 
tion to  those  here  enumerated  are  granted  to  anj. 
other  nation,  the  same  to  be  allowed  to  Ameri- 
cans. 

Art.  X.  Ships  of  the  United  States  not  to  resort 
to  other  ports  than  Shimoda  and  Hakodate  except 
in  stress  of  weather. 

Art.  XL  Consuls  or  agents  of  the  United  States 
to  reside  at  Shimoda. 


324 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Art.  XII.  The  ratification  of  this  treaty  to  be 
exchanged  within  eighteen  months. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  as  soon  as  this 
treaty  with  the  United  States  had  been  signed  there 
was  a rush  of  other  nations  to  obtain  similar  terms. 
Admiral  Sir  John  Sterling,  acting  in  behalf  of  the 
government  of  Great  Britain,  negotiated  a treaty 
which  was  signed  at  Nagasaki  on  the  15th  of  Octo- 
ber, 1854.  Admiral  Pontiatine  negotiated  a similar 
treaty  for  Russia,  which  was  signed  at  Shimoda  on 
the  7th  of  February,  1855.  A treaty  with  the 
Netherlands  was  signed  on  the  30th  of  January, 
1856. 

None  of  these  were  in  any  general  sense  commer- 
cial treaties,  providing  for  trade  and  making  regula- 
tions by  which  it  might  be  conducted.  They  were 
rather  preliminary  conventions,  making  arrangements 
for  vessels  to  obtain  necessary  provisions,  and  stipu- 
lating for  the  protection  of  those  suffering  shipwreck, 
and  for  vessels  driven  under  stress  of  weather  to  take 
shelter  in  the  harbors  of  Japan.  They  each  provided 
for  admission  to  two  ports  : The  American  treaty  to 
Shimoda  and  Hakodate;  the  English  treaty  to 
Nagasaki  and  Hakodate;  the  Russian  treaty  to 
Shimoda  and  Hakodate. 

All  these  treaties  contained  what  is  called  “ the 
most  favored  nation  clause,”  so  that  where  the 
privileges  granted  to  any  one  nation  were  in  excess 
of  those  granted  previously  to  others,  these  privileges 
were  also  without  further  negotiation  extended  to 
the  nations  that  had  already  made  treaties. 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


325 


These  dealings  with  foreign  nations  produced  the 
most  intense  excitement  throughout  the  empire. 
The  old  sentiment  of  hostility  to  foreign  intercourse 
showed  itself  in  unmistakable  intensity.  The  song  of 
the  Black  Ship,  by  which  term  the  vessels  of  foreign 
nations  were  designated,  was  heard  everywhere.  Two 
distinct  parties  came  into  existence  called  the  Jo-i 
party,  who  wished  to  expel  the  barbarians  ; and  the 
Kai-koku  party,  who  were  in  favor  of  opening  the 
country.’  The  members  of  the  latter  party  were 
principally  connected  with  the  shogun’s  government, 
and  had  become  impressed  with  the  folly  of  trying 
to  resist  the  pressure  of  the  outside  world.  The  Jo-i 
party  was  made  up  of  the  conservative  elements  in 
the  country,  who  clung  to  the  old  traditions  of 
Japan  that  had  matured  during  the  two  centuries  of 
the  Tokugawa  rule.  Besides  these  conservatives 
there  was  also  a party  who  nourished  a traditional 
dislike  to  the  Tokugawa  family,  and  was  glad  to  see 
it  involved  in  difficulties  which  were  sure  to  bring 
down  upon  it  the  vengeance  of  the  nation.  These 
were  chiefly  found  among  the  southwestern  daimiates 
such  as  Satsuma,  Choshu,  Hizen,  and  Tosa.  The 
daimyo  of  Mito’  although  connected  with  the 
shogun’s  family  was  bitterly  hostile  to  the  policy  of 
holding  any  friendly  relations  with  foreigners.  He 
was  therefore  regarded  as  the  head  of  the  Jo-i  party, 
and  many  of  the  disaffected  samurai  rallied  about 
him  as  their  champion  and  leader. 

' See  the  Constitulional  Development  of  fapan,  by  Toyokichi 
lyenaga,  Ph.D.,  Johns  Hopkins  Press,  1891,  p.  12. 

’ See  p.  279. 


326 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


It  was  charged  against  the  shogun  that  in  making 
treaties  with  foreign  nations  he  had  transcended  the 
powers'  that  rightly  belonged  to  him.  He  was  not 
the  sovereign  of  Japan  and  never  had  been.  He 
was  only  the  chief  executive  under  the  emperor, 
and  was  not  even  next  in  rank  to  the  emperor.  It 
was  impossible,  therefore,  that  treaties  made  by 
the  shogun  and  not  ratified  by  his  sovereign 
should  be  regarded  by  the  Japanese  as  legitimate 
and  binding. 

The  question  of  the  legality  of  the  treaties  which 
the  shogun  had  made  was  an  important  one,  and  in- 
terested not  only  the  Japanese  themselves  but  the 
foreigners  whose  privileges  under  these  treaties  were 
at  stake.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Commodore  Perry 
as  well  as  all  the  subsequent  negotiators,  believed 
that  in  making  treaties  with  the  shogun  they  were 
dealing  with  a competent  authority.  The  precedents 
occurring  in  the  history  of  Japan  seemed  all  to  bear 
in  this  direction.  The  Portuguese  and  the  Spanish 
had  dealt  with  the  shogun  and  never  with  the  em- 
peror. The  Dutch  had  received  from  leyasu  the 
privileges  of  trade  and  had  ever  since  continued 
under  the  shogun’s  protection.  Captain  Saris  in  his 
negotiations  in  1614  received  written  assurances  of 
protection  and  privileges  of  trade  from  the  shogun. 


' See  selections  from  a pamphlet  by  a German  resident  at  Yoko- 
hama given  in  Mossman’s  New  Japan,  pp.  142,  143,  and  quoted  in 
Nitobe’s  Intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  Japan.  “The 
reason  the  Tycoon  breaks  his  promise  is  because  he  cannot  keep  it, 
and  the  reason  he  cannot  keep  it,  is  because  he  had  no  right  to 
give  it.” 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


327 


It  was  because  the  shogun’s  power  had  become 
weakened,  and  there  had  grown  up  an  active  senti- 
ment against  him,  that  the  question  in  reference  to 
his  legitimate  authority  arose.  “Had  the  treaty” 
(with  Perry)  “ been  concluded  when  the  power  of 
Yedo  was  at  its  former  height,  it  is  probable  that  no 
questions  would  have  been  asked.”  ‘ 

According  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty  made  with 
the  United  States  it  was  provided  that  a consul 
should  be  appointed  “ to  reside  at  Shimoda  at  any 
time  after  the  expiration  of  eighteen  months  from 
the  signing  the  treaty.”  In  execution  of  this  pro- 
vision the  United  States  government  sent  out 
Townsend  Harris,  who  arrived  in  August,  1856. 
After  some  hesitation  he  was  allowed  to  take  up  his 
residence  at  Shimoda.  He  was  a man  of  great 
patience  and  tact,  and  gradually  urged  his  way  into 
the  confidence  of  the  government.  He  became  the 
counsellor  and  educator  of  the  officials  in  every- 
thing pertaining  to  foreign  affairs.  He  was  received 
December  7,  1857,  by  the  shogun  with  the  ceremony 
due  to  his  new  rank  of  plenipotentiary  which  he 
had  then  received.’  In  a despatch,  dated  July  8, 
1858,  he  tells  of  a severe  illness  which  he  had  suf- 

' See  Nitobe’s  Intercourse  between  the  United  States  and  yapan, 
P-  59. 

’ Prince  Hotta  was  at  this  time  president  of  the  Council  of  State 
(Gorojiti)  and  had  charge  of  this  first  audience.  I have  seen  in  the 
possession  of  his  descendant,  the  present  occupant  of  the  beautiful 
isLxaWy  yashiki  in  Tokyo,  the  original  of  the  memorandum  showing 
the  arrangement  of  the  rooms  through  which  Mr.  Harris  was  to  pass, 
and  the  position  where  he  was  to  stand  during  the  delivery  of  his 
congratulatory  remarks. 


328 


THE  STORY  OF  /A  PA  AT. 


fered  ; how  the  shogun  sent  two  physicians  to  attend 
him,  and  when  a bulletin  was  sent  to  Yedo  that  his 
case  was  hopeless,  the  physicians  “ received  peremp- 
tory orders  to  cure  me,  and  if  I died  they  would 
themselves  be  in  peril.” 

The  principal  effort  of  Mr.  Harris  was  the  negotia- 
tion of  a commercial  treaty  which  should  make  pro- 
vision for  the  maintenance  of  trade  in  specified  ports 
of  Japan.  The  treaties  already  made  by  Japan  with 
foreign  nations  only  provided  for  furnishing  vessels 
with  needed  supplies,  and  for  the  protection  of  ves- 
sels driven  by  stress  of  weather  and  of  persons  ship- 
wrecked on  the  Japanese  islands.  It  remained  to 
agree  upon  terms,  which  should  be  mutually  advan- 
tageous, for  the  regular  opening  of  the  ports  for 
trade  and  for  the  residence  at  these  ports  of  the 
merchants  engaged  in  trade. 

The  excitement  occasioned  by  the  steps  already 
taken  rendered  the  shogun’s  government  exceedingly 
reluctant  to  proceed  further  in  this  direction.  It 
was  only  after  much  persuasion,  and  with  a desire 
to  avoid  appearing  to  yield  to  the  appearance  of 
force  ’ with  which  the  English  were  about  to  urge 
the  negotiation  of  a commercial  treaty,  that  at  last, 

' In  a despatch  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  November  25, 
1856,  Mr.  Harris  explains  the  condition  of  the  negotiations  in  refer- 
ence to  a commercial  treaty.  He  narrates  his  interview  at  Hongkong 
with  Sir  John  Bowring,  who  told  him  that  he  was  empowered  to 
negotiate  a commercial  treaty.  Mr.  Harris  shrewdly  observes : “I 
shall  call  their  (the  Japanese  government’s)  attention  to  the  fact  that 
by  making  a treaty  with  me  they  would  save  the  point  of  honor  that 
must  arise  from  their  apparently  yielding  to  the  force  that  backs  the 
plenipotentiary  and  not  to  the  justice  of  their  demands.” 


COMMODORE  PERRY, 


329 


on  the  17th  of  June,  1857,  a treaty  “ for  the  purpose 
of  further  regulating  the  intercourse  of  American 
citizens  within  the  empire  of  Japan  ” was  duly  con- 
cluded. The  port  of  Nagasaki  was  to  be  opened  in 
addition  to  those  already  stipulated.  American  citi- 
zens were  to  be  permitted  to  reside  at  Shimoda  and 
Hakodate  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  the  wants 
of  the  vessels  which  visited  there. 

This  does  not  seem  to  have  been  adequate,  for 
only  about  a year  later  a further  treaty,  revoking 
that  of  June,  1857,  was  arranged.  It  was  signed  at 
Yedo  on  the  29th  of  July,  1858.  Equivalent  treaties 
were  negotiated  by  other  nations,  and  it  was  under  the 
terms  of  these  that  intercourse  between  Japan  and 
the  nations  of  Europe  and  America  was  conducted  un- 
til 1894.  They  provided  for  the  opening  of  the  ports 
of  Ni-igata  and  Hyogo,  and  for  the  closing  of 
Shimoda,  which  had  been  found  unsuitable,  and  the 
opening  in  its  place  of  Kanagawa.'  They  fixed  dates 
for  the  opening  of  the  cities  of  Yedo  and  Osaka,  and 
provided  for  the  setting  apart  of  suitable  concessions 
in  each  of  them  for  residence  and  trade.  They  pro- 
vided that  all  cases  of  litigation  in  which  foreigners 
were  defendants  should  be  tried  in  the  consular  court 
of  the  nation  to  which  the  defendant  belonged,  and  all 
cases  in  which  Japanese  citizens  were  defendants 

’ Although  Kaaagawa  was  made  an  open  port  for  trade  by  these 
treaties,  the  adjoining  village  of  Yokohama  was  found  practically 
better  suited  for  the  purpose.  The  very  proximity  of  Kanagawa  to  the 
Tokaido, ’which  led  foreigners  to  prefer  it  when  the  treaties  were  made, 
proved  to  be  an  objection  in  the  disordered  times  that  followed.  On 
this  account  Yokohama  rapidly  rose  to  the  importance  which  it  still 
holds. 


330 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


should  be  tried  in  Japanese  courts.  They  fixed  the 
limits  within  which  foreigners  at  any  of  the  treaty 
ports  could  travel,  but  permitted  the  diplomatic 
agent  of  any  nation  to  travel  without  limitation. 
They  prohibited  the  importation  of  opium.  Com- 
mercial regulations  were  attached  to  the  treaties  and 
made  a part  of  them,  which  directed  that  a duty  of 
five  per  centum  should  be  paid  on  all  goods  Imported 
into  Japan  for  sale,  except  that  on  intoxicating 
liquors  a duty  of  thirty-five  per  centum  should  be 
exacted.  All  articles  of  Japanese  production  ex- 
ported were  to  pay  a duty  of  five  per  centum,  except 
gold  and  silver  coin  and  copper  in  bars.  These  trade 
regulations  stipulated  that  five  years  after  the  open- 
ing of  Kanagawa  the  export  and  import  duties  should 
be  subject  to  revision  at  the  desire  of  either  party. 
The  treaties  themselves  provide  that  on  and  after 
1872  either  of  the  contracting  parties  may  demand  a 
revision  of  the  same  upon  giving  one  year’s  notice 
of  its  desire. 

These  stipulations  in  reference  to  a revision  of  the 
treaties,  and  especially  of  the  tariff  of  duties  to  be 
paid  on  imported  goods, were  a source  of  great  anxiety 
and  concern  to  the  Japanese  government.  The  small 
duty  of  five  per  cejitum,  which  it  was  permitted  to  col- 
lect on  the  goods  imported,  was  scarcely  more  than 
enough  to  maintain  the  machinery  of  collection. 
And  while  the  initiative  is  given  to  it  to  ask  for 
a revision  of  the  treaties,  it  was  not  able  for  many 
years  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the  principal  nations 
concerned  to  any  change  in  the  original  hard 
terms. 


COMMODORE  PEER  V. 


331 


Another  provision  in  the  treaties  which  was  the 
occasion  of  endless  debate  was  that  which  required  all 
foreigners  to  remain  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  con- 
suls of  their  respective  countries.  It  was  claimed  on 
the  part  of  the  Japanese  that  this  provision,  which  had 
been  reasonable  when  the  treaties  were  first  made, 
had  ceased  to  be  just  or  necessary.  The  laws  were  so 
far  perfected,  their  judges  and  officers  had  beenso  edu- 
cated, and  the  machinery  of  their  courtshad  been  so  far 
conformed  to  European  practice  that  it  was  no  longer 
reasonable  that  foreigners  residing  in  Japan  should  be 
under  other  than  Japanese  jurisdiction.  From  1872 
until  1894  Japanese  statesmen  patiently  presented  to 
the  Powers  evidence  that  Japan  was  prepared  to 
assure  civilized  jurisdiction  over  foreigners,  but  not 
until  after  her  victory  over  China  had  demonstrated 
her  military  force  did  the  majority  of  the  nations 
acknowledge  her  capability  in  civilized  government. 

Any  one  who  reads  the  diplomatic  correspondence 
covering  this  period  will  see  how  serious  were  the 
troubles  with  which  the  country  was  called  upon  to 
deal.  He  will  realize  also  how  almost  impossible  it 
was  for  the  diplomatic  representatives  of  the  western 
powers  to  comprehend  the  difficulties  of  the  situation 
or  know  how  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  their  legations 
with  justice  and  consideration. 

A succession  of  murders  and  outrages  occurred, 
which  awakened  the  fears  of  the  foreign  residents. 
It  is  plain  enough  now  that  this  state  of  things  was 
not  so  much  due  to  the  want  of  effort  on  the  part  of 
the  government  to  carry  out  its  agreements  with 
foreign  nations,  as  to  the  bitter  and  irreconcilable 


332 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


party  hatred  which  had  sprung  up  in  consequence  of 
these  efforts.  The  feudal  organization  of  the  gov- 
ernment, by  which  the  first  allegiance  was  due  to 
the  daimyo,  rendered  the  condition  of  things  more 
demoralized.  It  was  an  old  feudal  custom,  when- 
ever the  retainers  of  a daimyo  wished  to  avenge  any 
act  without  committing  their  lord,  they  withdrew 
from  his  service  and  became  ronins.  Most  of  the 
outrages  which  occurred  during  the  years  intervening 
between  the  formation  of  the  treaties  and  the  resto- 
ration were  committed  by  these  masterless  men. 
Responsibility  for  them  was  disclaimed  by  the  dai-  - 
myos,  and  the  government  ofYedo  was  unable  to  ex- 
tend its  control  over  these  wandering  swash-bucklers. 
There  was  no  course  for  the  foreign  ministers  to 
pursue  but  to  hold  the  shogun’s  government  respon- 
sible for  the  protection  of  foreigners  and  foreign 
trade.  This  government,  which  was  called  the 
bakufn'  had  made  the  treaties  with  the  foreign 
powers,  as  many  claimed,  without  having  adequate 
authority,  and  had  thus  assumed  to  be  supreme  in 
matters  of  foreign  intercourse.  It  was  natural 
therefore  that  the  representatives  of  the  treaty 
powers  should  look  to  the  bahifii  for  the  security 
of  those  who  had  come  hither  under  the  sanction  of 
these  treaties. 

It  was  in  consequence  a bloody  time  through 


’ The  word  means  Curtain  Government,  in  reference  to  the  curtain 
with  which  the  camp  of  a general  was  surrounded.  The  term  is 
equivalent  to  Military  Government,  and  is  used  to  designate  the 
shogun’s  as  distinguished  from  the  emperor’s  court. 


COMMODORE  PERRY. 


333 


which  the  country  was  called  to  pass.  The  prime 
minister  and  the  head  of  the  bakufu  party  was  li 
Kamon-no-kami,’  the  daimyo  of  Hikon6  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Mino.  On  account  of  the  youth  of  the 
shogun  he  was  created  regent.  He  was  a man  of 
great  resolution  and  unscrupulous  in  the  measures 
by  which  he  atteiiipted  to  carry  out  the  policy  to 
which  he  was  committed.  By  his  enemies  he  was 
called  the  “ swaggering  prime  minister  {bakko  genro)." 
Assured  that  the  foreign  treaties  could  not  be  abro- 
gated without  dangerous  collisions  with  foreign 
nations,  he  sought  to  crush  the  opposition  which 
assailed  them.  The  daimyo  of  Mito,  who  had  been 
the  head  of  the  anti-foreign  party  at  Yedo,  he  com- 
pelled to  resign  and  confined  him  to  his  private 
palace  in  his  province.  Numerous  other  persons  who 
had  busied  themselves  with  interfering  with  his 
schemes  and  in  promoting  opposition  in  Kyoto,  he 
also  imprisoned. 

Suddenly  on  the  23d  of  March,  i860,  li  Kamon- 
no-kami  was  assassinated  as  he  was  being  carried  in 
h\s  7iori7Hono  from  his  yashiki  outside  the  Sakurada 
gate  to  the  palace  of  the  shogun. 

The  assassins  were  eighteen  ro7ii7ts  of  the  province 
of  Mito,  who  wished  to  avenge  the  imprisonment  of 
their  prince.  They  carried  the  head  of  the  murdered 
regent  to  the  Mito  castle,  and  after  exhibiting  it  to 
the  gloating  eyes  of  the  prince,  exposed  it  upon  a 
pike  at  the  principal  gate. 

' See  The  Life  of  li  Naosuke,  by  Shimada  Saburo,  Tokyo,  1888  ; 
also  the  Couslitutional  Development  of  Japan,  by  Toyokichi  lyenaga, 
Ph.D.,  Johns  Hopkins  University,  1891,  p.  15. 


334 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  death  of  the  regent  was  an  irreparable  blow 
to  the  government.  There  was  no  one  who  could 
take  his  place  and  assume  his  role.  His  loss  must 
be  reckoned  as  one  of  the  principal  events  which 
marked  the  decadence  of  the  shogun’s  power. 


WRESTLERS. 

(From  R6gamey*s  Art  and  Industry) 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

REVOLUTIONARY  PRELUDES. 

The  outrages  which  now  succeeded  each  other 
with  terrible  frequency  were  not  confined  to  the 
native  members  of  the  opposing  parties.  Foreigners, 
who  were  so  essentially  the  cause  of  the  political 
disturbances  in  Japan,  were  particularly  exposed  to 
attacks.  On  the  14th  of  January,  1861,  Mr.  Heus- 
ken,  the  secretary  and  interpreter  of  the  American 
legation,  when  riding  home  at  night  from  the  Prus- 
sian legation  in  Yedo,  was  attacked  by  armed 
assassins  and  mortally  wounded.  The  object  of  this 
murder  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  desire  of  one 
of  the  ministers  of  foreign  affairs  to  take  revenge  on 
Mr.  Heusken,'  for  his  activity  in  promoting  foreign 
intercourse. 

The  weakness  and  the  fears  of  the  government 

' Mr.  Heusken  who  had  gone  to  Japan  with  Mr.  Townsend  Harris 
in  1858  was  a Hollander  by  birth.  The  Dutch  language  at  that  time 
was  almost  the  only  medium  throu^^h  which  communication  could  be 
had  with  the  Japanese.  A native  interpreter  turned  the  sentiment 
into  Dutch,  and  then  a person  who  understood  both  Dutch  and  Eng- 
lish translated  it  into  the  latter  tongue.  This  circuitous  system  of  in- 
terpretation was,  however,  soon  remedied  by  native  scholars  learning 
English,  and  by  English  and  American  scholars  learning  Japanese, 

335 


336 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


were  shown  by  the  warning,  which  they  sent  to  the 
foreign  ministers  to  avmid  attending  the  funeral  of 
Mr.  Heusken,  lest  further  outrages  might  be  com- 
mitted. They  did  attend,  however,  and  no  disturb- 
ances occurred.  It  only  remains  to  mention  that 
Mr.  Harris  subsequently  made  an  arrangement  with 
the  government  for  the  payment  of  an  indemnity ' 
of  $io,ocx3  to  the  mother  of  Mr.  Heusken,  who  was 
then  living  at  Amsterdam  in  Holland. 

The  next  circumstance  which  awakened  universal 
attention  was  an  attack  made  on  the  British  legation, 
on  the  night  of  the  5th  of  July,  1861.  At  this  time 
the  British  minister  occupied  as  a legation  the  build- 
ings of  the  temple  Tozenji,  situated  at  Takanawa  in 
the  city  of  Yedo.  It  was  guarded  by  a company  of 
Japanese  troops,  to  whom  the  government  had  en- 
trusted its  protection.  Mr.  Alcockhad  just  returned 
by  an  overland  journey  from  Nagasaki,  and  with  a 
number  of  other  Englishmen  was  domiciled  in  the 
legation.  The  attacking  party  consisted  of  fourteen 
ronins  belonging  to  the  Mito  clan,  who  had  banded 
themselves  together  to  take  vengeance  on  the  “ ac- 
cursed foreigners.”  Several  of  the  guards  were 
killed,  and  Mr.  Oliphant,’  the  secretary  of  legation, 
and  Mr.  Morrison,  H.  B.  M’s  consul  at  Nagasaki, 
were  severely  wounded.  On  one  of  the  party  who 
was  captured  was  found  a paper,®  which  set  forth 

' See  American  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  November  27,  i86r. 

® A full  account  of  this  affair  may  be  found  in  Alcock’s  Capital  of 
the  Tycoon,  and  in  the  Life  of  Laurence  Oliphant. 

^ A translation  of  this  paper  cited  from  the  correspondence  pre- 
sented to  Parliament  is  given  in  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  i., 

p.  138. 


RE  VOL  UTIONAR  V PREL  UDES. 


337 


the  object  of  the  attack  and  the  names  of  the  four- 
teen ronins  who  had  conspired  for  its  accomplish- 
ment. 

That  the  government  regarded  such  outrages  with 
alarm  is  certain.  They  took  the  earliest  opportunity 
to  express  their  distress  that  the  legation  under  their 
protection  had  thus  been  invaded.  They  assured 
Mr.  Alcock  with  the  most  pitiable  sincerity  that 
“ they  had  no  power  of  preventing  such  attacks  upon 
the  legation,  nor  of  providing  against  a renewal  of 
the  same  with  a greater  certainty  of  success.”  “ They 
could  not,”  they  said,  “guarantee  any  of  the  repre- 
sentatives against  these  attempts  at  assassination,  to 
which  all  foreigners  in  Japan  were  liable,  whether  in 
their  houses  or  in  the  public  thoroughfares.”  * They 
pretended  to  punish,  and  yet  were  afraid  openly  to 
punish  the  persons  engaged  in  this  attack.”  They 
promised  to  do  what  they  could  for  the  protection 
of  the  foreign  representatives  ; but  their  measures 
necessarily  consisted  in  making  the  legations  a kind 
of  prison  where  the  occupants  were  confined  and 
protected. 

And  yet,  with  all  these  assurances  of  danger,  the 
foreign  representatives  seem  to  have  been  singularly 
ignorant  of  the  real  difficulties  with  which  the  gov- 
ernment had  to  deal.  This  was  due,  no  doubt,  to 
the  want  of  candor  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese  offi- 
cials in  not  explaining  frankly  and  fully  to  them  the 

' See  Adams’  History  of  fapan,  vol.  i.,  p.  139. 

^ In  Mr.  Satow’s  translation  of  Kius^  Shiriaku  (p.  18)  it  is  said 
that  the  hakufu  ordered  the  house  of  Mito  to  arrest  the  men  who  had 
broken  into  the  English  temple  residence,  but  they  made  their  escape 
into  Oshiu  and  Devva. 


338 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


political  complications  which  existed  between  the 
governments  of  Yedo  and  Kyoto.  They  represented 
a widespread  discontent  to  have  grown  up  since  the 
negotiation  of  the  treaties,  owing  to  the  increased 
price  of  provisions,  the  derangement  of  the  currency, 
and  the  danger  of  famine.  In  view  of  these  pressing 
difficulties  they  asked  for  the  postponement  of  the 
time  fixed  by  the  treaties  for  opening  a port  on  the 
western  coast  and  Hyogo  on  the  Inland  sea,  and  for 
the  establishment  of  definite  concessions  in  the  cities 
of  Yedo  and  Osaka.  These  modifications  of  the 
treaties  were  finally  accepted,  and  it  was  arranged 
that  the  opening  of  the  ports  named  above  should 
be  postponed  for  a period  of  five  years  from  the  first 
of  January,  1863. 

This  postponement  of  the  opening  of  the  ports 
was  the  chief  reason  for  sending  to  foreign  countries 
their  first  embassy.  This  set  out  from  Yokohama 
in  January,  1862,  and  visited  the  United  States,  then 
England,  and  the  other  treaty  powers.  They  were 
everywhere  received  with  the  utmost  kindness  and 
distinction.  The  immediate  object  of  their  mission 
was,  as  we  have  seen,  accomplished.  The  opening 
of  additional  ports  was  deferred  on  condition  that 
in  those  already  opened  the  obstacles  which  had 
been  put  in  the  way  of  trade  should  be  removed. 

But,  besides  the  attainment  of  this  end,  the  visit 
of  the  embassy  to  foreign  capitals  and  countries 
produced  a salutary  influence  both  on  the  foreigners 
whom  they  met  and  on  the  influential  personages 
of  which  it  consisted.  The  former  learned  to  their 
surprise  that  they  had  a cultivated,  intelligent,  and 


RE  VOL  U TIONA  R Y PR  EL  UDES. 


339 


clever  race  to  deal  with,  whose  diplomatists,’  al- 
though inexperienced  in  European  politics,  were 
not  unqualified  to  enter  the  courts  of  western 
capitals.  But  the  revelation  to  the  Japanese  envoys 
was  still  greater  and  more  surprising.  For  the  first 
time  they  saw  the  terrible  armaments  of  western 
powers,  and  realized  the  futility  of  attempting  to 
make  armed  resistance  to  their  measures.  But  they 
encountered  on  every  hand  not  hatred  and  aversion, 
but  the  warmest  interest  and  kindness,’’  and  a desire 
to  render  them  every  courtesy.  Instead  of  bar- 
barians, as  they  had  been  taught  to  regard  all 
foreigners,  they  found  everywhere  warm-hearted  and 
intelligent  friends  who  were  anxious  to  see  their 
country  treated  with  justice  and  consideration. 

On  the  26th  of  June,  1862,  a year  after  the  first, 
a second  attack  was  made  upon  the  British  legation. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Neale  was  at  this  time  charge 
d'affaires,  and  had  just  removed  from  Yokohama 
and  resumed  the  occupancy  of  the  temple  of  To- 
zenji.  The  government  took  the  precaution  to 
establish  guards,  who  daily  and  nightly  made  their 
rounds  to  protect  the  buildings.  Besides  this  there 
was  a guard  detailed  from  the  British  fleet  to  ren- 
der the  legation  more  secure.  The  officials  persisted 
in  claiming  that  only  one  person,  Ito  Gumpei,  was 
engaged  in  the  attack,  and  that  it  was  a matter  of 

' See  the  account  of  the  negotiations  of  this  embassy  with  Earl 
Russell  in  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  i.,  p.  177  et  seq. 

''  One  of  the  officials  naively  told  the  American  minister  when 
speaking  of  the  reception  of  the  embassy  in  the  United  States: 
“We  did  not  believe  you  when  you  told  us  of  the  friendly  feeling  of 
your  country  for  us ; but  we  now  see  that  all  you  said  was  true.” 


340 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


private  revenge  for  an  insult  which  one  of  the  Eng- 
lish guards  had  put  upon  him.  Two  of  these  guards 
were  killed  in  the  attack,  and  Ito  Gumpei  the  assas- 
sin escaped  to  his  own  house,  where  he  was  permit- 
ted to  commit  hara-kiri.  There  was  probably  no 
plot  on  the  part  of  those  whose  duty  it  was  to  pro- 
tect the  legation.  But  the  uncertainty  which  hung 
over  the  affair,  and  the  repetition  of  the  violence  of 
the  preceding  year  led  Colonel  Neale  to  abandon 
his  residence  at  Yedo  and  return  to  Yokohama.  An 
indemnity  of  ;^io,ooo  was  demanded  and  finally 
paid  for  the  families  of  the  two  members  of  the 
guard  who  had  been  murdered. 

In  the  meantime  the  relations  between  the  courts 
at  Kyoto  and  Yedo  had  become  more  and  more 
strained.  The  efforts  at  reconciliation,  such  as  the 
marriage  between  the  young  shogun  and  the  sister 
of  the  emperor  in  i86i,  produced  no  permanent  ef- 
fect. The  disease  was  too  deep-seated  and  serious 
to  be  affected  by  such  palliations.  Shimazu  Saburo, 
the  uncle  ' and  guardian  of  the  young  daimyo  of 
Satsuma,  came  in  1862  to  Kyoto  with  the  avowed 
purpose  of  advising  the  emperor  in  this  emergency. 
He  was  accompanied  by  a formidable  body  of 
Satsuma  troops,  and  on  these  he  relied  to  have  his 
advice  followed. 

On  his  way  thither  he  had  been  joined  by  a body 
of  ronins  who  were  contemplating  the  accomplish- 
ment of  some  enterprise  which  should  be  notable  in 

’ The  daimyo  was  really  his  own  son  who  had  been  adopted  by  his 
brother,  the  former  daimyo,  and  who  on  the  death  of  his  brother  had 
succeeded  him  as  daimyo.  Shimazu  Suburb  was  therefore  legally 
the  uncle  of  his  own  son. 


REVOLUTIONARY  PRELUDES. 


341 


the  expulsion  of  foreigners.  They  imagined  that 
the  powerful  head  of  the  Satsuma  clan  would  be  a 
suitable  leader  for  such  an  enterprise.  They  ap- 
proached him  therefore  and  humbly  petitioned  to 
be  received  under  his  standard.  Not  quite  satisfied 
to  have  such  a band  of  reckless  ruffians  under  his 
command,  he,  however,  scarcely  dared  to  refuse 
their  petition.  He  therefore  permitted  them  to 
join  his  escort  and  march  with  him  to  Kyoto. 

The  emperor’s  court,  although  bitterly  hostile  to 
the  liberal  policy  which  prevailed  at  Yedo,  were 
alarmed  by  the  desperate  allies  which  Shimazu  was 
bringing  with  him.  He  presented  their  memorial  to 
the  emperor,  and  favored  their  wishes  to  use  all  the 
force  of  the  country  to  dislodge  the  hated  foreigner 
from  its  soil.  Other  powerful  daimyos  were  col- 
lected at  the  same  time  at  the  imperial  capital,  and 
its  peaceful  suburbs  resounded  with  the  clank  of 
warlike  preparations.  The  most  notable  of  these 
was  the  daimyo  of  Choshu,  who  at  this  time  was 
joined  with  the  Satsuma  chief  in  the  measures 
against  the  shogun’s  government. 

Shimazu  continued  his  journey  to  Yedo  in  the 
summer  of  1862,  where  he  endeavored  to  impress  on 
the  bakiifu  the  necessity  of  taking  measures  to 
pacify  the  country.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  his  sug- 
gestions were  coldly  received,  and  he  was  made  to 
feel  that  he  was  in  an  enemy’s  camp.  It  is  said  that 
the  shogun  refused  to  receive  him  personally,  but 
referred  him,  for  any  business  which  he  had  to  pre- 
sent, to  the  council.  It  is  certain,  therefore,  when 
he  left  Yedo  in  September,  1862,  with  his  train  and 


342 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


escort,  he  was  in  no  amiable  frame  of  mind.  And  it 
was  in  this  condition  of  irritation  that  he  became 
the  chief  actor  in  an  event  which  was  the  saddest 
of  all  the  collisions  between  the  Japanese  and  the 
foreigners. 

The  Satsuma  train  left  Yedo  on  the  morning  of 
the  14th  of  September  by  way  of  the  Tokaidd,  wh'xch. 
runs  through  Kawasaki  and  skirts  the  village  of 
Kanagawa.  It  consisted  of  a semi-military  proces- 
sion of  guards  on  foot  and  on  horseback,  of  tiori- 
monos,  in  which  the  prince  and  his  high  military  and 
civil  attendants  were  carried,  of  led-horses  for  them 
to  ride  when  they  desired,  and  of  a long  straggling 
continuation  of  pack-horses  and  men  carrying  the 
luggage  of  the  train.  It  was  said  to  contain  not  less 
than  eight  hundred  samurai  in  attendance  on  their 
master. 

The  etiquette  of  the  road  for  such  trains  was  well 
settled  in  feudal  Japan.  The  right  of  way  was 
always  accorded  to  the  dairnyo,  and  all  unmilitary 
persons  or  parties  were  required  to  stand  at  the  side 
of  the  road  while  the  train  was  passing,  to  dismount 
if  on  horseback,  and  to  bow  to  the  daimyo’s  norimono 
as  it  was  carried  past.  It  may  be  supposed  that  the 
samurai  in  attendance  upon  the  incensed  Shimazu 
were  in  no  humor  to  have  these  rules  trifled  with, 
and  especially  would  not  deal  very  tenderly  with 
any  foreigners  who  might  fall  in  their  way. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  day  on  which  the  Satsuma 
train  left  Yedo,  a small  riding  party  left  Yokohama 
for  the  village  of  Kawasaki,  on  a visit  to  the  temple 
at  that  place.  It  consisted  of  one  lady  and  three 


RE  VOL  UTIONAR  V PREL  UDES. 


343 


gentlemen,  one  of  whom  was  Mr.  Charles  L.  Rich- 
ardson, who  had  for  many  years  been  a merchant  at 
Shanghai,  but  who  was  visiting  Japan  previous  to 
his  return  to  England.  A few  miles  north  of  the 
village  of  Kanagawa  they  encountered  the  head  of 
the  train,  and  for  some  distance  passed  successive 
parts  of  it.  They  were  either  ignorant  of  the  eti- 
quette which  required  them  to  withdraw  during  the 
passage  of  such  a cavalcade,  or  underrated  the  dan- 
ger of  disregarding  it. 

Presently  they  came  upon  the  troop  which  had 
special  charge  of  the  norimono  in  which  the  prince 
was  carried.  It  was  surrounded  by  a formidable 
body  of  retainers,  armed  with  swords  and  spears. 
The  reckless  riders  paid  little  heed  to  their  scowling 
looks,  and  rode  carelessly  on,  sometimes  even  thread- 
ing their  way  through  the  interstices  of  the  strag- 
gling train.  When  they  were  nearly  opposite  to 
the  prince’s  norimono,  which  they  were  about  to  pass 
without  dismounting  or  saluting,  they  were  so 
alarmed  by  the  evidences  of  danger  that  one  of  the 
gentlemen  called  out  to  Mr.  Richardson  who  was 
riding  ahead,  “ Don’t  go  on,  we  can  turn  into  a side 
road.”  The  other  also  exclaimed,  “ For  God’s  sake 
let  us  have  no  row.”  Richardson,  who  was  foolhardy 
and  ignorant  of  those  with  whom  he  had  to  deal, 
answered,  “ Let  me  alone,  I have  lived  fourteen 
years  in  China  and  know  how  to  manage  these  people.” 
Suddenly  a soldier  from  the  centre  of  the  procession 
rushed  upon  them  with  a heavy  two-handed  sword 
and  struck  Richardson  a fatal  blow  on  his  side  under 
the  left  arm.  Both  the  other  gentlemen  were  also 


344 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


severely  wounded,  and  the  lady  had  her  bonnet 
knocked  off  by  a blow  aimed  at  her,  but  escaped  un- 
hurt. They  all  started  at  full  speed  towards  home, 
riding  over  the  Japanese  guards  who  undertook  to 
interfere.  All  except  Richardson  reached  Kanagawa 
without  further  hurt;  he  after  riding  a few  rods  fell 
from  his  horse  and  died  from  the  effect  of  his 
terrible  wound.' 

The  excitement  in  the  town  was  intense.  There 
was  a proposition  to  organize  immediately  a force 
and  pursue  after  the  train,  in  order  to  capture  the 
murderer  and  the  Satsuma  chief.  It  was  with  no 
small  effort  and  with  the  almost  unanimous  senti- 
ment of  the  foreign  community  against  him,  that 
Colonel  Neale,  the  British  charge  d'affaires,  re- 
strained them  from  an  act  which  would  have  brought 
quick  vengeance  upon  the  town  and  involved  Great 
Britain  in  a war  with  Japan.  A demand  was  made 
upon  the  government  for  the  capture  and  punish- 
ment of  the  assassin  of  Mr.  Richardson,  and  for  the 
payment  of  an  indemnity  of  .£^100,000,  by  the 
shogun’s  government  and  an  additional  sum  by 
the  daimyo  of  Satsuma. 

Neither  the  surrender  of  the  assassin  nor  the  pay- 
ment of  this  indemnity  was  willingly  undertaken  by 
Satsuma.  It  ended  therefore  in  Admiral  Kuper 
being  despatched  with  a squadron  of  seven  vessels  to 

' Dr.  J.  C.  Hepburn,  a resident  in  Kanagawa  at  this  time,  attended 
to  the  wounded  men  at  the  U.  S.  Consulate.  In  a letter  to  me  after 
reading  the  above  account,  he  says  that,  “ it  was  the  common  report 
at  the  time  that  Richardson  did  ride  into  Satsuma’s  train  and  that  he 
(Satsuma)  said,  ‘ Kill  him.’  It  was  the  general  belief  that  Richard- 
son brought  the  whole  catastrophe  on  himself.” 


REVOLUTIONARY  PRELUDES. 


345 


Kagoshima  in  order  to  enforce  on  the  recalcitrant 
daimyo  the  terms  agreed  upon  with  the  government 
at  Yedo.  He  arrived  on  the  nth  of  August,  1863, 
and  was  received  with  frowning  batteries  and  a 
terrible  typhoon  of  wind  and  rain.  Negotiation 
failed  to  effect  a settlement  and  the  naval  force  was 
called  upon  to  play  its  part.  Three  valuable  new 
steamers,  which  the  daimyo  had  recently  purchased, 
were  captured  and  burned.  The  batteries  Avhich 
lined  the  shore  were  dismantled  by  the  guns  of  the 
ships.  The  city  of  Kagoshima,  said  to  have  had  at 
this  time  a population  of  180,000  and  to  have  been 
one  of  the  most  prosperous  towns  in  Japan,  was 
almost  completely  destroyed  by  fire.  After  this 
drastic  lesson  the  money  demanded  was  paid,  but 
the  murderer  of  Richardson  was  not  and  probably 
could  not  be  surrendered,  and  never  has  been  publicly 
known. 

The  most  important  result  which  followed  this 
severe  experience  was  its  moral  effect  on  the  Satsuma 
leaders.  They  had  become  convinced  that  western 
skill  and  western  equipments  of  war  were  not  to  be 
encountered  by  the  antiquated  methods  of  Japan. 
To  contend  with  the  foreigner  on  anything  like 
equal  terms  it  would  be  necessary  to  acquire  his 
culture  and  dexterity,  and  avail  themselves  of  his 
ships  and  armaments.  It  was  not  long  after  this 
therefore,  that  the  first  company  of  Japanese  students' 

• In  addition  to  Terashima  there  were  in  the  company  Mori  Arinori, 
Yoshida  Kiyonari,  11  atakeyama  Yoshinari,  and  others.  They  became 
deeply  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  western  institutions  and  with  the 
principles  of  constitutional  liberty  and  toleration.  Their  influence 


346 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


were  sent  to  London  under  the  late  Count  Terashima 
by  the  daimyo  of  Satsuma,  and  the  purchase  of 
cannon  and  ships  of  war  was  authorized. 

In  the  meantime  another  collision  still  more  serious 
had  occurred  with  the  treaty  powers.  The  daimyo 
of  Choshu  had,  as  we  have  seen,  taken  sides  with  the 
court  of  Kyoto  against  the  more  liberal  policy  of  the 
shogun’s  government.  He  had  placed  men-of-war 
as  guards  and  had  erected  batteries  within  his  terri- 
tory on  the  shores  of  the  Shimonoseki  straits  through 
which  ships  usually  passed  on  their  way  to  and  from 
the  western  ports.  It  is  claimed,  and  is  not  im- 
probable, that  he  was  encouraged  by  the  Kyoto 
statesmen  to  attack  foreign  ships  on  their  way 
through  these  narrow  straits,  in  order  to  embroil  the 
Yedo  government  with  the  treaty  powers. 

Accordingly  on  the  25th  of  June,  1863  the  Pem- 
broke, a small  American  merchant  steamer  on  her 
way  from  Yokohama  to  Nagasaki  was  fired  upon  by 
two  men-of-war  belonging  to  the  daimyo  of  Choshu. 
She  was  not  hit  or  hurt  and  escaped  through  the 
Bungo  channel  without  injury.  Shortly  after- 
wards, on  the  8th  of  July,  the  French  gunboat  Kien- 
chang  while  at  anchor  in  the  straits,  was  also  fired 
upon  and  severely  injured.  And  lastly  the  Dutch 

upon  the  new  career  of  their  country  was  marked  and  salutary. 
Through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Laurence  Oliphant  a part  of  them  became 
misled  with  the  delusions  of  Thomas  Lake  Harris,  and  with  him  re- 
moved to  Brocton  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie,  U.  S.  where  they  resided 
for  a time  as  members  of  the  Brotherhood  of  the  New  Life.  They  had 
as  associates  in  this  singular  community  Lady  Oliphant  and  her  dis- 
tinguished son,  and  like  them  were  called  upon  to  perform  the  ordinary 
menial  employments  connected  with  the  community. 


RE  VOL  UTIONA  R Y PR  EL  UDES. 


347 


ship-of-war  Medusa,  in  spite  of  a warning  from  the 
Kienchang,  undertook  to  pass  the  straits  and  was 
fired  upon  by  the  ships  and  batteries  of  the  daimyo 
of  Choshu,  to  which  she  responded  with  decisive 
effect. 

News  of  these  hostile  acts  was  brought  immedi- 
ately to  Yokohama.  The  U.  S.  Steamship  Wyoming 
was  lying  there,  and  was  at  once  despatched  to 
avenge  the  insult  to  the  American  flag.  She  arrived 
at  Shimonoseki  on  July  i6th,  and  in  a conflict  with 
ships  and  batteries  sunk  a brig  and  exploded  the 
boiler  of  a steamer.  On  the  20th  inst.  the  French 
frigate  Semirat?iis  and  the  gunboat  Tancrede  under 
the  command  of  Admiral  Juares  arrived  to  exact 
vengeance  for  the  attack  on  the  Kienchang.  One  of 
the  batteries  was  silenced,  and  a force  of  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  were  landed  who  destroyed  what 
remained. 

These  acts  of  signal  vengeance  were  followed  by 
negotiations  for  damages.  The  shogun’s  govern- 
ment disavowed  the  actions  of  their  rebellious 
subordinate ; but  this  did  not  free  them  from 
responsibility  for  the  injuries  which  he  had  inflicted. 
The  American  minister  secured  the  payment  of 
twelve  thousand  dollars  for  alleged  losses  by  the 
Pembroke,  although  as  we  have  seen  the  vessel  got 
off  without  any  damage.  Negotiations  in  regard  to 
freeing  the  Inland  sea  from  obstructions  dragged 
along  for  almost  a year.  The  bakufu  promised  to 
take  measures  to  reduce  to  a peaceful  attitude  the 
daimyo  of  Choshu  whose  territories  bordered  on  the 
narrow  straits  of  Shimonoseki.  But  the  growing 


348 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


political  disturbances  of  the  nation  and  the  impover- 
ishment of  the  shogun’s  treasury  made  it  impossible 
to  carry  out  its  pacific  designs. 

Finally  an  expedition  was  organized  by  the  treaty 
powers  to  visit  Shimonoseki,  in  order  to  destroy 
whatever  might  be  in  existence  there.  It  consisted 
of  nine  British'  ships-of-war,  four  Dutch,  three 
French,  and  one  steamer,  chartered  for  the  occasion 
to  represent  the  United  States."  It  sailed  from 
Yokohama  on  the  28th  and  29th  of  August,  1864. 
The  attack  was  made  from  the  5th  to  the  8th  of 
September.  The  daimyo,  finding  it  useless  to  con- 
tend against  such  overwhelming  odds,  gave  in  his 
absolute  submission. 

After  the  return  of  the  expedition  the  representa- 
tives of  the  allied  powers  held  a conference  with  the 
Japanese  ministers  of  foreign  affairs  with  reference 
to  the  final  settlement  of  this  unfortunate  business. 
A convention  " was  entered  into  between  the  inter- 
ested parties,  dated  the  22d  of  October,  1864,  by 

' It  should  be  stated  here  that  a despatch  to  the  British  envoy  from 
Earl  Russell  arrived  just  after  the  sailing  of  the  expedition  in  which 
he  says:  “That  Her  Majesty’s  government  positively  enjoin  you 

not  to  undertake  any  military  operation  whatever  in  the  interior  of 
Japan  ; and  they  would  indeed  regret  the  adoption  of  any  measures 
of  hostility  against  the  Japanese  government  or  princes,  even  though 
limited  to  naval  operations,  unless  absolutely  required  by  self- 
defence.’’  Had  this  order  arrived  in  time,  it  is  probable  that  the  ex- 
pedition would  not  have  sailed. — Correspondence  Respecting  Affairs  in 
Japan,  1875,  No.  i,  p.  45. 

’It  will  be  remembered  that  the  United  States  at  this  time  had 
occasion  to  use  all  her  ships-of-war  at  home  in  the  civil  war  that  was 
raging. 

’ See  Treaties  and  Conventions  between  the  Empire  of  Japan  and 
Other  Powers,  p.  318. 


RE  VOL  UTIONA  R Y PR  EL  UDES. 


349 


which  an  indemnity  of  three  million  dollars  was  to 
be  paid  by  Japan  to  the  four  powers  for  damages 
and  for  expenses  entailed  by  the  operations  against 
the  daimyo  of  Choshu.  This  sum  was  to  be  paid  in 
instalments  of  half  a million  dollars  each.  The 
four  powers  agreed  among  themselves  as  to  the  divi- 
sion of  this  indemnity:  That  France,  the  Nether- 
lands, and  the  United  States,  in  consideration  of  the 
actual  attacks  made  on  their  shipping,  were  to  re- 
ceive each  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  dollars, 
and  that  the  remaining  sum  should  be  divided 
equally  between  the  four  powers. 

It  has  always  been  felt  that  the  exaction  of  this 
large  indemnity  was  a harsh  if  not  an  unwarrantable 
proceeding.  The  government  of  Yedo  had  dis- 
avowed and  apologized  for  the  conduct  of  the  rebel- 
lious daimyo,  and  promised,  if  time  were  allowed,  to 
reduce  him  to  subjection.  Of  the  powers  which 
were  allied  in  the  expedition.  Great  Britain  had 
suffered  no  damage,  and  the  United  States  had  al- 
ready received  an  indemnity  for  the  injuries  and 
expenses  of  the  vessel  fired  upon.  To  insist,  there- 
fore, upon  the  government  not  only  paying  for  the 
damage  inflicted,  but  for  the  expense  of  an  unneces- 
sarily large  and  costly  expedition  to  suppress  the 
rebellious  subordinate,  which  was  sent  contrary  to 
the  express  protest  of  the  responsible  government, 
seems  too  much  like  that  overbearing  diplomacy 
with  which  western  nations  have  conducted  their 
intercourse  in  the  East.'  The  promised  sum,  how- 

’ The  only  additional  circumstance  that  deserves  mention  in  this 
connection  is  that  in  response  to  a widely  expressed  public  sentiment 


350 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ever,  was  at  last,  after  much  financial  distress,  all 
paid,  and  the  painful  episode  was  ended. 

One  undesigned  benefit  resulted  from  the  Shimo- 
noseki  expedition.  Just  as  the  bombardment  of 
Kagoshima  had  taught  the  daimyo  of  Satsuma  the 
folly  of  resisting  western  armaments,  so  now  the 
daimyo  of  Choshu  had  learned  by  an  expensive  ex- 
perience the  same  bitter  lesson.  For  the  future 
these  two  powerful  clans  might  therefore  be  counted 
on,  not  only  to  oppose  the  moribund  government  of 
Yedo,  but  to  withstand  the  folly  of  trying  to  expel 
the  foreigners  who  by  treaty  with  an  unauthorized 
agent  had  been  admitted  into  the  country.  The 
Choshu  leaders  had  also  taken  advantage  of  their 
experiences  in  this  conflict  with  foreigners  to  put 
their  troops  on  a better  basis  as  regards  arms  and 
organization.  For  the  first  time  the  privilege  of  the 
samurai  to  do  all  the  fighting,  was  disregarded,  and 
a division'  of  troops  was  formed  from  the  common 
people,  which  was  armed  with  foreign  muskets  and 
drilled  in  the  western  tactics.  They  went  by  the 
name  of  “ irregular  troops  ” {kiheitai),  and  played 
no  small  part  in  rendering  nugatory  the  efforts  of 
the  shogun  to  “ chastise  ” the  daimyo  of  Choshu  in 
1865  and  1866. 

Another  noteworthy  military  event  deserves  men- 
tion here.  Colonel  Neale  had  applied  to  his  govern- 
ment for  a military  guard  to  protect  British  interests 

the  Congress  of  the  United  States  in  1883  refunded  to  Japan 
$785,000.87,  her  share  in  this  indemnity. — See  Treaties  and  Con^ 
ventions  between  the  Empire  of  Japan  and  Other  Powers,  p.  320. 

* See  translation  of  Kinsd  Shiriaku,  Yokohama,  1876,  p.  59. 


RE  VOL  U TIONA  R V PR  EL  UDES. 


351 


at  Yokohama.  Two  companies  of  the  20th  regiment 
were  sent  from  Hongkong,  and  with  the  consent  of 
the  Japanese  government  took  up  their  residence  in 
1864  at  barracks  in  the  foreign  settlement.  They 
were  afterwards  joined  by  a French  contingent, 
and  for  many  years  they  were  a familiar  sight, 
and  gave  a sense  of  security  to  the  nervous 
residents. 

While  these  serious  collisions  were  taking  place 
between  Japan  and  the  foreign  powers,  there  was  an 
increasing  and  irreconcilable  animosity  developed 
between  the  Kyoto  and  Yedo  governments.  The 
ostensible  reason,  which  was  put  forward  on  all  occa- 
sions, was  the  difference  of  opinion  upon  the  ques- 
tion of  the  foreign  treaties  and  foreign  intercourse. 
The  Yedo  government  had  by  the  force  of  circum- 
stances become  practically  familiar  with  the  views  of 
the  representatives  of  foreign  nations,  and  had  been 
convinced  that  the  task  of  expelling  foreigners  and 
returning  again  to  the  ancient  policy  of  seclusion 
was  far  beyond  the  power  of  Japan.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  court  of  the  emperor  was  a hot-bed 
of  anti-foreign  sentiment  in  which  all  the  ancient 
prejudices  of  the  empire  naturally  flourished,  and 
where  the  feudal  princes  who  were  jealous  of  the 
shogun  found  a ready  element  in  which  to  foment 
difficulties. 

Two  important  games  were  in  progress.  Yedo 
Avas  the  field  on  which  one  of  these  was  to  be  de- 
cided, and  the  pla)^ers  were  the  representatives  of 
the  treaty  powers  on  the  one  side,  and  the  shogun’s 
government  on  the  other.  Victory  had  already  been 


352 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


virtually  declared  in  favor  of  an  open  country  and 
foreign  intercourse.  The  other  game  was  being 
played  at  Kyoto  between  the  shogun’s  friends  and 
his  enemies.  The  stake  was  a momentous  one, 
namely,  to  determine  whether  the  present  dual 
government  was  to  continue  and  who  was  hereaf- 
ter  to  wield  the  destinies  of  the  empire. 

The  government  of  the  shogun  had  long  been 
convinced  that  it  was  necessary  to  make  the  best 
of  the  presence  of  foreigners  in  the  country 
and  that  it  was  vain  to  make  further  exertions  for 
their  ex’pulsion.  But  a vast  number  of  the  feudal 
retainers  of  the  daimyos  were  still  bitterly  hostile, 
and  took  frequent  occasion  to  commit  outrages,  for 
which  the  government  was  held  responsible.  Be- 
sides the  cases  which  have  been  already  mentioned, 
a new  legation  which  the  British  government  had 
built  in  Gotenyama,  a site  which  the  Japanese  gov- 
ernment had  set  apart  in  Yedo  for  foreign  legations, 
was  burned  to  the  ground  in  1863.  In  the  same 
year  the  temple  buildings  in  Yedo  which  the 
United  States  had  leased  for  a legation  were  burned. 
Twice  the  shogun’s  castle  in  Yedo  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  fire.  A murderous  attack  was  made 
upon  British  subjects  in  Nagasaki ; Lieutenant  de 
Cannes  of  the  French  troops  was  assassinated  in 
1864;  and  in  the  same  year  Major  Baldwin  and 
Lieutenant  Bird,  two  British  officers  were  murdered 
at  Kamakura. 

These  repeated  outrages  seriously  disturbed  the 
Yedo  gov'ernment,  and  led  to  several  attempts  to 
curtail  the  privileges  which  by  the  treaties  were 


RE  VOL  U 'FIONA  R Y PR  EL  UDES. 


353 


secured  to  foreigners.  The  last  proposition  of  the 
kind  which  was  made  was  one  conveyed  to  the 
French  government  by  an  embassy  sent  out  in  1864. 
They  presented  a request  to  have  the  port  of  Kana- 
gavva  closed  up  and  trade  to  be  confined  to  Hakodate 
and  Nagasaki.  They  received  no  encouragement, 
however,  and  returned  with  their  eyes  “ opened  by 
the  high  state  of  material  and  moral  prosperity 
which  surrounded  them,”  and  reported  the  com- 
plete failure  of  their  attempts  at  persuasion.  “The 
bakufu  reprimanded  them  for  having  disgraced 
their  functions,  and,  reducing  their  incomes,  forced 
them  to  retire  into  private  life.”  ' 

It  is  necessary  now  to  trace  the  course  of  events 
at  Kyoto.  According  to  the  theory  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Japan  the  emperor  was  the  supreme  and 
unlimited  ruler  and  the  shogun  was  his  executive. 
The  maintenance  of  the  emperor  and  his  court  was 
a function  of  the  shogun,  and  hence  it  was  almost 
always  possible  for  him  to  compel  the  emperor  to 
pursue  any  policy  which  he  might  desire. 

At  the  time  now  under  review  Komei,  the  father 
of  the  present  emperor,  occupied  the  imperial  throne. 
He  had  succeeded  to  this  dignity  in  1847  the  age 
of  eighteen,  and  he  died  in  1866  at  the  age  of  thirty- 
seven.  The  shogun  was  lemochi,  who  in  1858  had 
been  chosen  from  the  family  of  Kii,  because  of  the 
failure  of  an  heir  in  the  regular  line.  At  the  time 
of  his  election  he  was  a boy  of  twelve  years  of  age, 
and  was  placed  under  the  guardianship  of  the  prime 
minister  li  Kamon-no-kami.  After  the  assassina- 

' See  translation  of  Rinse  Shiriaku,  Yokohama,  p.  50. 


23 


354 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


tion  of  the  prime  minister  in  i86i,  Hitotsubashi 
Gyobukyo,  a son  of  the  daimyo  of  Mito,  was  ap- 
pointed guardian,  and  served  in  this  capacity  until 
the  shogun’s  death. 

Around  the  court  of  the  emperor  were  gathered 
many  discordant  elements.  The  party  of  the  sho- 
gun was  always  represented,  and  the  daimyo  of 
Aizu,  its  ardent  friend  and  champion,  had  the  honor- 
able distinction  of  guarding  the  imperial  palace.  By 
invitation  many  other  daimyos  were  at  Kyoto  with 
retinues  of  officers  and  attendants,  and  with  guards 
of  troops.  The  southern  and  western  daimyos  were 
present  in  imposing  numbers,  and  although  they  did 
not  always  agree  among  themselves,  they  were  in 
harmony  in  the  general  purpose  to  discredit  the 
government  at  Yedo  and  to  promote  the  imperial 
authority. 

The  expulsion  of  foreigners  was  the  common  sub- 
ject of  discussion  and  agitation.  Although  again 
and  again  it  had  been  assured  that  it  was  impossible 
to  dislodge  the  treaty  powers  from  their  position  in 
the  country,  the  court  still  continued  to  direct  its 
efforts  to  this  object.  For  the  first  time  in  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty  years,'  when  lemitsu  went  up  to  the 
imperial  court,  the  Shogun  lemochi  visited  Kyoto  in 
1863  in  order  to  consult  about  the  affairs  of  the 
country.  In  accordance  with  the  precedent  set  by 
lemitsu,  the  shogun  distributed  on  this  occasion 
rich  presents  to  the  emperor  and  the  officers  of  his 
court.  He  also  scattered  among  the  townspeople 
his  largesses,  until  “ the  whole  populace,  moistened  in 
' See  translation  of  Kins^  Shiraku,  Yokohama,  p.  24. 


RE  VO  LU  TIONA  RY  PR  EL  UDES. 


355 


the  bath  of  his  mercy  and  goodness,  were  greatly 
pleased  and  gratified.”  ' 

Conferences’  were  held  between  the  daimyos  who 
were  present  in  Kyoto  and  the  officials  of  the  court, 
and  in  spite  of  the  objections  and  remonstrances  of 
the  Yedo  official,  an  imperial  edict  was  issued  and 
entrusted  to  the  shogun  for  execution,  to  expel  from 
the  country  the  hated  foreigners.  This  edict  was 
notified  to  the  representatives  of  the  treaty  powers 
by  the  Yedo  officials.  They  seemed,  however,  to 
regard  their  duty  fully  done  when  this  notice  was 
given.  No  serious  steps  were  ever  taken  to  carry 
out  these  expulsive  measures,  unless  the  obstruction 
of  navigation  of  the  Shimonoseki  straits  by  the  dai- 
myo  of  Choshu  be  regarded  of  this  character. 

In  1863  a plot  was  alleged  to  have  been  formed  by 
the  Choshu  men  to  seize  the  emperor  and  carry  him 
off  to  their  own  territory.  The  object  aimed  at  by 
this  plot  was  of  course  to  get  the  court  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  shogun’s  friends,  and  surround  it  by 
influences  favorable  to  the  plans  of  the  southern 
daimyos.  The  court,  however,  became  alarmed  by 
the  reports  in  circulation,  and  steps  were  taken  to 
forbid  the  Choshu  troops,  who  guarded  Sakaimachi 
gate,  access  to  the  grounds  of  the  imperial  palace. 
Offended  by  this  action  they  retired  to  their  own 
territory.  Seven  of  the  most  prominent  court 

' See  citation  in  Adams’  History  of  fapan,  vol.  i.,  p.  260. 

’ Toyokichi  lyenaga,  Ph.D.,  in  his  pamphlet  on  the  Constitutional 
Development  of  Japan,  p.  17,  traces  the  evolution  of  the  present 
parliamentary  institutions  to  the  conferences  which  were  held  at  this 
and  subsequent  times. 


356 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


nobles  {kuges) ' who  sympathized  with  Choshu  in  his 
aims  and  purposes  accompanied  them,  and  were 
thereupon  deprived  of  their  rank  and  revenue. 

The  departure  of  the  Choshu  clansmen  and  the 
triumph  of  the  shogun’s  party  seemed  to  have  put 
an  end  to  the  anti-foreign  policy.  The  emperor  and 
his  court  had  been  forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
effort  to  expel  the  treaty  powers  was  far  beyond  the 
powers  of  Japan,  even  if  it  were  united  and  its  exer- 
tions directed  from  one  centre.  From  this  time 
may  be  estimated  to  begin  a new  phase  in  the  con- 
test which  was  to  end  in  the  restoration  of  the  origi- 
nal form  of  government. 

The  territory  of  Choshu  had  become  the  ren- 
dezvous for  all  the  disaffected  elements  of  the  em- 
pire. The  daimyo  was  looked  upon  as  the  patriotic 
leader  of  the  country,  and  ronins  from  all  parts 
hastened  to  enroll  themselves  under  his  banner.  In 
the  summer  of  1864  the  Choshu  forces,  to  the 
number  of  several  thousand,  composed  not  only  of 
the  samurai  of  the  province,  but  also  of  the  dis- 
affected ronins  who  had  gathered  there,  and  of  the 
“ irregular  troops,”  kihcitai,  which  had  been  organ- 
ized, started  to  re-enter  Kyoto  in  order  to  regain  the 
position  they  had  previously  occupied.  The  contest 
which  followed  has  been  described  with  lurid  dis- 
tinctness by  native  annalists.  They  were  encoun- 
tered by  Hitotsubashi  in  command  of  the  troops  of 
Aizu,  Echizen,  Hikone,  and  other  loyal  clans.  After 
a battle  which  lasted  several  days,  and  which  raged 

'Among  these  was  Sanjo  Saneyoshi,  who  afterwards  for  many 
years  was  the  prime  minister  of  the  restored  government. 


JiE  VOL  U TIONA  R V PR  EL  UDES. 


357 


chiefly  about  the  imperial  palace,  the  Choshu  troops 
were  completely  defeated  and  forced  to  retire.  It 
gives  us  an  idea  of  the  terrible  earnestness  of  these 
Japanese  warriors  to  read  how  a little  remnant  of 


KIDO  TAKEYOSHI. 

(From  a photograph.) 

the  Choshu  troops  took  refuge  on  Tennozan;  and 
when  they  heard  their  pursuers  approaching,  how 
seventeen  of  them  committed  hara-kiri' \ and  lest 


See  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  i.,  p.  431. 


358 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAM. 


their  heads  should  be  recognized  and  their  names 
disgraced,  how  they  had  thrown  themselves  into  the 
flames  of  a temple  which  they  had  set  on  fire. 
Three  of  the  company  who  had  performed  the 
friendly  act  of  decapitation  for  their  comrades  had 
escaped  by  mountain  roads  and  made  their  way 
back  to  Choshu. 

The  usual  concomitant  of  fighting  in  a town  had 
followed,  and  a great  part  of  Kyoto  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  fire.’  The  Satsuma  troops  had  taken  an 
important  part  in  this  repulse  of  Choshu.  They  had 
intervened  at  a very  critical  moment,  and  had  cap- 
tured a considerable  number  of  Choshu  prisoners. 
But  they  had  treated  them  with  great  consideration, 
and  subsequently  had  even  sent  them  home  with 
presents,  so  that  the  Choshu  men  felt  they  really 
had  friends  instead  of  enemies  in  the  warlike  south- 
ern clan.  It  is  in  this  battle  we  catch  the  first 
glimpse  of  the  Choshu  leader,  Kido  Takeyoshi,  then 
known  as  Katsura  Kogoro.”  He  must  have  been 
about  thirty-four  years  of  age,  and  already  gave 
promise  of  the  talents  which  made  him  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  and  influential  statesmen  of  the 
restoration. 

In  1865  Sir  Harry  Parkes  arrived  in  Japan  as  the 
envoy  plenipotentiary  of  the  British  government. 
He  had  resided  in  China  from  boyhood,  and  had 
been  especially  conspicuous  in  the  war  between 

’ The  annalist  from  whom  Adams  quotes  gives  the  number  of 
houses  burned  as  27,000.  Adams’  History  of  fapan,  vol.  i.,  p.  434. 

See  the  Genji  Vume  Monogatari  and  Satow’s  note  in  Adams’ 
History  of  fapan,  vol.  i.,  p.  407. 


RE  VOL  U TIONA  R K PREL  VDES. 


359 


China  and  Great  Britain  in  i860.  His  career  in 
Japan  continued  until  1883,  when  he  was  promoted 
to  the  court  of  Peking.  He  had  the  good  fortune  to 
be  the  representative  of  his  country  during  the  most 


UDAIJIN  IWAKURA  TOMOMI. 

(From  a photograph.) 

momentous  years  of  modern  Japanese  history,  and 
in  many  of  the  most  important  events  he  exerted  an 
influence  which  was  decisive. 

The  troubles  in  Choshu  were  finally  brought  to  a 
close.  The  efforts  of  the  shogun,  although  con- 


360 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ducted  at  great  expense,  were  unavailing.  Satsuma, 
when  summoned  to  render  aid  in  crushing  the  rebel- 
lious prince,  declined  to  join  in  the  campaign. 
Through  the  efforts  of  Saigo  Kichinoske,’  a treaty  of 
amity  was  effected  between  the  two  clans.  The  kind 
treatment  of  the  Choshu  prisoners  in  the  attack  on 
Kyoto  was  remembered,  and  the  help  and  alliance 
of  the  powerful  Kyushu  clan  were  eagerly  accepted. 
Peace  was  negotiated  between  the  shogun  and  the 
rebels.  Thus  the  Choshu  episode  was  ended,  with 
no  credit  to  the  shogun’s  party,  but  with  a distinct 
gain  to  the  cause  of  the  imperial  restoration.® 

It  had  long  been  recognized  that  the  treaties 
which  had  been  made  by  the  foreign  powers  would 
possess  a greatly  increased  influence  on  the  Japanese 
people  if  they  could  have  the  sanction  of  the  em- 
peror. The  shogun  lemochi  had  been  summoned  to 
Kyoto  by  the  emperor  to  consult  upon  the  concerns 
of  the  nation,  and  was  occupying  his  castle  at  Osaka. 
The  representatives  of  the  foreign  powers  thereupon 
concluded  that  it  would  be  a timely  movement  to 
proceed  with  their  naval  armaments  to  Hyogo,  and 

' This  distinguished  soldier  is  better  known  under  the  name  of 
Saigo  Takamori.  He  was  originally  an  ardent  anti-foreign  partisan, 
and  through  this  sentiment  became  an  advocate  of  a restoration  of 
the  emperor.  His  services  in  this  revolutionary  movement  were  re- 
warded by  a pension  granted  and  accepted  by  the  emperor’s  express 
command. — See  Mounsey’s  Satsuma  Rebellion,  London,  p.  22. 

* In  this  reconciliation  of  the  Satsuma  and  Chdshii  clans  the  court 
noble,  Iwakura  Tomomi,  took  a prominent  part,  and  after  the  res- 
toration was  complete  he  became  one  of  the  principal  officers  in  the 
new  government,  holding  the  office  of  Udaijin  until  his  death.  He 
is  best  known  to  foreigners  as  the  head  of  an  embassy  which  visited 
western  countries  in  1872-3. 


REVOLUTIONARY  PRELUDES. 


361 


wait  upon  the  shogun  at  Osaka,  with  the  purpose  of 
urging  him  to  obtain  the  imperial  approval  of  the 
treaties.  This  was  accordingly  done,  and  an  im- 
pressive display  of  the  allied  fleets  was  made  at  the 
town,  which  has  since  been  opened  to  foreign 
trade. 

The  shogun  was  both  young  and  irresolute,  and 
personally  had  neither  weight  nor  influence.  But 
his  guardian,  Hitotsubashi,  was  a man  of  mature 
years  and  judgment.  He  recognized  the  importance 
of  obtaining  the  approval  of  the  em.peror  to  the 
foreign  treaties,  and  of  thus  ending  the  long  and 
ruinous  agitation  which  prevailed  in  the  country. 

A memorial'  was  presented  to  the  emperor  in  the 
name  of  the  shogun,  setting  forth  the  embarrassment 
under  which  the  administration  of  the  country  had 
been  conducted  on  account  of  the  supposed  opposi- 
tion of  the  emperor  to  the  treaties,  and  begging  him 
to  relieve  them  by  signifying  his  sanction  ; and  as- 
suring him  that  if  this  is  not  given,  the  foreign 
representatives  who  are  at  Hyogo  will  proceed  to 
the  capital  and  demand  it  at  his  hands. 

It  ended  in  the  sanction  of  the  treaties  being 
signified  October  23,  1865,  by  the  following  laconic 
decree  ’ addressed  to  the  shogun  : “ The  imperial 
consent  is  given  to  the  treaties,  and  you  will  therefore 
undertake  the  necessary  arrangements  therewith.” 

During  this  critical  time  the  Shogun  lemochi  died 
September  19,  1866,  at  his  castle  in  Osaka  at  the 

- See  this  memorial  as  given  in  Adams’  History  of  fapan^  vol.  ii. 
p.  24. 

* See  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  ii.,  p.  24. 


362 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


age  of  eighteen.  He  had  been  chosen  in  1858,  in 
the  absence  of  a regular  heir,  by  the  determined 
influence  of  li  Kamon-no-kami,  who  was  then  all- 
powerful  at  Yedo.  He  was  too  young  to  have  any 
predominating  influence  upon  affairs.  Until  the 
assassination  of  the  prime  minister  li  Kamon-no- 
kami  in  1861  the  boy  shogun  had  been  under  his 
guardianship.  Since  then  that  duty  had  been  de- 
volved upon  Hitotsubashi,  a son  of  the  diamyo  of 
Mito,  who  had  been  himself  strongly  pressed  for  the 
office  of  shogun,  but  who  was  alleged  to  be  too 
mature  and  resolute  a character  for  the  prime 
minister’s  purposes.  As  guardian,  Hitotsubashi  had 
taken  an  active  part  in  the  effort  to  obtain  the  sanc- 
tion of  the  treaties,  and  the  final  success  of  this 
important  step  must  in  a great  measure  be  attributed 
to  him. 

After  the  death  of  lemochi  without  direct  heirs, 
the  office  of  shogun  was  offered  to  Hitotsubashi  as 
a representative  of  Mito,  one  of  the  “ honorable 
families  ” from  whom  a shogun  was  to  be  chosen  in 
case  of  a failure  of  direct  heirs.  It  is  said  that  he 
accepted  the  office  with  great  reluctance,  knowing 
the  troubles  which  would  surely  await  him  who  as- 
sumed it.  He  assented  only  on  the  command  of 
the  emperor  and  the  assurance  of  support  from 
many  of  the  diamyos.  He  has  thus  the  distinction 
of  becoming  the  last  of  the  long  line  of  Tokugawa 
shoguns,  under  the  name  of  Tokugawa  Yoshinobu.' 

A few  months  after  the  death  of  lemochi,  on  the 
3d  of  February,  1867,  Emperor  Komei  also  died 
’ See  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  ii.,  p.  37. 


REVOLUTIONARY  PRELUDES. 


3^3 


from  an  attack  of  small-pox.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  strongly  prejudiced  against  foreigners  and 
foreign  intercourse,  and  it  was  claimed  at  the  time 
of  his  death,  that  when  he  sanctioned  the  foreign 


THE  REIGNING  EMPEROR. 

treaties  the  divine  nature  left  him  to  fall  a prey  to 
the  ravages  of  ordinary  disease.  His  son  Mutsuhito, 
then  in  his  fifteenth  year,  succeeded  him  and  is  now 
the  reigning  emperor,  the  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
first  of  his  line. 


364 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


It  was  thought  that  the  death  of  an  emperor  of 
strong  prejudices  and  of  a mature  age  would 
naturally  favor  a more  complete  control  by  the 
new  shogun.  It  was  not  to  be  anticipated  that  an 
emperor,  still  only  a youth,  \vould  pursue  the  same 
policy  as  his  father,  and  undertake  to  assume  a 
real  and  active  part  in  the  government  of  his 
country.  But  the  shogun  and  his  friends  under- 
rated the  influences  which  were  gathered  at  Kyoto, 
and  which  now  went  far  beyond  an  anti-foreign  sen- 
timent and  were  chiefly  concerned  with  schemes  for 
restoring  the  imperial  power  and  unifying  the  form 
of  government. 

The  daimyo  of  Tosa,  who  was  a man  of  liberal 
sentiments  and  of  great  penetration,  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  shogun  in  October,  1867,  in  which  he 
frankly  says : “ The  cause  [of  our  trouble]  lies  in  the 
fact  that  the  administration  proceeds  from  two  cen- 
tres, causing  the  empire’s  eyes  and  ears  to  be  turned 
in  two  different  directions.  The  march  of  events 
has  brought  about  a revolution,  and  the  old  system 
can  no  longer  be  persevered  in.  You  should  restore 
the  governing  power  into  the  hands  of  the  sovereign 
and  so  lay  a foundation  on  which  Japan  may  take 
its  stand  as  the  equal  of  other  countries.”  ' 

The  shogun  being  deeply  impressed  with  the  wis- 
dom of  this  advice  drew  up  a document  addressed 
to  his  vassals,  asking  their  opinion  of  the  advisability 
of  his  resignation.  Among  other  things  he  says : 
“ It  appears  to  me  that  the  laws  cannot  be  main- 
tained in  face  of  the  daily  extension  of  our  foreign 

' Translation  of  Rinse  Shiriaku,  Yokohama,  p.  30. 


RE  VOL  U TIONAR  Y PR  EL  UDES. 


365 


relations,  unless  the  government  be  conducted  by 
one  head,  and  I propose  therefore  to  surrender  the 
whole  governing  power  into  the  hands  of  the  im- 


perial court.  This  is  the  best  I can  do  for  the 
interests  of  the  empire.”  ’ According  to  this  an. 
' Translation  of  Kins^  Shiraku,  Yokohama,  p.  80. 


366 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


nounced  resolution,  on  the  19th  of  November,  1867, 
the  shogun  resigned  into  the  hands  of  the  emperor 
his  authority.  This  surrender  was  accepted,  and  thus 
a dynasty  which  had  lasted  from  1603  came  to  an 
end.  That  this  surrender  might  be  declined  and  the 
power  still  continue  to  be  held  by  the  Tokugawa, 
was  perhaps  the  hope  and  wish  of  the  last  shogun. 
But  it  was  not  to  be.  The  powerful  clans  who  for 
years  had  labored  for  the  destruction  of  the  Toku- 
gawa jjrimacy  were  ready  to  undertake  the  respon- 
sibility of  a new  government.  And  although  the 
change  was  not  to  be  effected  without  a struggle, 
yet  from  this  point  may  be  counted  to  begin  the 
new  period  of  the  restoration. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 

The  resignation  of  the  shogun  was  accepted  by 
the  emperor,  on  the  understanding  that  a conference 
of  the  daimyos  was  to  be  called  and  its  opinion 
taken  in  reference  to  the  subsequent  conduct  of 
affairs.  In  the  meantime  the  ex-shogun,  under  the 
command  of  the  emperor,  was  to  continue  the  ad- 
ministration, particularly  of  those  interests  which 
concerned  the  foreign  powers.  But  the  allied  west- 
ern daimyos  feared  the  effect  of  leaving  the  admin- 
istration in  the  hands  of  their  enemies.  The  posses- 
sion of  the  person  of  the  emperor  was  always  reck- 
oned an  important  advantage.  Especially  was  this 
the  case  when  the  emperor  was  only  a boy,  whose 
influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  government  could 
have  little  weight.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to 
take  measures  which  would  definitely  ensure  the 
termination  of  the  shogun’s  power,  and  secure  for 
themselves  the  result  for  which  they  had  been  so 
long  laboring. 

On  January  3,  1868,  by  a so-called  order  of  the 
emperor,'  but  really  by  the  agreement  of  the  allied 

’ See  translation  of  Kinse  Shiriaktt,  Yokohama,  p.  82. 

367 


368 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


daimyos,  the  troops  of  the  Aizu  clan,  who  were  in 
charge  of  the  palace  gates,  were  dismissed  from  their 
duty,  and  their  place  assumed  by  troops  of  the  clans 
of  Satsuma,  Tosa,  Aki,  Owari,  and  Echizen.  The 
kuges  who  surrounded  the  court  and  who  were  fav- 
orable to  the  Tokugawa  party  were  discharged  and 
forbidden  to  enter  its  precincts.  The  vacant  places 
were  filled  by  adherents  of  the  new  order  of  things. 
The  offices  of  kzvambaku  and  shogun  were  by  impe- 
rial edict  abolished.  A provisional  plan  of  adminis- 
tration was  adopted  and  persons  of  adequate  rank 
appointed  to  conduct  the  several  departments.  “ A 
decree  was  issued  announcing  that  the  government 
of  the  country  was  henceforth  solely  in  the  hands 
of  the  imperial  court.’” 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  new  government  was 
to  recall  the  daimyo  of  Choshu,  who  had  been  ex- 
pelled from  Kyoto,  in  1863,  and  to  invite  back  the 
kuges  who  had  been  exiled  and  deprived  of  their 
revenues  and  honors.  The  sentence  of  confiscation 
which  had  been  pronounced  upon  them  was  abro- 
gated and  they  were  restored  to  their  former  privi- 
leges. One  of  them,  Sanjo  Saneyoshi,  as  prime 
minister  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  reviving 
the  ancient  and  original  form  of  government.  The 
Choshu  troops  who  had  been  driven  out  of  the  capi- 
tal in  1863,  were  recalled  and  given  a share  with  the 
loyal  clans  in  guarding  the  palace  of  the  emperor. 

This  powerful  clan,’  which  had  suffered  such  a 

' See  translation  of  Kinsd  Shiriaku,  Yokohama,  p.  82. 

With  that  talent  for  nicknaming  which  the  Japanese  exhibit,  the 
leading  party  in  the  new  government  was  called  Sat-chd-io  ; derived 
from  the  first  syllables  of  the  clans,  Satsuma,  Choshu,  and  Tosa. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


369 


varied  experience,  was  destined  to  take  and  main- 
tain a leading  position  in  the  future  development  of 
the  restored  empire. 

The  Aizu  and  other  clans  which  had  been  devoted 
friends  of  the  Tokugawa  shoguns  were  especially 
outraged  by  this  conciliatory  spirit  shown  to  the 
Choshu  troops.  They  claimed  that  this  clan  by 
resisting  the  imperial  commands  had  merited  the 
opprobrious  title  of  rebels  (chotoki),  and  were  no 
longer  fit  for  the  association  of  loyal  clans.  But  the 
Choshu  daimyo  had  been  restored  to  the  favor  of  his 
emperor,  and  moreover  was  allied  with  the  clans 
whose  power  was  paramount  at  Kyoto,  so  that  the 
disapprobation  of  the  Tokugawa  adherents  had  little 
terror  for  him. 

At  the  suggestion  of  his  friends  the  shogun  re- 
tired to  his  castle  at  Osaka,  and  the  troops  attached 
to  his  cause  also  retreated  and  gathered  under  his 
standard.  The  situation  of  affairs  was  for  a time 
uncertain.  The  shogun  had  resigned,  and  his  resig- 
nation had  been  accepted,  but  he  had  been  asked 
by  the  emperor  to  continue  his  administration.  Sub- 
sequently, under  the  pressure  of  the  allied  clans,  the 
emperor  had  abolished  the  shogunate  and  entrusted 
the  administration  to  a provisional  government. 
This  last  action  the  friends  of  the  ex-shogun  re- 
sented as  the  doings  of  revolutionists.  It  is  believed 
that  he  himself  was  averse  to  further  conflict.  Any 
step  which  he  m.ight  take  in  the  vindication  of  his 
rights  must  involve  war  with  the  allied  clans,  and  he 
was  not  a man  of  war. 

While  these  critical  events  were  taking  place,  the 

»4 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


3;o 

representatives  of  foreign  powers  came  down  from 
Yedo  to  Hyogo  with  an  impressive  array  of  men-of- 
war.  By  invitation  of  the  ex-shogun  they  visited 
him  at  Osaka.  In  reply  to  the  representatives  he 
made  an  address,'  complaining  of  the  arbitrary  con- 
duct of  those  who  now  had  possession  of  the  impe- 
rial person,  and  notifying  them  that  he  was  willing 
and  able  to  protect  their  rights  under  the  treaties, 
and  asking  them  to  await  the  action  of  a conference 
to  be  summoned.  In  consequence  of  the  conflict 
which  was  now  imminent,  the  representatives  of  the 
treaty  powers  issued  a notice  to  their  citizens  that 
neutrality  must  be  maintained  under  all  circum- 
stances, and  arms  and  ammunition  must  not  be  sold 
to  either  party. 

The  first  armed  conflict  between  the  two  parties 
took  place  during  the  closing  days  of  January,  1868. 
Two  of  the  allied  daimyos,  Owari  and  Echizen,  were 
sent  to  Osaka  to  confer  with  the  ex-shogun,  in  the 
hope  that  some  terms  might  be  agreed  upon,  by 
which  further  difificulty  could  be  avoided.  They  were 
both  Tokugawa  daimyos,  Owari  belonging  to  one  of 
go-sanke  families,  and  Echizen  being  a descend- 
ant of  leyasu’s  son.  They  offered  to  the  ex-shogun 
an  honorable  appointment,  and  if  he  would  come  to 
Kyoto  they  assured  him  a ready  audience  before  the 
emperor.  He  promised  to  obey  the  emperor’s  com- 
mand and  visit  the  capital. 

After  the  envoys  had  gone  his  friends  raised  sus- 
picions in  his  mind  concerning  his  personal  safety. 
The  daimyos  of  Aizu  and  Kuwana  offered  to  accom- 

' See  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  ii.,  p.  84. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


371 


pany  him  in  case  he  determined  to  go.  They  organ- 
ized, therefore,  a force  of  about  10,000  men  with 
which  they  proposed  to  escort  him.  He  must  have 
known  that  a formidable  military  escort  like  this 
would  precipitate  a conflict.  However,  he  set  out. 
The  news  of  the  preparations  of  the  ex-shogun  was 
brought  to  Kyoto,  and  aroused  a determination  to 
resist  his  invasion  of  the  capital.  He  had  been 
invited  to  the  palace  by  the  emperor,  but  he  was  to 
come  as  a peaceful  visitor.  If  he  had  determined  to 
come  with  a guard  composed  of  the  enemies  of  the 
empire  he  must  be  resisted. 

Troops  of  the  Satsuma  and  Choshu  clans  were, 
therefore,  posted  to  intercept  the  march  of  the  ex- 
shogun’s escort.  It  is  believed  that  they  numbered 
about  1,500*  men.  The  fighting  took  place  on  the 
roads  leading  from  Osaka  to  Kyoto,  and  lasted 
during  the  28th,  29th,  and  30th  of  January.  It 
ended  in  the  complete  defeat  of  the  rebel  army, 
although  it  so  far  outnumbered  its  adversaries. 

The  ex-shogun  being  thus  disappointed  in  his 
plan  to  enter  the  capital  with  a commanding  force 
retired  to  his  castle  at  Osaka,  from  which  he  pro- 
ceeded on  a steam  corvette  to  Yedo.’  The  castle  at 

' The  numbers  here  given,  of  10,000  troops  in  the  rebel  army  and 
1,500  in  the  imperial  army,  are  much  less  than  those  claimed  by  the 
Japanese  authorities,  but  Mr.  Satow  who  had  means  of  ascertaining 
the  truth  gives  the  numbers  as  stated  in  the  text.  See  Adams’ 
History  of  fapan,  vol.  ii.,  p.  gg,  note. 

^ An  incident  connected  with  this  return  illustrates  both  the  times 
and  customs  of  the  country.  Hori  Kura-no-kami,  a prominent  retainer 
of  the  ex-shogun,  besought  his  master  to  commit  hara-kiri  as  the  only 
way  in  which  his  own  honor  and  the  dignity  of  the  Tokugawa  clan 
could  be  preserved.  He  offered  to  join  him  in  this  tragic  ceremony. 


372 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Osaka  was  burnt,  and  the  defeated  troops  made 
their  way  by  land  to  the  same  rendezvous.  The 
antipathy  existing  between  the  Satsuma  clan  and 
the  Tokugawa  adherents  showed  itself  in  a very  pro- 
nounced manner  in  Yedo.  The  Satsuma  yashiki, 
which  was  occupied  by  troops  of  that  clan  and  by 
ronitis  favorable  to  them  was  surrounded  by  Toku- 
gawa troops  and  burnt.  Collisions  between  the 
two  parties  were  of  constant  occurrence,  which  con- 
tinued until  the  arrival  of  the  imperial  troops  restored 
order.  In  Hyogo  too,  which  with  Osaka  was  opened 
to  foreign  trade  on  the  first  of  January,  1868,  there 
were  difficulties  between  the  foreigners  and  anti- 
foreign  element  in  the  population.  But  these 
troubles  rapidly  disappeared,  because  the  new  gov- 
ernment took  pains  at  once  to  make  it  plain  that  the 
treaties  with  foreign  powers  were  to  be  kept,  and 
outrages  committed  against  those  who  were  in 
the  country  under  these  treaties  were  not  to  be 
tolerated. 

On  February  8,  1868,  the  emperor  sent  to  the 
foreign  representatives  a request  that  they  communi- 
cate to  their  governments  the  fact  that  hereafter  the 
administration  of  both  internal  and  external  affairs 
would  be  conducted  by  him,  and  that  officers  would 
be  appointed  to  conduct  the  business  which  may 
arise  under  the  foreign  treaties. 

In  token  of  the  sincerity  of  this  communication 
an  invitation  was  conveyed  to  the  representatives  of 

but  the  ex-shogun  declined  to  end  his  life  in  this  way.  Thereupon 
the  devoted  retainer  retired  and  in  the  pres?nc?  of  his  own  friends 
himself  committed  hara-kiri. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


373 


the  powers  then  at  Hyogo  to  present  themselves 
before  the  emperor  on  March  23d.  The  significance 
of  this  event  can  scarcely  now  be  conceived.  Never 
before  in  the  history  of  the  empire  had  its  divine 
head  deigned  to  admit  to  his  presence  the  despised 
foreigner,  or  put  himself  on  an  equality  with  the 
sovereign  of  the  foreigner.  The  event  created  in  the 
ancient  capital  the  utmost  excitement.  The  French 
and  Dutch  ministers  had  each  in  turn  been  con- 
ducted to  the  palace  and  had  been  received  in 
audience.  No  serious  incident  had  occurred.  But 
during  the  progress  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes,'  the  British 
representative,  from  his  lodgings  to  the  palace,  two 
fanatical  samurai  rushed  upon  his  escort,  and  before 
they  could  be  overpowered  wounded  nine  of  them. 
One  of  the  would-be  assassins  was  killed  and  the 
other  was  captured  after  being  desperately  wounded. 
The  party  returned  at  once  to  the  lodgings  of  the 
envoy  who  fortunately  was  uninjured. 

The  court,  by  whose  invitation  the  ministers  had 
undertaken  to  present  themselves  before  the  em- 
peror, was  overwhelmed  with  mortification.  High 
officers  at  once  waited  upon  Sir  Harry  and  tendered 
their  sympathy  and  profound  regret.  After  making 
every  reparation  in  their  power,  arrangements  were 
made  to  hold  the  audience  on  the  day  following  that 
originally  appointed.  It  was  held  accordingly  with- 
out further  incident.  Warned  by  this  alarming 
occurrence,  the  government  issued  an  edict,  that  as 
the  treaties  had  now  been  sanctioned  by  the  em- 
peror, the  protection  of  foreigners  was  henceforth 

' American  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  April  3,  1868. 


374 


THE  STORY  OF  JaEAM. 


his  particular  care  ; that  if  therefore  any  samurai 
were  to  be  guilty  of  an  outrage  against  them,  he 
should  be  degraded  from  his  rank,  and  denied  the 
honorable  privilege  of  committing  hara-kiri ; he 
should  suffer  the  punishment  of  a common  criminal 
and  have  his  head  exposed  in  token  of  dishonor. 
INIiyeda  Shigeru,  the  surviving  culprit,  was  thus 
punished. 

The  scene  of  the  brief  contest  was  now  shifted  to 
the  east.  The  ex-shogun  seemed  to  vacillate  be- 
tween a complete  surrender  of  his  power  and  a pro- 
visional retention  of  it  until  the  will  of  the  nation 
could  be  taken  by  a conference  of  the  daimyos.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  imperial  forces  in  Yedo  the  final 
terms  of  his  future  treatment  were  announced  to  the 
ex-shogun  : That  he  retire  to  Mito,  and  there  live  in 
seclusion;  that  the  castle  in  Yedo  be  evacuated; 
and  that  the  vessels  and  armaments  now  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  ex-shogun  be  surrendered.  These 
terms  were  accepted,  and  he  took  up  his  residence 
in  his  ancestral  province  of  Mito.  Subsequently  he 
was  permitted  to  remove  to  the  castle  of  Sumpu  at 
Shizuoka.  With  him  the  dynasty  of  Tokugawa 
shoguns  vanishes  from  history. 

His  adherents,  however,  still  continued  to  resist 
the  imperial  forces.  For  months  the  Aizu  troops 
hovered  about  Yedo,  and  at  last  came  to  blows  with 
the  imperial  troops  at  the  grounds  of  the  Uyeno 
temple  on  July  4,  1868.  It  was  a hard-fought  battle, 
and  was  at  last  decided  by  an  Armstrong  gun  in  the 
hands  of  the  Hizen  troops.  The  fine  old  temple  was 
destroyed,  and  the  rebel  forces  withdrew  to  the  north. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


375 


Further  complications  arose — fighting  at  Utsuno- 
miya,  etc., — but  at  last  they  were  ended  by  the  sur- 
render of  the  castle  of  Wakamatsu,  where  the  daimyo 
of  Aizu  had  made  a stand.  With  generous  fortitude 
he  took  the  blame  upon  himself  and  submitted  to 
the  clemency  of  his  sovereign. 

It  is  only  necessary  now  in  order  to  bring  to  a 
close  the  account  of  this  short  military  contest,  to 
refer  to  the  movements  of  the  fleet  lying  at  Shina- 
gawa.  It  will  be  remembered  that  by  the  terms 
accepted  by  the  ex-shogun  these  vessels  were  to  be 
surrendered  to  the  imperial  forces.  There  were 
seven  of  them,  mounting  in  all  eighty-three  guns. 
They  were  under  the  command  of  Enomoto  Izumi- 
no-kami,  who  had  learned  in  Holland  the  science  of 
naval  war.  He  did  not  approve  of  his  master  sur- 
rendering these  muniments  of  war.  On  the  morning 
of  the  day  when  the  vessels  were  to  be  delivered 
over  to  the  imperial  commander,  they  had  dis- 
appeared from  their  anchorage.  In  the  night 
Enomoto  had  got  up  steam,  crept  out  through  Yedo 
bay,  and  sailed  northward  to  more  friendly  climes. 
The  imperial  fleet  followed,  and  after  some  manoeu- 
vring at  Sendai  proceeded  to  Hakodate.  Here  the 
warlike  operations  between  the  rebels  and  the 
imperial  troops  lasted  till  July,  1869.  Finally,  the 
leaders,  Enomoto  and  Matsudaira  Taro,  seeing  that 
it  was  hopeless  to  contend  longer  against  a con- 
stantly increasing  enem)%  offered  to  commit  hara-kiri^ 
in  order  that  their  followers  might  be  saved  by  a 
surrender.  Their  unselfish  purpose  was  not,  how- 
ever, permitted.  Then  it  was  determined  that  the 


37^  THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 

two  leaders  should  give  themselves  up  to  the  besieg. 
ers,  to  save  the  rest.  This  was  done.  The  prisoners 
were  sent  to  Yedo,  and  their  gallant  conduct  and 
heroic  devotion  to  the  cause  of  their  prince  were  so 
keenly  appreciated  that  they  were  all  pardoned. 

While  these  events  were  transpiring  in  the  east 
and  north,  the  work  of  establishing  a system  of  ad- 
ministration was  proceeded  with  at  Kyoto. 

A constitution  was  drawn  up,  detailing  the  various 
departments  of  the  government,  and  the  duties  of 
the  officers  in  each.  These  departments  were: 
I.  Of  supreme  administration;  2.  of  the  Shinto 
religion  ; 3.  of  home  affairs  ; 4.  of  foreign  affairs ; 
5.  of  war;  6.  of  finance;  7.  of  judicial  affairs;  8.  of 
legislative  affairs.  This  scheme  underwent  several 
changes,  and  for  a long  time  was  regarded  as  only 
tentative. 

The  ablest  men  in  the  movements  which  were 
now  in  progress  were  afraid  of  the  traditions  of 
indulgence  and  effeminacy  which  attached  to  the 
court  at  Kyoto.  In  order  to  restore  the  government 
to  a true  and  self-respecting  basis,  it  seemed  neces- 
sary to  cut  loose  from  the  centuries  of  seclusion  in 
which  the  emperor  had  remained,  and  enter  upon 
the  work  of  governing  the  empire  as  a serious  and 
solemn  task.  It  was  in  this  spirit  that  Okubo 
Toshimichi  of  Satsuma,  one  of  the  ablest  of  the 
statesmen  of  the  new  era,  made  in  1868  a novel  and 
startling  proposition.  It  was  in  a memorial ' ad- 

' An  English  translation  of  this  memorial  will  be  found  in  Black’s 
Nero  Japan,  vol.  ii.,  p.  84.  It  shows  what  prejudices  the  statesmen 
of  that  day  had  to  overcome.  See  also  American  Diplomatic  Corre- 
spondence, 1868,  p.  727. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


171 


dressed  by  him  to  the  emperor.  He  proposed  that 
the  emperor  should  abandon  the  traditions  which 
had  grown  up  respecting  his  person  and  his  court, 
and  rule  his  empire  with  personal  supervision.  To 
do  this  successfully,  he  recommended  that  the  capital 
be  transferred  from  the  place  of  its  degrading  super- 
stitions to  a new  home.  He  suggested  that  Osaka 
be  the  place  selected. 

If  the  emperor’s  court  had  been  under  the  same 
influences  as  had  governed  it  in  past  years,  such  a 
proposition  would  have  been  received  with  horror. 
Perhaps  even  the  bold  proposer  would  have  been 
deemed  fit  for  the  ceremony  of  hara-kiri.  But  the 
men  who  surrounded  the  emperor  belonged  to  a 
different  school,  and  the  emperor  himself,  although 
he  was  still  an  inexperienced  youth,  had  already  be- 
gun to  breathe  the  freer  air  of  a new  life.  The  prop- 
osition was  welcomed,  and  led  to  the  great  change 
which  followed.  After  discussion  and  consideration 
it  was  determined  that  the  emperor  should  make  his 
residence  not  in  Osaka,  which  would  have  been  a 
great  and  impressive  change,  but  in  Yedo,  where  for 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  the  family  of  leyasu 
had  wielded  the  destinies  of  the  empire.  By  this 
change  more  than  any  other  was  emphasized  the 
fact  that  hereafter  the  executive  as  well  as  the  ulti- 
mate power  was  to  be  found  in  the  same  imperial 
hands. 

Acting  on  these  principles  the  emperor  followed 
his  victorious  army  and,  November  26,  1869,  arrived 
at  Yedo  and  took  up  his  residence  in  the  castle. 
Reports  were  made  to  him  of  the  complete  settle- 


378 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


merit  of  all  difficulties  in  the  north  and  the  establish- 
ment of  peace.  In  token  of  his  arrival  the  name  of 
Yedo  had  been  changed  to  Tokyo'  (eastern  capital), 
by  which  name  it  has  since  been  known.  As  a com- 
pensation to  the  disappointed  and  disheartened  citi- 
zens of  Kyoto,  their  city  received  the  corresponding 
designation  of  Saikyo  (western  capital).  The  year- 
period,  which  from  January,  1865,  had  borne  the 
name  of  Keio,  had  been  changed  to  ATeiJi^  (En- 
lightened Peace),  and  was  fixed  to  begin  from 
January,  1868.  Heretofore  the  year-periods  had 
been  changed  whenever  it  seemed  desirable  to  mark 
a fortunate  epoch.  But  by  the  edict  establishing  the 
Meiji  year-period,  it  was  settled  that  hereafter  an 
emperor  was  to  make  but  one  change  in  the  year- 
period  during  his  reign. 

The  emperor  returned  to  the  western  capital  dur- 
ing the  spring  of  1869  for  a brief  visit.  The  usual 
etiquette  of  mourning  for  his  father  required  his 
presence  at  the  imperial  tomb.  He  also  availed  him- 
self of  this  visit  to  wed  the  present  empress,  who  was 
a princess  of  the  house  of  Ichijo,*  one  of  the  ancient 
families  descended  from  the  Fujiwara.  He  came 
back  again  in  April,  but  there  was  so  much  opposi- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  ancient 

> See  Kinstf  Skiriaku,  Yokohama,  p.  116. 

* See  Kins^  Skiriaku^  Yokohama,  p.  125.  Also  American  Diplo- 
matic Correspondence,  March  14,  1871. 

® This  house  was  one  of  the  five  regent  families  (^go-sekk^^  all  of 
the  Fujiwara  clan,  from  whom  the  kwambaku,  daijd-daijin,  or 
sessho,  the  highest  officers  under  the  emperor,  were  always  filled  and 
from  which  the  emperors  selected  their  wives. — Dickson’s  Japan  s>, 

52- 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


379 


capital  to  the  complete  loss  of  their  emperor,  that  it 
was  deemed  most  prudent  for  the  newly  married 
empress  to  remain  behind.  She  did  not  set  out  for 
Tokyo  to  join  her  husband  until  the  November  fol- 
lowing, where  she  arrived  without  incident. 

A surprising  reminiscence  of  the  Christianity  which 
was  supposed  to  have  been  extinguished  in  the  seven- 
teenth century  came  to  light  in  1865.  Several  Chris- 
tian communities  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nagasaki  ‘ 
were  discovered,  who  had  preserved  their  faith  for 
more  than  two  hundred  years.  Without  priests, 
without  teachers,  almost  without  any  printed  in- 
struction, they  had  kept  alive  by  tradition  through 
successive  generations  a knowledge  of  the  religion 
which  their  ancestors  had  professed.  These  com- 
munities had  no  doubt  maintained  a discreet  quiet  as 
to  the  tenets  of  their  belief.  They  had  a traditional 
fear  of  the  persecution  to  which  their  fathers  had 
been  subjected  and  sought  by  silence  to  remain  un- 
disturbed. It  was  the  rejoicing  at  their  discovery 
which  directed  the  attention  of  the  government  to 
the  fire  which  had  been  so  long  smouldering. 

A new  edict  of  the  imperial  government,  displayed 
upon  the  public  edict-boards  in  1868,  first  called  the 
notice  of  the  foreign  representatives  to  the  measures 
which  were  being  taken.’  It  was  as  follows:  “ The 
evil  sect  called  Christian  is  strictly  prohibited.  Sus- 
picious persons  should  be  reported  to  the  proper 
officers,  and  rewards  will  be  given.”  Nearl)'^  all  the 

' See  Chamberlain’s  Things  yapanese,  1892,  p.  300. 

’ Adams’  History  of  yapan,  vol.  ii.,  p.  126.  American  Diplomatic 
Correspondence,  May  30,  1868. 


38o 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAH. 


ministers  of  foreign  powers  remonstrated  against 
this  proclamation,  as  throwing  discredit  on  the  re- 
ligions of  their  countries.  The  Japanese  officials 
defended  the  punishment  of  Christians  by  alleging 
the  national  prejudice  against  them,  which  had  come 
from  the  preceding  centuries.  They  argued  that  the 
question  was  one  of  purely  domestic  concern,  of 
which  foreign  nations  could  have  no  adequate 
knowledge,  and  in  which  they  had  no  right  to 
interfere. 

The  Christians  chiefly  lived  in  Urakami,  a village 
near  Nagasaki.  They  were  said  to  number  about 
four  thousand.  Orders  were  sent  by  the  govern- 
ment from  Tokyo  in  June,  1868,  that  all  the  fami- 
lies who  would  not  recant  should  be  deported  and 
put  in  the  charge  of  daimyos  in  different  provinces. 
Only  a small  part  of  the  Christians  were  thus  exiled. 
The  government  probably  dealt  with  greater  leniency 
because  they  found  the  treaty  powers  so  deeply  in- 
terested. Subsequently  the  measures  taken  against 
the  native  Christians  were  withdrawn.  In  March, 
1872,  those  who  had  been  dispersed  among  the 
daimyos  were  granted  permission  to  return  to  their 
homes,  and  persecution  for  religious  belief  was  ended 
forever. 

On  April  17,  1869,  before  his  court  and  an  assembly 
of  daimyos,  the  emperor  took  what  has  been  called 
the  charter  oath  ’ in  five  articles,  in  substance,  as 
follows  : 

I.  A deliberative  assembly  shall  be  formed,  and  all 
measures  decided  by  public  opinion. 

’ lyenaga’s  Constitutional  Development  of  Japan,  p.  3s. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE.  38 1 

2.  The  principles  of  social  and  political  economics 
should  be  diligently  studied  by  both  the  superior 
and  inferior  classes  of  our  people. 

3.  Every  one  in  the  community  shall  be  assisted 
to  persevere  in  carrying  out  his  will  for  all  good 
purposes. 

4.  All  the  absurd  usages  of  former  times  should 
be  disregarded,  and  the  impartiality  and  justice  dis- 
played in  the  workings  of  nature  be  adopted  as  the 
basis  of  action. 

5.  Wisdom  and  ability  should  be  sought  after  in 
all  quarters  of  the  world  for  the  purpose  of  firmly 
establishing  the  foundations  of  the  empire. 

The  promise  in  the  first  article  to  establish  a de- 
liberative assembly  was  watched  with  the  greatest 
solicitude.  And  when  during  the  same  year  the 
kogisho  ’ (parliament)  was  called  together,  great  hopes 
were  entertained  of  its  usefulness.  It  was  composed 
of  persons  representing  each  of  the  daimiates,  who 
were  chosen  for  the  position  by  the  daimyos.  It  was 
a quiet  peaceful  debating  society,”  whose  function 
was  to  give  advice  to  the  imperial  government. 

That  it  was  a thoroughly  conservative  body  is 
apparent  from  the  result  of  its  discussion  upon 
several  of  the  traditional  customs  of  Japan.  On  the 
proposition  to  recommend  the  abolition  of  the  privi- 
lege of  hara-kiri  the  vote  stood  : Ayes  3,  noes  200, 
and  not  voting  6.  On  the  proposition  to  abolish 
the  wearing  of  swords,  which  was  introduced  and 

'See  the  despatch  of  Sir  Harry  Parkes,  British  Stale  Papers, 
Japan,  1870. 

* See  lyenaga’s  Constitutional  Development  of  Japan,  p.  35, 


382 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


advocated  by  Mori  Arinori,  the  final  vote  was 
unanimously  against  it  in  a house  of  213.'  After  a 
short  and  uneventful  career  the  kogisho  was  dissolved 
in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  in  which  it  was 
summoned.  It  had  been  a step,  but  not  a very 
important  step,  in  the  direction  of  parliamentary 
government. 

We  must  now  give  an  account  of  the  most  re- 
markable event  in  the  modern  history  of  Japan. 
We  refer  to  the  termination  of  feudalism  by  the 
voluntary  surrender  of  their  feudal  rights  on  the 
part  of  the  daimyos.  This  action  was  a logical  con- 
sequence of  the  restoration  of  the  executive  power 
into  the  hands  of  the  emperor.  It  was  felt  by  the 
statesmen  of  this  period  that  in  order  to  secure  a 
government  which  could  grapple  successfully  with 
the  many  questions  which  would  press  upon  it, 
there  must  be  a centralization  of  the  powers  which 
were  now  distributed  among  the  powerful  daimyos 
of  the  empire.  To  bring  this  about  by  force  was 
impossible.  To  discover  among  the  princes  a will- 
ingness to  give  up  their  hereditary  privileges  and 
come  down  to  the  position  of  a powerless  aristocracy 
was  something  for  which  we  have  hitherto  looked 
in  vain. 

Doubtless  the  faindant  condition  of  nearly  all  the 
daimyos  at  this  time  made  the  accomplishment  of 
this  event  more  easy.  With  only  a few  exceptions, 
the  hereditary  princes  of  the  provinces  had  come  to 
be  merely  the  formal  chiefs  of  their  daimiates.  The 
real  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  energetic  and 
’ See  British  State  Papers,  1870,  Japan. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


383 


capable  samurai,  who  were  employed  to  manage  the 
affairs.  They  saw  that  any  scheme  for  transferring 
the  political  authority  of  the  daimyos  to  the  central 


MORI  AKINORI. 

(From  a Fhoiograph.) 

government  would  render  more  important  their  ser- 
vices. They  would  become  not  merely  the  formal 
administrative  functionaries,  but  the  real  officers  to 
whom  responsible  duties  and  trusts  would  be  con- 
fided. Some  of  this  class  of  subordinates  had  already 


384 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


in  the  new  imperial  government  tasted  the  savoriness 
of  this  kind  of  service,  and  they  were  ready  to  carry 
out  a plan  which  seemed  to  have  patriotism  and 
practicability  in  its  favor. 

The  most  notable  circumstance  in  this  series  of 
events  was  the  presentation  to  the  emperor  of  an 
elaborate  memorial  signed  by  the  daimyos  of  Choshu, 
Satsuma,  Tosa,  Hizen,  Kaga,  and  others,  offering 
him  the  lists  of  their  possessions  and  men.  This 
memoriar  appeared  in  the  official  gazette  March  5, 
1869.  Its  preparation  is  attributed  to  Kido  Taka- 
yoshi,  and  bears  supreme  evidence  to  his  learning 
and  statesmanship.  With  lofty  eloquence  the  me- 
morial exclaims : “ The  place  where  we  live  is  the 
emperor’s  land,  and  the  food  which  we  eat  is  grown 
by  the  emperor’s  men.  How  can  we  make  it  our 
own?  We  now  reverently  offer  up  the  lists  of  our 
possessions  and  men,  with  the  prayer  that  the  emper- 
or will  take  good  measures  for  rewarding  those  to 
whom  reward  is  due  and  taking  from  those  to  whom 
punishment  is  due.  Let  the  imperial  orders  be 
issued  for  altering  and  remodelling  the  territories  of 
the  various  classes.  . . . This  is  now  the  most 

urgent  duty  of  the  emperor,  as  it  is  that  of  his 
servants  and  children.’ 

The  example  thus  set  by  the  most  powerful  and 
influential  daimyos  was  followed  rapidly  by  others. 
Two  hundred  and  forty-one  “ of  the  daimyos  united 

* A translation  of  this  memorial  will  be  found  in  the  British  State 
Papers,  1S70,  Japan  ; also  cited  in  Adams’  History  of  Japan,  vol.  ii., 
p.  181. 

- See  an  analysis  of  the  daimyos  who  joined  in  this  memorial  in 
British  State  Papers,  1870,  Japan. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


385 


in  asking  the  emperor  to  take  back  their  hereditary 
territories.  And  in  the  end  only  a small  number 
remained  who  had  not  so  petitioned.  Prince  Azuki 
in  his  memorial  says:  i.  “Let  them  restore  the 

territories  which  they  have  received  from  the  em- 
peror and  return  to  a constitutional  and  undivided 
country.  2.  Let  them  abandon  their  titles  and 
under  the  name  of  kwazoku  (persons  of  honor) 
receive  such  properties  as  may  serve  for  their  wants. 
3.  Let  the  officers  of  the  clans  abandoning  that 
title,  call  themselves  officers  of  the  emperor,  receiv- 
ing property  equal  to  that  which  they  have  hitherto 
held.” 

In  response  to  these  memorials  a decree’  was 
issued  by  the  emperor  August  7,  1869,  announcing 
the  abolition  of  the  daimiates,  and  the  restoration  of 
their  revenues  to  the  imperial  treasury.  It  was  also 
decreed  that  the  ranks  of  court  nobles  {ktiges)  and  of 
daimyos  be  abolished  and  the  single  rank  of  kwazoku 
be  substituted. 

Thus  at  one  stroke  the  whole  institution  of  feud- 
alism which  had  flourished  from  the  time  of  Yorito- 
mo  was  cut  away.  The  government  made  provision 
for  the  administration  by  creating  prefectures  {kai) 
to  take  the  place  of  daimiates.  This  was  done  in 
1871.  At  first  the  daimyos  were  appointed  govern- 
ors of  the  prefectures.  But  it  was  soon  found  that 
these  hereditary  princes  were  as  a class  utterly  unfit 
for  the  chief  executive  offices  of  their  old  provinces. 
Hence,  one  by  one  other  competent  persons  were 
appointed  to  vacancies,  until  it  came  to  be  under- 

’ See  British  State  Papers,  1870,  Japan. 

»5 


386 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


stood  that  competence  and  fitness  were  to  be  the 
requisite  qualifications  for  such  appointments. 

The  financial  questions  involved  in  the  suppression 
of  the  feudal  system  were  serious  and  difficult. 
When  the  daimyos  surrendered  their  fiefs,  they  did 
so  with  the  understanding  that  they  themselves 
should  “ receive  such  properties  as  may  serve  their 
wants,”  ‘ and  that  the  emperor  should  take  “ meas- 
ures for  rewarding  those  to  whom  reward  is  due.”  “ 
It  was  decided  that  each  ex-daimyo,  and  each  of  the 
suzerains  that  were  dependent  on  him,  should  receive 
one  tenth  of  the  amount  of  their  income  from  their 
fiefs.  The  ex-daimyos  received  this  amount  free  of 
any  claims  upon  them  for  the  support  of  the  non- 
productive samurai^  who  formed  the  standing  armies 
of  each  clan.  The  central  government  assumed  all 
the  payments  to  the  samurai  for  services  of  what- 
ever kind.  This  heavy  charge  of  the  government 
was  met  by  borrowing  $165,000,000,’  which  was 
added  to  the  national  debt.  With  this  sum  they 
undertook  to  capitalize  the  pensions,  which  was 
finally  accomplished  by  a compulsory  enactment. 
Each  claimant  received  from  the  government  interest- 
bearing  bonds  for  the  amount  of  his  income  reckoned 
at  from  five  to  fourteen  years’  purchase  according 
to  its  sum.  Thus  to  the  great  relief  of  the  country 
the  matter  of  pensions  was  disposed  of. 

To  many  of  the  samurai  this  summary  settlement 
had  unfortunate  results.  The  lump  sums  which 

• See  Prince  Azuki’s  Memorial. 

® See  Kido’s  Original  Memorial. 

® See  Mounsey’s  Satsuma  Rebellion,  pp.  247,  248. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE.  387 

they  received  were  often  soon  consumed,  and  they 
were  left  penniless  and  helpless.  The  traditions 
under  which  they  had  been  trained  led  them  to  look 
down  upon  labor  and  trade  with  disdain,  and  ren- 
dered them  unfit  to  enter  successfully  on  the  careers 
of  modern  life.  In  many  cases  worry  and  disap- 
pointment, and  in  others  poverty  and  want,  have 
been  the  sequels  which  have  closely  followed  the 
poor  and  obsolete  samurai. 

Several  minor  but  noteworthy  steps  in  reform 
were  taken.  The  ancient  disqualifications  of  the 
eta  and  heimin  were  removed  in  1871,  and  these 
pariahs  placed  on  the  same  legal  footing  as  the  rest 
of  the  population.  The  first  railway  in  Japan  was 
opened  between  Yokohama  and  Tokyo  in  1872. 
The  European  calendar,  so  far  as  it  regarded  the 
beginning  of  the  year  and  the  beginning  of  the 
months,  was  adopted  in  1873.  The  year  was  still 
counted  from  Jimmu  Tenno,  1873  of  the  Christian 
era  corresponding  to  2533  of  the  Japanese  era,  and 
also  by  the  Meiji  year-period,  the  commencement  of 
which  was  from  1868. 

Several  international  events  deserve  notice  here. 
A number  of  Ryukyu  islanders  (vassals  of  Japan) 
had  been  shipwrecked  on  Formosa  and  some  killed 
by  the  semi-savage  inhabitants.  To  punish  this 
cruelty,  and  to  insure  a more  humane  treatment  in 
the  future,  the  Japanese  government  sent  an  expedi- 
tion under  General  Saigo  Tsugumichi.  They  made 
short  work  of  the  inhuman  tribes  and  enforced  upon 
them  the  lesson  of  civility.  China,  who  claimed  a 
sovereignty  over  this  island,  acknowledged  the  ser- 


388 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


vice  Japan  had  rendered,  and  agreed  to  pay  an  in 
demnity  for  the  expenses  of  the  expedition. 

The  long-pending  dispute  between  Russia  and 
Japan  concerning  the  boundary  in  Saghalien  was 
settled  in  1875  by  a treaty"  which  exchanged  the 
Japanese  claims  in  Saghalien  for  the  Kurile  islands 
(Chishima). 

An  unexpected  attack  by  the  Koreans  upon  a Jap- 
anese steamer  asking  coal  and  provisions  awakened 
an  intense  excitement  in  Japan.  An  expedition 
after  the  pattern  of  Commodore  Perry’s,  under  the 
command  of  General  Kuroda  Kiyotaka,  was  des- 
patched in  January,  1876,  to  come  to  an  under- 
standing with  the  Koreans.  The  negotiations  were 
entirely  successful,  and  a treaty*  of  amity  and  com- 
merce was  concluded,  and  thus  another  of  the 
secluded  kingdoms  of  the  East  had  been  brought 
into  the  comity  of  nations.  Then  outbreaks  of  this 
kind  in  Saga,  in  Higo,  in  Akizuki,  and  in  Choshu 
occurred,  but  they  were  all  put  down  without  diffi- 
culty or  delay.  The  promptness  with  which  the 
government  dealt  with  these  factions  boded  no  good 
to  the  reactionary  movements  that  were  ready  to 
break  out  in  other  places. 

Although  the  Satsuma  clan  had  taken  the  most 
prominent  part  in  the  destruction  of  the  shogunate 
and  in  the  restoration  of  an  imperial  government, 
there  was  in  it  a greater  amount  of  conservatism  and 
opposition  to  modern  innovations  than  was  to  be 

' Treaties  and  Conventions  between  Japan  and  Other  Powers, 
Tokyo,  1864,  p.  646. 

^ Treaties  and  Conventions  between  Japan  and  Other  Powers, 
Tokyo,  1884,  p.  171. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


389 


found  elsewhere.  Indeed,  the  clan  had  split  into 
two  distinct  parties,  the  one  aiding  in  all  the  reforms 
and  changes  which  the  government  was  attempting 
to  carry  out,  the  other  holding  resolutely  to  the  old 
feudal  traditions  which  they  saw  endangered  by  the 
present  attitude  of  the  emperor’s  counsellors.  The 
latter  party  had  for  its  leaders  Shimazu  Saburo  and 
Saigo  Takamori,  both  of  whom  had  played  conspic- 
uous parts  in  the  recent  history  of  their  country. 
The  government  had  tried  to  conciliate  these  two 
influential  men  and  to  secure  their  co-operation  in 
the  administration.  But  both  had  retired  from 
Tokyo,  and  declined  longer  to  share  the  responsi- 
bility of  a course  which  they  could  not  approve. 

Saigo,  who  was  the  idol  of  the  satnurai,  after  his 
retirement  established  near  Kagoshima  a military 
school,  where  the  young  men  of  that  class  were 
drilled  in  the  duties  of  the  army.  Branch  schools 
on  the  same  model  were  also  carried  on  in  several 
other  places  in  the  province.  In  all  it  was  said  that 
not  less  than  20,000  young  samurai  were  receiving  a 
training  in  these  dangerous  schools.  They  were 
filled  with  the  most  violent  antipathy  to  the  govern- 
ment and  were  with  difficulty  restrained,  even  by 
their  leaders,  from  outbreaks  in  sympathy  with  the 
uprisings  which  elsewhere  were  taking  place. 

The  government  was  naturally  solicitous  concern- 
ing these  collections  of  inflammable  material.  A 
collision  with  the  students  over  the  removal  of  some 
stores  of  arms  and  ammunition,  revealed  their  readi- 
ness to  break  into  rebellion.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  designing  conspirators  took  advantage  of  the 


390 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


open  and  chivalric  character  of  Saigo  to  push  him 
into  the  initiation  of  hostilities.  Admiral  Kawamura, 
himself  a Satsuma  man  and  a connection  of  Saigo,  was 
sent  down  to  hold  an  interview  with  him  and  if  pos- 
sible to  make  a peaceful  settlement.  But  the  inter- 
view was  declined.  The  rebellious  elements  were 
at  once  gathered  together,  and  Saigo,  at  the  head 
of  a force  of  14,000  men,  started  about  the  middle  of 
February,  1877,  on  his  march  up  the  west  coast 
of  Kyushu,  on  his  way  to  Tokyo.  The  conspirators 
estimated  that  a force  of  30,000  troops  could  be 
counted  on  to  take  part  in  the  expedition. 

The  first  impediment  in  their  march  was  the  castle 
of  Kumamoto,'  where  the  government  had  a garrison 
of  2,000  to  3,000  men  under  General  Tani.  Saigo 
determined  to  reduce  it  before  making  further  prog- 
ress. He  spent  several  weeks  in  this  vain  attempt. 
This  was  a precious  delay  for  the  government,  which 
it  spent  in  organizing  and  sending  forward  troops 
for  opposing  the  advance  of  the  rebels.  All  avail- 
able forces  were  collected  and  put  in  motion  to  the 
seat  of  war.  Prince  Arisugawa-no-miya  was  ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief  and  established  his  head- 
quarters at  Fukuoka. 

The  equipment  of  troops  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment was  under  the  supervision  of  General  Saigo 
Tsugumichi,  a younger  brother  of  the  rebel  leader. 
Loyal  as  he  was  to  his  emperor,  it  was  a painful 
task  for  him  to  organize  war  against  his  brother. 

' This  castle  was  built  by  Kato  Kiyomasa  after  his  return  from  the 
Korean  war.  It  still  stands,  being  one  of  the  most  notable  castles  of 
Japan. 


t 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


391 


With  native  delicacy  he  left  to  others  the  duty  of 
fighting  on  the  field,  and  confined  himself  to  the  less 
conspicuous  part  of  gathering  and  sending  troops  as 
they  were  needed. 

The  rebels  had  besieged  Kumamoto  and  had  al- 
ready  reduced  it  to  great  straits.  But  the  imperial 
forces  came  in  time  to  its  relief.  There  was  despen 
ate  fighting,  but  at  last  the  besiegers  were  compelled 
to  withdraw. 

They  retreated  toward  the  east  coast  with  the 
apparent  purpose  of  seeking  a way  to  the  north  by 
Hyuga  and  Bungo.  Promptly  they  were  followed 
and  confined  to  a defensive  attitude.  The  most 
desperate  battles  were  fought  in  this  part  of  the 
campaign.  Though  disappointed  and  outnumbered, 
the  rebels  fought  with  consummate  bravery.  They 
were  almost  in  the  shadow  of  the  mountains  where 
their  celestial  ancestor  was  fabled  to  have  descended 
upon  the  Japanese  islands.’  Their  last  stand  was  at 
Nobeoka  in  the  northeast  corner  of  Hyuga.  Their 
leaders  realized  that  to  continue  the  contest  would 
only  cause  unnecessary  and  hopeless  slaughter. 

Under  these  circumstances  Saigo  saw  that  to  end 
the  fighting  and  save  his  followers  he  must  leave 
them.  Accordingly  with  about  two  hundred  of 
those  who  were  personally  devoted  to  him,  he  broke 
through  the  imperial  line  and  escaped  to  Kagoshima. 
The  army,  finding  they  were  forsaken,  surrendered, 
August  19,  1877.  Saigo,  with  his  little  band,  en- 
trenched himself  on  the  summit  of  the  hill  Shiroyama 
overlooking  Kagoshima.  Here  he  was  surrounded 
' See  p.  47. 


392 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


by  the  imperial  forces  and  bombarded  night  and 
day.  The  veteran  leader  was  at  last  wounded  in  the 
thigh,  and  seeing  that  all  hope  of  escape  was  gone, 
he  requested  one  of  his  lieutenants  to  perform  for 
him  the  friendly  office  of  severing  his  head  from  his 
body.  After  the  capture  of  the  stronghold,  the 
bodies  of  Saigo  and  his  comrades  were  discovered. 
Admiral  Kawamura  himself  with  tender  hands 
washed  the  bloody  head  of  his  dead  friend,  and  saw 
that  the  bodies  of  all  were  decently  buried.  Thus, 
on  September  24,  1877,  the  last  and  most  serious  of 
the  attempts  which  have  been  made  to  disturb  the 
empire  in  its  new  career  came  to  an  end. 

There  was,  however,  one  mournful  sequel  to  this 
rebellion.  Okubo  Toshimichi,  a statesman  and 
patriot  of  the  purest  type,  had  from  the  beginning 
resisted  the  reactionary  movements  of  his  clan.  At 
the  time  of  the  rebellion  he  was  minister  of  Home 
Affairs  and  put  forth  all  his  exertions  to  suppress  it. 
A baseless  slander  that  he  had  sent  to  Satsuma  hired 
assassins  to  take  Saigo’s  life,  had  been  used  by  the 
reckless  conspirators  to  force  the  rebel  leader  to  an 
outbreak.  This  was  believed  by  many  of  the  samurai, 
not  only  in  Satsuma  but  in  other  provinces.  On 
May  14,  1878,  Tokyo  was  startled  by  the  news  that 
Okubo,  while  driving  through  a secluded  spot  in 
the  old  castle  grounds,  on  his  way  to  the  emperor’s 
palace,  had  been  murdered.  The  assassins  were  from 
the  province  of  Kaga,  and  gave  as  the  reason  for 
their  crime  their  desire  to  avenge  the  death  of  Saigo. 
Japan  could  ill  afford  to  spare  at  this  time  her  most 
clear-headed  statesman  and  her  noblest  and  most 
unflinching  patriot. 


THE  RESTORED  EMPIRE. 


393 


What  followed  these  important  events  must  be 
told  in  a summary  manner.  There  was  a powerful 
and  growing  party  in  the  empire,  who  looked  for- 
ward to  a modification  of  the  absolute  form  of 


OKUBO  TOSHIMICHI. 
(From  a Photograph.) 


government  to  which  they  had  returned  in  1868. 
This  party  was  particularly  aggressive  in  the  prov 
ince  of  Tosa.  They  recalled  to  themselves  and 
others  the  solemn  pledge  which  the  emperor  had 


394 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


given  to  his  people  in  his  charter  oath,*  when  he 
announced  that  “ a deliberative  assembly  shall  be 
formed,  and  all  measures  decided  by  public  opinion.” 

The  ruling  minds  in  the  government  feared  that 
the  people  were  too  inexperienced  and  too  unaccus- 
tomed to  deciding  and  acting  for  themselves  to  be 
entrusted  with  the  grave  duty  of  constitutional  gov- 
ernment. As  a preparation  for  so  important  a step 
local  assemblies  were  authorized  and  established  in 
1878.  Matters  referring  to  the  government  of  each 
fu  and  ken  were  to  be  discussed,  and  to  a certain 
extent  decided  in  these  assemblies.  It  was  believed 
that  the  experience  gained  in  such  bodies  would  go 
far  towards  preparing  men  for  service  in  an  imperial 
legislative  body.  The  expectations  founded  on  these 
local  assemblies  were  realized  and  in  a fair  degree 
they  continued  to  fulfil  their  purpose. 

In  further  pursuance  of  the  plan  of  constitutional 
government,  the  emperor,  on  February  ii,  1889,  at 
his  palace,  promulgated  a constitution  ’ for  his  peo- 
ple. In  the  presence  of  his  cabinet  and  court  he 
took  a solemn  oath  to  govern  under  its  limitations 
and  powers.  This  constitution  contains  seven  chap- 
ters consisting  of  one  hundred  and  eleven  articles : 
Chapter  I.  The  Emperor  ; II.  Rights  and  Duties  of 
Subjects;  III.  The  Imperial  Diet ; IV.  The  Minis- 
ters of  State  and  Privy  Council;  V.  The  Judica- 
ture ; VI.  Finance ; VII.  Supplementary  Rules. 
The  emperor  also  announced  that  the  imperial  diet 

' See  p.  380. 

® This  able  document  was  prepared  by  Count  Ito  Hirobumi.  An 
official  translation  was  published  at  Yokohama  in  i88g. 


ITO  HIROBUMI. 
(From  a Photograph.) 


39^ 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


would  be  convoked  in  the  twenty-third  year  of 
2Iciji  (1890),  and  that  the  constitution  would  go 
into  effect  at  the  date  of  its  assembling. 

It  would  seem  that  no  great  advance  can  be 
secured  in  Japan  without  the  sacrifice  of  a valua- 
ble  life.  As  li  Kamon-no-kami  was  murdered  in 
i860,  and  as  Okubo  fell  by  the  assassin’s  hand  at  the 
close  of  the  Satsuma  rebellion,  so  now  on  the  very 
day  when  the  emperor  was  to  promulgate  this  liberal 
constitution.  Viscount  Mori  Arinori  fell  a victim  to 
the  fanatical  hatred  of  one  who  looked  with  distrust 
upon  the  progress  which  his  country  was  making. 
No  one  could  look,  or  did  look,  on  this  progress  with 
more  interest  than  Mori.  He  had  so  long  and  so 
earnestly  advocated  a liberal  and  tolerant  policy  in 
the  councils  of  his  country,  and  had  been  a leader  in 
all  that  was  high  and  noble,  that  we  cannot  regard, 
except  with  profound  regret,  his  untimely  death. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  CONSTITUTION  AND  THE  WAR  WITH  CHINA. 

The  Constitution  had  been  drafted  by  Count  Ito 
Hirobumi — now  the  Marquis  Ito — a nobleman  who 
had  committed  the  capital  offence  of  leaving  his 
country,  in  the  days  of  seclusion,  and  not  only  had 
been  forgiven,  on  his  timely  return,  with  knowledge 
of  London  and  a view  of  the  world,  but  also,  by 
virtue  of  that  knowledge,  had  taken  a leading  part 
in  the  new  enlivenment  of  the  nation.  He  was  sent 
abroad  again  to  study  methods  of  constitutional 
government,  met  Bismarck,  and  in  talk  with  him 
conceived  the  plan  of  administration  which  should 
be  suited  to  Japanese  habits  of  thought  as  he  under- 
stood them.  He  has  had  the  main  influence  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  Constitution  for  seventeen 
years,  and  his  opinion  of  it  is  aptly  summarized  in 
words  of  his  own  : “ The  Constitution  will  . 

open  a wider  field  of  activity  for  serving  the  Em- 
peror.” It  does  not  provide  for  a government  of 
the  people  by  the  people.  The  Emperor,  ‘‘heaven- 
descended,  divine  and  sacred,”  rules  his  subjects, 
always  for  their  good.  He  is  to  have  respect  for 
law,  but  the  law  cannot  hold  him  to  account.  He 

397 


398 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


does  not,  to  be  sure,  except  in  emergencies,  while 
the  Diet  is  not  sitting,  originate  laws,  and  the  or- 
dinances which  he  proclaims  in  these  emergencies 
cease  to  be  laws  if  they  are  not  ratified  by  the  next 
Diet;  but  the  sanction,  promulgation,  and  execu- 
tion of  laws  are  all  with  him.  He  alone  de- 
clares war,  makes  peace,  concludes  treaties,  confers 
distinctions. 

He  is  advised  by  a Privy  Council,  who  deliberate 
only  when  called  upon  by  him,  and  whose  advice 
he  may  reject.  He  is  advised  also  by  his  Ministers 
of  State,  who  are,  moreover,  heads  of  administrative 
departments,  and  are  responsible  to  the  Emperor 
only,  not  to  the  Diet. 

The  Diet  is  made  up  of  two  houses;  the  House 
of  Peers  and  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
House  of  Peers  comprises  (i)  the  members  of  the 
Imperial  family,  at  majority,  (2)  princes  and  mar- 
quises, at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  (3)  counts,  vis- 
counts, and  barons,  twenty-five  years  old,  who  are 
elected  by  their  orders  for  terms  of  seven  years,  (4) 
citizens,  thirty  or  more  years  old,  nominated  by 
the  Emperor,  for  life,  and  (5)  citizens,  thirty  or 
more  years  old,  elected  from  each  prefecture  (/vr  or 
Kai)  among  the  fifteen  highest  tax-payers  in  the 
district,  subject  to  nomination  by  the  Emperor. 
Their  term  is  seven  years.  But  the  numbers  of 
the  lower  orders  must  not  exceed  the  numbers  of 
the  nobility. 

The  House  of  Representatives  is  elective.  The 
election  laws  were  announced  eleven  days  after  the 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAR  WITH  CHINA.  399 


Constitution.  They  have  been  modified  several 
times;  there  has  been  a redistribution  of  districts, 
and  in  1902  the  secret  ballot  was  substituted  for  the 
signed  ballot.  Every  citizen  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
five  who  pays  10  yen  in  direct  taxes  is  a poten- 
tial voter.  Every  city  containing  not  less  than 
30,000  inhabitants  and  every  prefecture  (except  ur- 
ban electoral  districts)  is  an  electoral  district.  While 
smaller  urban  electoral  districts  (cities)  are  entitled 
to  return  one  member  and  larger  cities  containing 
more  than  100,000  inhabitants  are  entitled  to  return 
one  member  for  every  130,000  people,  the  rural  dis- 
tricts in  each  prefecture  send  one  member  at  the 
rate  of  every  130,000  people  approximately.  There 
is  no  restriction  as  to  residence  in  regard  to  can- 
didates. The  term  is  four  years. 

This  plan  elects  about  381  representatives,  chosen 
by  about  seven  per  cent,  of  the  adult  males  of  Ja- 
pan. The  Diet  is  convened  by  the  Emperor  once  a 
year;  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  Lower 
House  are  nominated  by  him  from  candidates  elect- 
ed by  the  House,  and  he  may  send  the  members  to 
their  homes  whenever  he  thinks  best.  Bills  (except 
the  budget,  which  is  introduced  by  the  Government 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  first)  are  introduced 
by  either  House,  or  by  the  Government.  The 
ministers  may  appear  before  the  Diet  to  push  their 
measures,  but  are  not  required  to  do  so. 

Thus,  the  intention  of  the  makers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion was  to  retain  in  the  Emperor  the  main  force  of 
administration,  and  this  intention,  based  as  it  is  upon 


400 


THE  STOR  Y OF  JAPAN 


the  feudal  habit  of  thought  as  well  as  the  religious 
habit  of  thought  which  dominates  the  Japanese,  has 
prevailed  to  the  present  day.  The  Emperor  and 
his  advisers  have  controlled  and  do  control  Japan. 
But  they  have  not  controlled  it  without  struggles. 
In  the  intermediate  time,  between  the  Restoration 
and  the  proclamation  of  the  Constitution,  while  the 
government  was  experimenting  with  local  adminis- 
tration, in  order  to  school  the  people  in  popular 
government,  there  had  developed  parties,  with 
platforms.  The  Liberal  party  was  formed  in  1880. 
It  insisted  mainly  on  the  equal  rights  of  man  and  a 
constitutional  government,  with  a single  chamber. 
Its  leader  was  Itagaki,  called  the  “Rousseau  of  Ja- 
pan.’’ In  i88i  the  Progressive  party,  made  up 
of  the  intelligent  middle  class,  led  by  Okuma,  the 
“ Peel  of  Japan,’’  announced  that  it  would  support 
the  throne,  but  also  the  people,  and  pronounced 
in  favor  of  an  Upper  House.  In  the  same  year 
was  organized  the  Constitutional  Imperial  party, 
led  by  Ito,  with  a platform  which  postulated 
the  supereminence  of  the  Emperor  as  the  basis  of 
order. 

Obviously,  there  was  nothing  reactionary  in  the 
principles  of  any  of  these  parties;  no  question  of 
return  to  the  days  of  seclusion.  The  country  was 
long  past  that.  Every  one  desired  to  try  West- 
ern civilization,  and  the  main  questions  among 
the  parties  were,  (i)  how  fast  could  civilization 
be  tried,  (2)  what  manifestations  of  it  should  be 
tried,  and  (3)  who  should  try  them.  In  other 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAR  WITH  CHINA.  4OI 


words,  so  far  as  government  was  concerned,  three 
questions  presented  themselves:  fi)  Were  the 

people  ready  for  representative  government  ? 
(2)  Were  the  people  rer^’^  for  party  government 
according  to  English  methods;  that  is  to  say,  ought 
the  ministers  to  be  responsible  to  the  Diet  instead 
of  to  the  Emperor?  (3)  Should  the  ancient  advisers 
of  the  Emperor,  the  men  who  had  assisted  in  the 
revolution,  the  “clansmen,”  continue  to  hold  office, 
or  be  superseded  by  younger  and  more  liberal  men? 
Party  spirit  ran  riot  in  the  first  years  of  the  Consti- 
tution. The  opposition  was  strong  enough  to 
nullify  the  power  of  any  ministry  that  would  not 
concede  the  demands  of  the  Lower  House,  and  the 
Emperor  prorogued  and  dissolved  one  legislature 
after  another  until,  in  1894,  an  event  occurred  which 
caused  these  struggles  temporarily  to  cease.  This 
event  was  the  war  between  China  and  Japan. 

The  dissensions  which  gave  rise  to  this  war  were 
mainly  concerned  with  Korea.  Korea  had  remained 
a closed  country  in  spite  of  the  somewhat  desultory 
efforts  of  France  and  the  United  States  to  enforce 
the  admission  of  foreigners.  Early  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  in  order  to  avoid  invasions,  the 
“Hermit  Nation”  had  consented  to  send  tribu- 
tary missions  to  both  China  and  Japan,  and,  after 
the  Restoration,  the  Mikado’s  government  sent 
a mission  to  the  Korean  regent,  announcing 
the  change  of  government.  The  mission  was  not 
received  by  the  Regent,  who  abhorred  the  new- 
taught  ideas  of  his  neighbors.  The  military  spirit 
26 


402 


THE  STOR  y OF  JAPAN. 


of  the  samurai  was  aroused  at  this  slight  to 
the  envoys,  and  only  by  financial  weakness  were 
the  Japanese  withheld  from  waging  immediate 

war.  In  1874  the  young  Korean  king  assumed 
the  throne  and  at  first  seemed  inclined  toward  pro- 
gressive measures;  but  the  former  Regent,  the  Tai- 
wen-kun,  regained  influence  over  him  in  1875 

the  reactionary  spirit  again  prevailed.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1875,  a Korean  fort  fired  on  some  sailors 
from  a Japanese  war- vessel  which  was  surveying  the 
coast.  The  Japanese  bombarded  the  fort,  and  in 
1876,  as  is  noted  in  a preceding  chapter,  sent  to 
Seoul  a mission,  supported  by  some  thousands  of 
soldiers,  and  arranged  a treaty  which  assumed  the 
independence  of  Korea  as  a state,  and  provided  for 
commerce  between  the  signatory  nations.  There 

was,  however,  China  to  be  considered,  and  she  had 
by  no  means  recognized  Korea’s  independence; 
moreover,  the  Korean  Government  still  sent  a yearly 
mission  to  Pekin.  In  1872  China  had  acquired  a 
previously  neutral  territory  which  extended  to  the 
borders  of  the  Hermit  Kingdom  and  therefore  had 
a new  interest  in  the  peninsula.  Thereafter  there 
was  perpetual  friction  in  Korea.  The  Conservative 
party,  which  was  m power,  looked  to  China  for 
advice;  the  Progressive  party  held  for  Japan.  A 
mission  was  sent  to  Japan  in  1882  to  investigate  the 
new  civilization,  and  reported  so  favorably  as  to 
enrage  the  Conservatives.  On  two  occasions  in  two 
years  the  Japanese  legation  was  attacked  by  them, 
and  each  time  the  Japanese  sent  troops  to  Seoul 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAR  WITH  CHINA.  403 

and  imposed  an  indemnity.  China  also,  however, 
despatched  troops  to  guard  her  interests.  Believing 
that  the  Chinese  had  connived  at  the  conspiracies 
against  them,  the  Japanese  sent  Count  Ito  to  China, 
and  between  him  and  Li-Hung-Chang  was  signed 
(April,  18  1885)  the  Tientsin  convention,  which 
provided  that  Chinese  and  Japanese  troops  should 
withdraw  from  Korea,  and  that  before  sending  an 
armed  force  again  to  Seoul  either  country  must 
inform  the  other. 

In  1893  there  arose  a religious  insurrection  in 
Korea  and  the  Conservative  government  faction 
sent  to  China  for  protecting  troops.  Exasperation 
in  Japan  against  China  had  been  waxing.  The 
Chinese  Resident  in  the  Korean  capital  had  persist- 
ently interfered  in  Korean  affairs,  and  had — or  at 
least  the  Japanese  believed  that  he  had — hampered 
commerce  between  Japan  and  Korea.  Before  send- 
ing soldiers  and  ships  to  support  the  Korean  Gov- 
ernment the  Chinese  despatched  a note,  according 
to  the  Tientsin  convention,  to  inform  Japan  of 
their  intention;  but  in  that  note  Korea  was  called 
a “protectorate”  and  “dependency”  of  China,  and 
the  characterizations  set  Japan  aflame.  The  Tien- 
tsin convention  had  provided  that  if  either  of  the 
contracting  countries  should  introduce  troops  into 
Korea  the  other  might  do  likewise,  and  the  force 
that  Japan  sent  took  possession  of  Seoul. 

The  Japanese  Government  in  vain  invited  the  co- 
operation of  China  in  establishing  order,  and  pre- 
sented to  the  Korean  Government  a programme  of 


404 


THE  STOK  Y OF  JAPAN. 


reforms,  suggesting  that  the  presence  of  Chinese 
troops  commanded  by  generals  who  had  character- 
ized Korea  as  a “dependency”  was  incompatible 
with  the  independence  of  the  country,  which  Japan, 
for  her  part,  acknowledged.  The  Korean  Govern- 
ment replied  that  the  Chinese  troops  were  present 
by  its  own  request.  Thereupon,  July  22,  1894, 
the  Japanese  troops  took  possession  of  the  royal 
palace  and  of  the  King,  and  caused  the  government 
to  request  Japanese  aid  in  driving  out  the  Chinese. 
With  this,  relations  between  China  and  Japan  be- 
came so  strained  that,  in  spite  of  offers  of  pacification 
from  foreign  Powers,  war  was  evidently  at  hand. 

On  paper,  the  military  strength  of  the  Chinese, 
including  the  “Eight  Banners,”  the  “Green  Stand- 
ard,” the  “Volunteers,”  and  the  “Trained  Army,” 
was  upwards  of  1,000,000  men,  whereas  the  Japa- 
nese army  comprised  about  70,000  men — well  drilled, 
it  is  true,  and  armed  with  a breech  loading  rifle. 
The  equipment  of  the  Chinese,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  of  the  most  primitive  character.  Indeed,  cer- 
tain troops  were  armed  with  bows  and  arrows  only, 
the  one  division  furnished  with  modern  weapons 
being  the  Trained  Army,  which  had  also  been  some- 
what exercised  in  European  diill.  It  numbered 
less  than  100,000.  The  navy  was  in  somewhat 
more  efficient  condition,  having  been  trained  by 
English  officers;  but  of  its  four  squadrons  only 
one,  the  Pei  Yang,  or  northern  division,  was  con- 
cerned with  the  war.  It  consisted,  at  the  outset  of 
the  struggle,  of  twenty-seven  vessels,  including  two 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAR  WITH  CHINA.  4O5 

battle-ships  of  7400  tons.  The  Japanese  fleet  also 
comprised  twenty-seven  fighting  craft  of  all  kinds, 
but  among  them  the  heaviest  were  cruisers  of  4200 
tons. 

Foreign  nations  followed  the  war  with  interest, 
partly  because  it  seemed  to  be  the  contest  of  a 
pigmy  with  a giant ; for  although  it  was  conceded 
among  military  authorities  that  the  Japanese,  with 
their  superior  alertness,  might  gain  a few  battles  at 
first,  still  there  was  a general  belief  in  an  enormous 
latent  power  of  the  vast  Chinese  Empire,  which 
would  awake  in  time  of  need.  A second  cause  of 
interest  in  the  struggle  was  the  illustrations  which 
it  promised  to  afford,  particularly  on  the  sea,  of  the 
efficiency  of  modern  devices  of  war. 

Fighting  began  before  war  was  declared.  There 
was  a Chinese  force  at  Asan  on  the  bay  of  Chemulpo 
southwest  of  Seoul;  and  on  the  21st  of  July  the 
Chinese  Government  began  to  send  transports  with 
reinforcements  to  these  troops  and  to  others  on  the 
Yalu  River,  the  boundary  between  China  and  Korea. 
To  intercept  these  transports,  the  Japanese  sent 
their  three  fastest  cruisers,  the  Akitsushima,  Yoshino, 
and  Nauizva,  and  on  the  25th  they  met  the  Chinese 
Tsi-yucn  and  Kiian-yi  near  the  coast  of  Korea. 
The  Chinese  opened  fire;  in  an  hour  Kuan-yi 
was  disabled  and  the  Tsi-yuen  fled.  After  the  bat- 
tle the  Nankua  sighted  the  transport  Kowshing, 
flying  the  British  flag.  This  vessel,  which  had 
been  chartered  by  China  as  a troop-ship,  had  on 
board  1000  soldiers,  twelve  guns,  and  Major  von 


4o6 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


liannecken,  a German  military  adviser  to  the  Chinese, 
Captain  (afterwards  Admiral)  Togo  of  the  Nanizva 
ordered  the  Kowshing  to  surrender;  the  mandarins 
commanding  the  Chinese  troops  maintained  that 
they’  would  die  first,  and  Togo  sank  the  transport. 
Major  von  Hannecken  and  a few  other  Europeans 
sprang  into  the  sea,  under  fire  from  the  Chinese, 
and  were  rescued ; but  more  than  icxx)  persons 
were  drowned. 

On  the  same  day  (July  25,  1894),  General  Oshima 
set  forth  from  Seoul  to  confront  the  Chinese  troops 
vv’hich  had  fortified  a strong  position  near  Asan. 
On  the  night  of  the  28th  they  stormed  the  re- 
doubts and  drove  the  Chinese,  under  General  Yeh, 
out  in  confusion.  The  Japanese  returned  exultant 
to  Seoul  after  this  their  first  land  engagement 
with  foreign  troops  for  three  hundred  years.  On 
the  first  of  August  declarations  of  war  v/ere  issued 
by  both  countries.  Until  the  middle  of  September 
the  combatants  were  occupied  in  bringing  up  troops 
for  the  serious  work  of  the  war.  The  Chinese  con- 
centrated forces  at  Ping-yang  and  the  Yalu  River, 
meaning  to  proceed  southward  and  drive  the  Japa* 
nese  into  the  sea.  But  the  Japanese  struck  first. 
Ping-yang  was  a fortified  city,  defended  by  the  Ti- 
dong  River,  and  by  five  foits  on  uplands  to  the 
north.  The  Japanese  advanced  in  three  detach- 
ments. Their  mixed  brigade  under  Oshima  created 
a diversion  on  the  river  front  opposite  the  town. 
Under  cover  of  this  diversion  the  main  army  crossed 
the  Ti-dong  near  its  mouth  and  approached  the  city 


CONSTITUTION  AND  IVAR  WITH  CHINA.  407 

from  the  west,  and  from  the  north  two  other  detach- 
ments crossed  the  river  and  suddenly  appeared 
among  the  hills.  On  the  morning  of  the  15th  these 
turned  the  Chinese  rear  at  Ping-yang,  captured  the 
city,  and  drove  the  defenders,  with  heavy  loss,  be- 
yond the  Yalu  River. 

On  the  17th  of  September  occurred  the  great 
naval  battle  for  which  the  world  had  been  waiting. 
The  Chinese  fleet,  which  had  convoyed  five  troop- 
ships to  the  Yalu,  met  on  their  return  voyage,  near 
Hai-yang  Island,  the  main  squadron  and  the  first 
flying  squadron  of  the  Japanese  fleet,  which  had 
been  sent  out  on  a reconnoitring  expedition.  The 
encounter  was  unexpected  on  both  sides,  but  the 
fleets  cleared  for  action.  The  Chinese,  under  Ad- 
miral Ting,  had  ten  vessels  formed  in  a single  line 
abreast,  with  two  battle-ships,  the  Chcn-yticn  and 
the  Ting-yiten  in  the  centre.  The  Japanese  fleet,  un- 
der Admiral  Ito,  was  very  uneven  in  point  of  speed. 
The  four  cruisers  of  the  flying  squadron  could 
steam  from  nineteen  to  twenty-three  knots;  but  the 
vessels  of  the  main  squadron  ranged  from  nineteen 
to  thirteen  knots,  and  besides  there  were  to  be 
protected  a little  gunboat  and  an  armed  merchant 
steamer.  The  flying  squadron  led  the  column,  which 
started  across  the  Chinese  front  with  the  intention 
of  attacking  the  weaker  vessels  on  the  right  flank, 
and  before  this  squadron  had  turned  the  line,  the 
(Chinese)  Yang  Wei  was  afire.  At  this  moment  two 
other  Chinese  vessels  and  six  torpedo-boats  appeared 
to  the  westward,  and  the  flying  squadron  started 


4o8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


toward  them,  but  they  made  off.  In  the  meantime 
the  main  squadron  passed  the  right  wing  of  the 
Chinese  and  set  on  fire  the  Chao-yung,  which  pres- 
ently sank.  But  the  Hiyci  could  not  keep  up  with 
the  main  Japanese  squadron,  and  found  herself  in 
the  midst  of  the  Chinese  fleet.  The  little  gunboat 
Akagi  went  to  her  aid,  but  both  vessels  were  in 
danger,  and  the  flying  squadron  circled  back  to  their 
aid  and  also  to  that  of  the  Saikio  2Iaru,  the  mer- 
chant steamer,  which  had  escaped  two  torpedo 
attacks  and  was  in  imminent  peril.  The  approach 
of  the  cruisers  enabled  the  three  weaker  vessels  to 
escape.  Meanwhile  the  main  squadron  had  passed 
entirely  around  the  Chinese  fleet,  and  the  flying 
squadron  had  encircled  it  in  the  opposite  direction. 
Having  accomplished  this,  both  divisions,  approach- 
ing on  opposite  sides  and  from  the  rear,  engaged 
their  opponents,  whose  line  of  battle  had  been  en- 
tirely lost.  The  Chili-yucn  and  the  Kiug-yiicn  were 
sunk,  but  the  two  battle-ships,  the  Ting-yucn  and 
Chcn-yiicn,  successfully  resisted  the  attack  of  the 
entire  Japanese  fleet,  though  the  flagship,  the  Ting- 
yucn,  was  afire  and  the  upper  works  of  both  vessels 
were  Avreckcd  with  shot  from  the  Japanese  quick- 
firing  guns.  Sunset  put  an  end  to  the  battle  and 
during  the  night  the  Japanese  lost  sight  of  the 
enemy.  This  AV'as  the  first  naval  battle  between 
modern  fleets  with  rapid-firing  guns;  and  because 
of  the  long  resistance  of  the  two  iron-clads  to  the 
devastating  attack  of  the  Japanese  quick-firers,  nil 
navies  increased  the  size  of  their  new  battle-ships. 


CONSTITUTION  AND  IV A R WITH  CHINA.  4O9 


The  battle  has  been  pronounced  by  some  critics  a 
victory  for  the  Japanese,  and  by  others  a drawn 
battle,  because  the  Japanese  did  not  pursue  their 
victory  and  annihilate  the  rest  of  the  Chinese  fleet. 
The  Chinese  lost  four  vessels,  and  afterwards  a fifth 
ran  aground  and  was  blown  up  by  her  crew.  The 
Japanese  lost  no  vessels,  though  their  flagship,  the 
Matsushima,  suffered  severely,  as  also  did  the  Hiyci. 
The  Chinese  lost  about  seven  hundred  killed  and 
about  two  or  three  hundred  wounded  ; the  Japanese 
losses  were  about  115  killed  and  41  wounded. 
Victory  or  not,  the  combat  cleared  the  sea  of  Chi- 
nese war-vessels  and  gave  the  Japanese  free  course 
for  their  transports. 

After  the  capture  of  Ping-yang  the  Japanese 
reorganized  their  forces,  forming  an  army  corps  at 
the  Yalu  commanded  by  Marshal  Yamagata,  and 
meanwhile  preparing  a second  army  at  home.  On 
October  24th  Yamagata  crossed  the  river,  surprised 
the  Chinese  under  General  Sung,  by  a flanking 
attack  upon  their  left,  and  drove  them  back  upon 
Feng-huang-cheng,  where  a large  number  of  the 
Chinese  soldiers  deserted.  General  Sung  burned 
the  town  and  retreated  with  the  remnant  of  his 
army  to  Mukden. 

During  November  the  first  army  occupied  itself 
with  the  capture  of  minor  places  in  the  vicinity  of 
Fong-wang,  breaking  up  the  force  of  the  fugitives  of 
Sung’s  army  at  Hsin-yen,  and  establishing  a civil  ad- 
ministration in  the  captured  territory.  The  advance 
on  Mukden  was  delayed  pending  the  operations 


4 1 0 THE  STOR  Y OF  JAPAN. 

of  a second  army,  which  had  set  forth  from  Japan 
against  Port  Arthur.  It  was  commanded  by  Mar- 
shal Oyama,  and  left  the  Fai-dong  River  Octo- 
ber 23d.  It  landed  on  the  24th  at  Hua-yuan-kon, 
about  forty  miles  northwest  of  Port  Arthur,  and 
after  an  expeditious  march,  diversified  by  a few 
skirmishes,  arrived,  November  5th,  before  the 
defences  of  Kinchow,  the  key  of  the  isthmus  called 
the  Regent’s  Sword,  that  connects  the  peninsula 
upon  which  Port  Arthur  is  situated  with  the  main- 
land. On  the  6th,  with  no  men  killed  and  but  few 
wounded.  General  Yamaji  had  taken  the  town,  and, 
as  the  Japanese  entered,  the  Chinese  fled  to  Port 
Arthur  by  the  western  gate.  Next  day,  advancing 
upon  the  forts  which  defended  the  very  narrowest 
part  of  the  isthmus,  along  the  coast  of  Ta-lien  Bay, 
the  victorious  army  frightened  the  defenders  away, 
though  the  forts  were  of  modern  construction  and 
heavily  armed.  The  fleet  had  intended  to  assist  the 
army  in  the  reduction  of  these  forts,  and  had  en- 
tered Ta-lien  Bay  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  of 
November,  timidly,  for  fear  of  torpedoes.  It  even 
fired  a few  shots  at  the  forts  before  it  saw  the  Jap- 
anese flags  waving  above  them.  With  the  control 
of  the  bay  and  the  isthmus  the  Japanese  had  the 
garrison  of  Port  Arthur  “enclosed  in  a bag.’’ 

After  ten  days  of  preparation  they  resumed  their 
march  toward  the  stronghold.  During  the  four  days 
of  progress  to  the  outermost  line  of  the  defences 
several  skirmishes  took  place,  and  here  the  Chinese 
showed  some  spirit,  even  making  a sortie  with  3000 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAD  WITH  CHINA.  4II 

men  upon  a Japanese  regiment — an  attack  which 
was,  however,  immediately  repulsed. 

Port  Arthur  is  one  of  the  strongest  fortresses  in 
the  world.  It  is  surrounded  by  successive  ranges 
of  hills  crowned  by  forts.  The  most  important  of 
these  forts  were  those  on  Itzu  Shan,  Antzu  Shan, 
and  Wang-tai  at  the  west,  that  on  Sungshu  Shan, 
and  further  to  the  eastward,  extending  in  a south- 
erly direction,  those  of  Ehrlung  Shan.  On  the 
Tiger’s  Tail — a strip  of  land  which  forms  the 
southern  boundary  of  the  harbor — were  eight 
forts,  but  they  had  no  part  in  the  defence  of  the 
town.  Each  of  these  forts  was  heavily  equipped 
with  modern  guns,  and  the  garrison  numbered 
more  than  13,000. 

With  a garrison  of  more  warlike  troops,  the  cap- 
ture of  such  a place  must  have  been  a matter  of 
weeks,  if  not  of  months,  as  indeed  subsequent 
events  showed;  but  the  Chinese  yielded  after  one 
day  of  fighting.  On  the  night  of  the  20th  of  No- 
vember the  field-guns  of  General  Yamaji  arrived, 
and  at  daybreak  opened  fire.  Forty  guns  were 
assigned  to  the  fortifications  to  the  west,  and  in 
about  an  hour  the  return  fire  from  the  first  fort 
ceased,  and  the  Japanese  infantry  stormed  the  posi- 
tion. The  defenders  fled.  General  Yamaji  at  once 
brought  up  field-pieces  to  command  Sungshu  Shan, 
and  that  fort  fell  at  eleven  in  the  morning. 

The  assailing  force  at  Ehrlung  Shan  had  harder 
fighting,  but  at  half-past  twelve  it  drove  out  the 
defenders,  and  the  way  was  opened  to  Port  Arthur. 


412 


THE  STORY  OR  JAPAN. 


There  remained  only  a fort  on  Huang-Chin-shan, 
and  the  forts  on  the  Tiger’s  Tail.  The  former  had 
heavy  coast  guns,  which  had  been  well  served  dur- 
ing the  morning,  but  in  a single  charge,  the  Jap- 
anese were  masters  of  the  hill. 

The  Chinese  fled  from  the  city  and  during  the 
night  abandoned  the  works  on  the  Tiger’s  Tail. 
They  had  put  to  death  with  torture  many  Japanese 
prisoners,  whose  limbs,  impaled  on  stakes,  con- 
fronted their  comrades,  and  the  victorious  troops 
could  not  be  restrained  from  retaliation.  They 
looted  the  town,  and  put  to  death  a considerable 
number  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  fall  of  Port  Arthur,  which  gave  to  the  Japa- 
nese a fine  naval  base  of  operations,  with  admirably 
equipped  docks,  startled  the  Chinese  Government, 
which  sent,  rather  informally,  an  envoy  to  ascer- 
tain upon  what  terms  the  Japanese  would  treat  for 
peace.  He  was  not,  however,  received. 

In  the  meantime,  the  first  army,  in  Manchuria, 
repelled  a Tartar  force,  under  General  Iko-ten-ga, 
from  the  northwest,  and  a descent  on  the  part  of 
the  Chinese,  from  the  Motien  pass ; and,  resuming  the 
offensive,  pushed  forward  (December  13th)  to  Hai- 
cheng,  on  the  road  of  communications  between 
Peking  and  Mukden.  There  were  Chinese  forces  at 
Liao-yang  at  the  northeast,  Nuchwang  at  the 
northwest,  and  Ying-kow  at  the  southwest;  and 
during  the  rest  of  the  war  the  Japanese  were  oc- 
cupied in  preventing  their  junction.  They  de- 
feated General  Sung,  who  was  advancing  from 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAR  WITH  CHINA,  4I3 


Ying-kow  with  about  10,000  men,  in  a battle  in  the 
snow  at  Kang-na-sai  on  the  19th  of  December.  It 
was  one  of  the  most  stubbornly  fought  contests  of 
the  war,  and  the  losses  were  nearly  equal.  A Chi- 
nese army  of  20,000  men  approached  Hai-cheng  in 
Januaiy,  but  never  made  any  serious  attack. 

The  second  army,  at  Port  Arthur,  had  been  pre- 
paring for  a northward  advance,  and  on  the  loth  of 
January,  1895,  a mixed  brigade  under  General 
Nogi,  after  sharp  fighting,  occupied  Kaiping.  The 
Chinese  opposition  was  more  steadfast  in  this  than 
in  previous  battles  and  their  marksmanship  had  im- 
proved. The  occupation  of  Kaiping  furnished  a 
good  support  for  Katsura,  at  Hai-cheng,  and  the 
armies  rested  for  some  weeks. 

Meanwhile  the  Japanese  turned  their  attention  to 
Wei-hai-wei,  which,  with  Port  Arthur  opposite, 
guarded  the  gulf  of  Pechili.  The  Chinese  fleet  had 
taken  refuge  in  this  harbor,  and  if  it  could  be 
captured,  troops  could  be  transported  freely  to 
Taku.  The  road  to  Peking,  which  the  Japanese 
ardently  desired  to  capture,  would  thus  be  greatly 
shortened.  The  entrances  of  the  bay,  at  the  east  and 
west  of  a large  island,  had  been  closed  by  double 
booms  made  of  hawsers  of  steel  wire  and  protected 
by  torpedoes.  The  land  defences  on  the  south 
consisted  of  seven  forts,  and  on  the  north  of  five. 
On  Liu  Kung  Island  there  were  two  forts,  and  on  a 
smaller  island,  Gih  Island,  one.  The  garrison  of 
the  stronghold  was  about  10,000  men.  In  the  har- 
bor were  twenty-six  vessels,  including  the  two 


4H 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


battle-ships  the  Ting-yncn  and  the  Chcn-yiicn,  seven 
other  war-vessels,  eleven  torpedo-boats,  and  six 
gunboats. 

On  the  19th  of  January,  fifty  transports,  convoyed 
by  the  greater  part  of  the  Japanese  fleet,  crossed  to 
Yung  Cheng,  a town  a few  miles  to  the  eastward  of 
Wei-hai-wei.  Upon  the  previous  day  three  Japa- 
nese vessels  had  made  a diversion  at  Teng  Chou, 
about  a hundred  miles  west  of  the  objective  point, 
and  had  drawn  the  attention  of  the  Chinese  in  that 
direction,  so  that  the  landing  of  the  Japanese  was 
opposed  by  only  one  battery,  which  was  presently 
silenced  by  the  guns  of  the  fleet.  On  the  26th  of 
January  the  landing  was  completed,  and  the  Japa- 
nese advanced  toward  the  forts.  From  the  land 
forces  the  opposition  was  unim.portant ; but  as  the 
Japanese  occupied  position  after  position  the  Chi- 
nese fleet  in  the  harbor  harassed  them.  Owing  to 
the  state  of  the  roads,  the  assailants  could  carry  no 
siege  guns,  and  had  to  rely  on  the  artillery  captured 
in  the  forts  to  reply  to  the  fire  of  the  war-vessels. 
The  guns  in  the  western  forts  were  destroyed  by 
the  Chinese  sailors  themselves.  In  the  eastern  forts, 
however,  there  were  captured  twelve  powerful 
pieces,  and  with  them  the  Chinese  vessels  were  con- 
fined in  the  extremity  of  the  harbor.  By  the  ist 
of  February  the  land  defences  had  been  captured, 
and  the  Chinese  ships  were  surrounded.  Cut  off 
by  Admiral  Ito’s  fleet  from  leaving  the  harbor, 
and  opposed  on  shore  by  a strong  Japanese  force, 
they  were  nevertheless  out  of  reach  of  gun-fire  and 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAR  WITH  CHINA.  415 


were  in  no  apparent  peril,  for  the  entrance  to  the 
harbor  was  defended  by  the  forts  on  Liu  Kung 
Island.  On  the  night  of  the  3d  of  February  the 
Japanese  opened  a passage  between  the  boom  and 
the  shore.  Before  daybreak  on  the  5th,  ten  tor- 
pedo-boats attempted  to  enter  the  harbor.  Five 
were  injured,  three  were  lost,  and  one  was  aban- 
doned ; but  the  Chinese  flagship,  the  Tmg-yiien, 
was  torpedoed  and  sank  to  her  decks  in  the  morning. 
On  the  6th  of  February,  at  four  in  the  morning,  five 
other  torpedo-boats  entered  the  harbor,  and,  firing 
seven  torpedoes,  destroyed  the  Lai-yuen,  the  Wei- 
yucH,  and  a gunboat,  and  withdrew  without  loss. 

These  disasters  demoralized  the  Chinese,  and  on 
the  /th,  after  the  Japanese  had  blown  up  the  maga- 
zine on  Gih  Island,  the  Chinese  torpedo-boats  fled 
through  the  western  entrance  of  the  harbor,  only 
to  be  captured  by  Japanese  cruisers.  Admiral  Ting 
still  resisted,  hoping  for  reinforcements.  On  the 
9th  the  Ching-yucn,  which  had  advanced  to  shell  the 
captured  forts,  was  sunk.  On  the  i ith  the  Chinese 
admiral  received  word  from  Li-Hung-Chang  that  no 
aid  need  be  expected,  and  on  the  12th  he  surren- 
dered the  remainder  of  his  ships  and  committed  sui- 
cide. The  generals  of  the  Chinese  on  Liu  Kung 
Island  also  killed  themselves.  By  the  terms  of  sur- 
render the  Chinese  garrison  and  the  officers  of  the 
navy  were  set  free. 

In  the  course  of  the  preparations  for  the  expedi- 
tion against  Wei-hai-wei,  China  had  prepared  a 
second  peace  embassy,  which  arrived  in  Japan 


4i6 


THE  STOR  y OF  JAPAN. 


January  31,  1895.  It  consisted  of  two  envoys  and 
a large  staff,  including  an  American  adviser,  Mr. 
Foster,  but  it  did  not  have  powers  to  accede  to  the 
full  demands  of  the  Japanese  without  further  com- 
munication with  the  Tsung-li-Yamen,  and  negotia- 
tions failed. 

The  Chinese  from  Nuchwang  and  Liao-yang 
made  several  attacks  upon  the  Japanese  at  Hai- 
cheng,  but  these  were  easily  repulsed,  and  during 
the  latter  part  of  February,  General  Yamaji  having 
joined  General  Nogi  at  Kaiping,  and  General  Kat- 
sura  at  Hai-cheng  having  been  reinforced,  the 
Japanese  in  turn  moved  forward.  The  second  army 
had  pushed  forward  to  Taiping  Shan,  had  attacked 
the  Chinese  intrenchments  at  the  point  of  the  bayo- 
net, and  had  driven  General  Sung  back  to  Po-miao- 
tzu,  thus  preventing  his  co-operation  with  the 
Nuchwang  and  Liao-yang  armies. 

On  the  28th  of  February  Katsura  began  opera- 
tions for  the  separation  of  the  latter  forces.  In  a 
series  of  encounters  he  pushed  back  the  Liao-yang 
army  and  pursued  it  until  the  second  of  March. 
Then  he  turned,  and,  on  the  4th,  attacked  Nuch- 
wang on  the  northwest  and  east.  Here  the  Chinese 
resisted  vigorously  with  Gatling  guns,  and,  even 
after  the  Japanese  had  entered  the  town,  delivered 
a house-to-house  combat  until  almost  midnight, 
killing  forty-two  Japanese  and  wounding  174,  but 
losing  more  than  1800,  mainly  in  their  retreat.  The 
Japanese  took  2000  prisoners,  and  captured  a 
quantity  of  ammunition  and  several  guns.  On  the 


CONSTITUTION  AND  WAR  WITH  CHINA.  417 


7th  of  March  General  Yamaji  occupied  Ying-kow, 
which  had  been  evacuated  by  General  Sung,  who 
had  retreated  northwestward  to  Tien-chwang-tai ; 
and  here  on  the  9th  of  March  the  combined  Japa- 
nese armies  routed  his  forces,  destroying,  during  the 
battle  and  the  retreat,  more  than  2000  men. 

This  was  the  last  important  battle  of  the  war. 
On  the  19th  of  March  a new  embassy,  headed  by  Li- 
Hung-Chang  and  accompanied  by  General  Foster, 
Wu-Ting-Fang,  and  a suite  of  132  persons,  arrived 
at  Shimonoseki  provided  with  full  powers  to  make  a 
treaty.  In  the  course  of  the  negotiations,  on  the 
24th  of  March,  a fanatic  shot  the  Chinese  envoy  in 
the  cheek.  The  Japanese  were  excessively  morti- 
fied at  this  breach  of  hospitality  ; the  envoy  received 
more  than  10,000  letters  of  sympathy  and  the  Mi- 
kado proclaimed  an  armistice  in  Manchuria,  Pechili, 
and  Shan-tung  until  the  20th  of  April.  The  wound 
was  found  not  to  be  dangerous,  negotiations  were 
soon  resumed,  and  on  the  1 7th  of  April  the  treaty  was 
signed.  On  the  8th  of  May  it  was  ratified  at  Che- 
foo.  It  provided  for  an  indemnity  of  300,000,000  yen 
and  the  concession  to  Japan  of  Formosa,  the  Pes- 
cadores Islands,  and  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula,  in- 
cluding Port  Arthur. 

Rut  the  Powers  feared  that  the  possession  of  Port 
Arthur  would  give  Japan  too  much  influence  in 
China,  Germany,  France,  and  Russia  jointly 
requested  Japan  to  leave  the  peninsula  to  China, 
and  to  this  the  Mikado  and  his  advisers  consented, 
without  condition 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 

The  efificiency  of  the  Japanese  arms  had  raised 
the  country  in  the  estimation  of  the  Powers,  and 
one  of  the  first  results  of  the  war  was  a revision  of 
the  treaties  between  Japan  and  the  other  nations, 
including  particularly  the  abolition  of  extra-terri- 
torial jurisdiction,  which  was  especially  galling  to 
Japanese  pride.  The  statesmen  of  the  country  had 
made  every  effort  to  show  to  the  world  that  the 
Japanese  differed  in  no  essential  way  from  European 
peoples,  and  deserved  the  treatment  accorded  to 
civilized  nations.  They  had  revised  their  entire 
legal  code  according  to  European  models,  had  or- 
ganised a police  system,  had  joined  the  International 
Postal  Union,  had  even  encouraged  the  adoption  of 
European  clothes,  and  in  short,  had  made  every 
effort  to  demonstrate  their  equality  in  civilization 
with  Occidental  races. 

After  1872,  when,  according  to  the  treaties  signed 
with  the  Tokugawa  government,  Japan  might  de- 
mand a modification  of  her  agreements  with  the 
Powers,  several  attempts  to  gain  such  modifications 

418 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


419 


were  made;  but  for  one  reason  or  another  none 
succeeded  until  the  establishment  of  the  courts  of 
justice  in  1894,  and  the  exhibition  of  Japan’s  prow- 
ess in  war.  England,  indeed,  signed  a treaty  on 
equal  terms  before  the  war  (July,  1894).  Dur- 
ing the  war,  the  United  States  signed  a similar 
agreement,  and  the  other  Powers  followed.  All  of 
these  treaties  were  to  come  in  force  in  May,  1899, 
and  to  hold  for  twelve  years.  Extra-territoriality 
was  abolished  in  all  parts  of  Japan.  Foreigners 
were  to  be  judged  by  Japanese  courts,  according  to 
Japanese  law,  and  were  permitted  to  live  anywhere 
in  Japan  and  to  hold  movable  property.  The  cus- 
toms tariff  was  arranged  by  separate  treaty  with 
each  nation,  and  differed,  of  course,  with  regard  to 
the  character  of  the  imports  and  exports  of  each 
country;  but  the  most  - favored  - nation  clause, 
which  is  reciprocal  and  unconditional  in  all  treaties, 
produced  a certain  uniformity  in  the  rates. 

Controversies  in  the  Diet  began  again  immedi- 
ately after  the  war,  at  first  on  the  question,  osten- 
sibly at  least,  of  the  retrocession  of  the  Liao-tung 
Peninsula.  In  1898  Russia  leased  Port  Arthur  for 
twenty-five  years,  and  England  promptly  leased 
Wei-hai-wei.  These  occupations  were  used  as  tools 
by  the  opposition,  which  desired  to  remove  from 
power  the  “clansmen,”  who  had  not,  it  was  alleged, 
properly  upheld  Japanese  claims  to  the  territory 
captured  by  Japanese  armies.  In  1898  the  Liberal 
and  Progressive  parties  joined  forces  under  the  name 
of  the  Constitutional  party,  which  had  a majority 


420 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  was  led  by 
chiefs  trained  in  parliamentary  tactics.  Marquis 
Ito,  who  was  the  ^Minister  President  of  the  Cabinet, 
resigned;  and  at  his  suggestion,  for  the  first  time, 
an  opposition  Cabinet  was  formed,  including  Okuma 
and  Itagaki.  Advocates  of  party  government  ex- 
pected much  from  this  Cabinet,  but  it  could  not,  or 
at  least  did  not,  overcome  dissensions,  and  fell  in 
six  months.  There  succeeded  a Conservative  gov- 
ernment, with  Yamagata  as  Minister  President, 
which  lasted  until  1900,  when  Ito  was  again  called 
to  face  the  Boxer  riots  in  China.  In  1901  there 
was  formed  a combination  of  parties  under  the  name 
of  the  Association  of  Friends  of  the  Constitution 
{Rikkcn-Sciyu-kai).  It  made  friends  with  Ito, 
who  insisted,  however,  that  the  principle  of  parlia- 
mentary cabinets  should  be  abandoned.  Ito’s 
ministry  fell  before  the  year  was  out,  on  the  ques- 
tion of  raising  a foreign  loan  for  military  expansion  ; 
and  Katsura  took  his  place  as  Minister  President, 
while  Ito  became  President  of  the  Privy  Council, 
whose  advice  the  Emperor  usually  follows.  The 
Katsura  ministry  was  chosen  mainly  from  the  Up- 
per House,  without  regard  to  party  sympathies, 
and  remained  in  power  until  1906,  when  it  gave 
place  to  a government  under  Saionji,  which  con- 
tinued the  policy  of  its  predecessor.  There  was 
no  question  of  the  responsibility  of  ministers 
to  the  Diet;  that  problem  was  obscured  by  the 
more  vital  considerations  of  war  with  Russia. 

By  this  time,  the  effort  of  the  Japanese  to  take 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


421 


advantage  of  the  ultimate  manifestations  of  Western 
civilization  had  begun  to  produce  its  effect.  Relay 
after  relay  of  young  men,  and  a few  young  women, 
had  returned  to  their  homes  from  universities  in  the 
United  States  and  England  and  Germany,  informed 
as  to  the  laws,  sciences,  and  industrial  developments 
of  the  West.  Under  the  guidance,  and  for  many 
years  under  the  instruction,  of  foreign  teachers,  a 
system  of  schools  had  been  established.  There  were 
upwards  of  27,000  public  schools,  with  compulsory 
education  up  to  the  age  of  ten.  There  were  about 
three  hundred  secondary  schools,  including  seventy 
schools  for  girls.  There  were  about  sixty  normal 
schools,  and  two  State  Universities,  one  at  Tokyo, 
the  other  at  Kyoto.  Among  the  children  of  school 
age,  more  than  ninety-three  per  centutn  were  avail- 
ing themselves  of  school  privileges.  In  most  of  the 
schools,  Japanese  teachers  had  displaced  the  foreign 
instructors.  The  medical  and  engineering  colleges 
had  begun  to  produce  the  extraordinary  results 
which  were  apparent  in  the  war  with  Russia,  in 
which  the  Japanese  doctors  proved  themselves  the 
equals  of  any  in  the  world.  Comparative  freedom 
of  the  press  was  permitted,  and  an  extraordinary 
number  of  newspapers  sprung  up,  which  presently 
began  to  exert  a considerable  political  and  educa- 
tional influence,  particularly  the  Nichi  Niclii,  the 
Kokiimin^  the  Hochi,  the  Jiji,  the  Nippon,  and  the 
Mainichi. 

No  less  eager  were  the  Japanese  to  avail  them- 
selves of  foreign  knowledge  in  the  development  of 


422 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


industrial  affairs;  but  here  solid  progress  was  less 
rapid  than  it  had  been  in  educational,  military,  and 
administrative  matters,  because  the  class  affected 
was  less  accustomed  to  self-discipline  than  were  the 
samurai.  Baron  Shibusawa,  who  developed  the 
company  system,  describes  the  Japanese  as  impul- 
sive, impatient,  disinclined  to  union,  and  not  trained 
in  such  business  honesty  as  was  demanded  by  other 
nations.  These  traits,  he  says,  “make  it  hard  for 
the  people  to  achieve  business  success.’’  That  suc- 
cess has,  besides,  been  hampered  by  lack  of  capital 
on  the  part  of  the  Japanese.  Nevertheless,  progress 
in  these  matters  was  by  no  means  slow.  After 
the  payment  of  the  indemnity  from  China,  indeed, 
which  was  spent  mainly  in  developing  the  resources 
of  the  country,  there  ensued  a period  of  exceedingly 
rapid  expansion,  which  brought  on  a collapse  and 
depression  in  1900  and  1901.  The  banking  system 
was  developed  and  perfected.  The  gold  standard 
was  adopted.  A special  bank  was  established  for 
the  purpose  of  making  loans  on  immovable  property, 
thus  furnishing  capital  for  the  development  of  agri- 
culture and  manufactures.  The  main  industries  of 
the  country  had  always  been  agricultural ; about  six- 
ty per  centum  of  the  population  are  farmers.  After 
the  restoration,  however,  and  particularly  after  the 
promulgation  of  the  Constitution  which  permitted 
every  Japanese  to  change  his  residence  as  he  pleased, 
the  population  began  to  drift  toward  the  cities. 
Manufacturing  increased  rapidly.  Foreign  machinery 
was  imported.  Great  industrial  centres  were  de- 


THE  STRUGGLE  fV/TH  RUSSIA. 


423 


veloped.  The  main  industries  were  the  raising 
and  manufacture  of  silk,  the  raising  of  rice  and  tea, 
and  the  manufacture  of  cotton.  Ship-building  was 
enlivened  after  the  Chinese  War,  and  several  com- 
panies were  organized,  some  of  which  had,  before 
the  Russian  War,  docks  capable  of  receiving  vessels 
of  8000  to  10,000  tons.  Steamship  companies 
also  flourished,  one  of  which,  the  Nippon-Yusen 
Kaisha,  had  developed  services  of  commodious 
steamers  to  Bombay,  London,  Antwerp,  Hong 
Kong,  Seattle,  and  Melbourne.  The  government 
aided  in  the  development  of  ship-building, 
organizing  shipyards  and  afterwards  turning 
them  over  to  private  companies.  One  of  these 
yards,  the  Kawasaki,  at  Kobe,  ultimately  built 
a plant  capable  of  turning  out  ships  of  20,000 
tons.  In  the  government  yards,  also,  of  which 
the  largest  is  at  Yokosuka,  several  war-ships  have 
been  built. 

The  government  also  took  in  hand  the  develop- 
ment of  mining  and  organized  a school  of  mines. 
Government  experiments  with  mining,  however, 
proved  to  be  unprofitable;  but  concessions  were 
made  to  private  corporations,  which  flourished,  pro- 
ducing gold,  silver,  copper,  hematite,  quicksilver,  oil, 
and  other  mineral  productsin  considerable  quantities. 

Railways  were  first  built  by  the  government 
in  1872,  but  within  ten  years  a number  of  private 
corporations  started  up,  and  by  the  beginning  of 
the  Russian  War  there  were  more  than  four  thousand 
miles  of  track  in  the  Empire. 


424 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Every  kind  of  foreign  custom  or  device  was  made 
welcome.  The  bicycle  and  the  telephone  had  a 
great  popularity.  Electric  railroads  were  built  in 
several  cities,  and  even  in  parts  of  the  country. 
Brick  structures,  lighted  by  electricity  and  equipped 
with  the  most  modern  improvements,  were  built 
for  ofiRces;  the  clerks  wore  coats  and  trousers 
during  office  hours  and  returned  at  night  to  their 
native  houses,  took  off  their  shoes,  assumed  their 
native  clothing,  and  sat  down  upon  their  white 
mats  to  their  native  rice  and  fish.  To  the  eye  the 
experiments  of  this  ancient  people  with  modern 
devices  present  a spectacle  of  incongruities.  But,  as 
those  who  have  guided  the  nation  point  out,  it  is 
merely  a season  of  trial;  those  things  which  are  not 
suitable  for  Japanese  civilization  are  to  be  dis- 
carded; those  that  survive  to  be  retained  — with 
improvements. 

As  soon  as  the  Chinese  War  was  over,  foreseeing 
possible  complications  with  Russia,  Ito  and  Yama- 
gata  set  about  a reorganization  of  the  army  and 
navy,  with  the  plan  of  doubling  the  force  of  soldiers 
by  1905,  and  the  sea  power  b}^  1904.  The  army 
was  to  consist  of  three  divisions — the  active  army, 
liable  for  foreign  service,  in  which  every  able-bodied 
man  twenty  years  of  age  should  serve  three  years ; 
the  first  reserve,  with  a service  of  four  years  and 
four  months;  the  second  reserve,  with  a service  of 
five  years  more.  At  the  expiration  of  service,  the 
men  mustered  out  were  to  join  the  second  division, 
the  National  Army  for  home  defence.  The  navy 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


425 


at  the  beginning  of  the  war  with  Russia  consisted 
of  six  battle-ships,  six  armored  cruisers,  fourteen 
protected  cruisers,  forty  torpedo-boats,  and  twenty- 
four  destroyers,  besides  more  than  fifty  transports 
and  other  auxiliary  vessels. 

The  first  trial  of  the  efficiency  of  the  new  troops 
came  in  1900,  when  the  Chinese  association  called 
the  “Boxers,”  attempting  to  drive  foreigners  from 
China,  mastered  Peking,  killed  the  Japanese  Secre- 
tary of  Legation  and  the  German  Minister,  besieged 
the  other  Ministersof  foreign  Powers  in  the  legations, 
and  overran  a considerable  part  of  the  Pechili  prov- 
ince, including  the  city  of  Tientsin.  The  Powers 
hastily  sent  troops  to  the  relief  of  the  legations. 
England  desired  to  intrust  the  Japanese  with  the 
entire  responsibility  of  rescuing  the  besieged  minis- 
ters, and  Japan  was  ready  to  take  the  responsibility, 
provided  that  she  should  have  the  moral  support  of 
the  other  Powers.  But  this  was  not  granted,  and  a 
mixed  force  of  Japanese,  Americans,  English,  Ger- 
mans, French,  and  Russians,  in  a short  campaign,  cap- 
tured the  Chinese  forts  at  Taku,  drove  the  Chinese 
from  Tientsin,  and  finally  entered  Peking  in  time  to 
save  the  larger  number  of  the  defenders  of  the  lega- 
tions. In  every  engagement  the  Japanese  troops 
were  to  the  fore:  they  were  first  to  enter  Taku  and 
Tsin,  and  voluntarily  undertook  the  assault  upon 
the  most  difficult  gates  of  the  capital.  Moreover, 
after  the  occupation  of  the  city,  when  the  soldiers 
of  all  the  other  nations  looted  the  Chinese  more  or  less 
freely,  the  Japanese  refrained  entirely  from  plunder. 


420 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  “Boxer”  insurrection  was  by  no  means  con- 
fined to  Pechili.  Disturbances  occurred  also  in 
Manchuria,  endangering  the  Russian  trans-Siberian 
railroad;  and  Russia  sent  a force  which  occupied 
Blagovestchenk,  overran  Manchuria,  and  at  last 
took  possession  of  Neuchwang.  When  the  Powers, 
having  established  order  in  Peking,  withdrew  their 
forces  in  1901,  Russia  maintained  her  occupation 
of  Manchuria,  promising,  however,  to  abandon  it 
to  China,  in  three  evacuations,  at  intervals  of  six 
months,  beginning  October  8,  1902,  and  ending 
October  8,  1903.  The  first  evacuation  was  accom- 
plished on  time;  but  the  second  was  not,  and,  in  the 
face  of  the  protest  of  the  Powers,  Russia  began  to 
send  troops  into  Manchuria,  to  protect,  it  was 
alleged,  concessions  for  wood-cutting,  granted  to 
private  corporations  in  Manchuria  and  Korea — cor- 
porations in  which,  it  was  rumored,  the  Grand 
Dukes  of  Russia,  and  even  the  Tzar  were  interested. 
At  the  same  time  Russian  agents  tried  to  wring  a 
promise  from  China  that  no  other  Power  should  be 
allowed  to  occupy  Manchuria,  after  the  Russian 
withdrawal,  and  even  that  no  ports  should  be  newly 
opened  to  foreign  consuls.  The  principle  of  the 
open  door  in  China  had  been  insisted  on  by  the 
Powers,  and  in  1902,  in  a treaty  of  alliance  between 
England  and  Japan  (which  provided  that  when  one 
of  the  signatory  nations  should  be  at  war  with  two 
other  nations,  it  should  have  armed  support  from 
the  ally)  the  maintenance  of  this  principle  in  China 
and  Korea  had  been  prescribed. 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


427 


In  August,  1903,  Admiral  Alexieff  was  nominated 
by  imperial  ukase  Viceroy  of  the  Amur  and  Kwang- 
tung  territories,  and  on  the  appointed  date,  the 
Russian  soldiers  had  made  no  movement  toward 
evacuation.  Under  the  advice  of  the  Powers, 
China  demanded  their  withdrawal.  Russia  refused 
to  evacuate  the  province  without  a guarantee  from 
China  that  her  terms  as  to  the  “closed  door’’  should 
be  accepted,  and  moreover  began  negotiations  with 
Korea  for  a lease  of  Yongampo,  which  was  to  have 
been  an  open  port.  There  ensued  a diplomatic 
correspondence  between  Russia  and  Japan,  the 
latter  Power  believing  its  interests  in  Korea  and 
Manchuria  to  be  endangered  by  the  Russian 
occupation. 

The  Japanese  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Baron 
Komura,  offered  to  come  to  an  agreement  with 
Russia  to  “respect  the  independence  and  territorial 
integrity  of  the  Chinese  and  Korean  empires,’’ 
recognizing  the  special  interests  of  Russia  in  Man- 
churia, and  of  Japan  in  Korea,  but  maintaining  that 
Japan  and  other  Powers  must  not  be  “impeded  in 
the  enjoyment  of  rights  and  privileges  acquired  by 
them  under  existing  treaties  with  China.’’  The 
replies  of  Count  Lamsdorff  to  the  Japanese  pro- 
position came  slowly,  and  meantime  Russia  was 
hurrying  troops  into  Manchuria.  Popular  feeling  in 
Japan  was  somewhat  at  fever  heat;  indeed,  as  a 
writer  describes  it,  for  months  the  government  had 
been  sitting  on  the  safety-valve.  At  last,  on 
February  5th,  the  Japanese  Minister  to  Russia, 


428 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Baron  Kurino  received  instructions  to  leave  St. 
Petersburg,  and  communicated  them  to  Count 
Lamsdorff.* 

Japan  was  quite  ready  for  this  struggle.  For 
many  years  the  War  Department  had  been  taking 
thought  of  little  else.  Its  maps  showed  every 
elevation  and  depression  of  the  ground  in  Korea 
and  Manchuria.  The  equipment  of  its  armies  was 
perfect,  so  far  as  inspection  could  make  it  so.  Its 
new  powder  invented  by  Dr.  Shimose  had  been 
subjected  to  severe  tests.  Its  soldiers  had  been 
drilled  patiently  to  fight  intelligently,  as  well  as 
desperately.  Particularly  its  system  of  communi- 
cations had  been  organized;  throughout  the  en- 
suing war,  the  soldiers  never  lacked  cartridges 
nor  food.  Its  hospital  corps  won  the  admiration  of 
all  nations.  The  weakness  of  the  Japanese  armies 
was  perhaps  in  cavalry,  which  was  not  heavy 
enough  to  endure  the  charge  of  the  tall  Russians, 
but  that  was  not  due  to  lack  of  care  on 
the  part  of  the  Japanese.  They  had  made  experi- 
ments in  raising  horses  of  all  kinds,  and  had  devel- 
oped powerful  chargers,  but  the  backs  of  these 
proved  too  broad  for  the  short  men  of  Nippon,  and 
so,  perforce,  lighter  horses  had  to  be  used.  At  the 
outset  of  the  war,  fifty  transports  were  waiting  to 
carry  the  first  army  to  Korea,  and  every  item  of 
cargo  was  waiting  to  be  put  aboard. 

* A translation  of  the  correspondence  between  Japan  and  Russia 
over  the  points  of  difference  that  resulted  in  the  war  will  be  found 
in  Appendix  V. 


THE  S TR  UGGL  E IV I TH  R US  SI  A. 


429 


As  in  the  Chinese  War,  so  in  this  war  between 
Russia  and  Japan  it  is  said  that  the  first  shot  wjs 
fired  by  the  Russiaijs,  and  fired  before  official 
declaration  of  war  had  been  made.  The  gunboat 
Korietz  was  lying,  with  the  cruiser  Variag,  in 
the  harbor  of  Chemulpo,  on  the  8th  of  February, 
1904.  A shot  from  her  was  directed  toward  the 
Japanese  convoy  of  a fleet  of  transports,  carrying 
troops  to  Korea.  The  Japanese  did  not  reply  and 
the  troops  were  landed;  but  on  the  next  morning, 
Rear-Admiral  Uriu,  in  command  of  the  Japanese 
squadron,  sent  word  to  the  Russians  that  war  ex- 
isted, and  that  they  must  leave  neutral  waters  before 
noon  or  be  sunk  in  the  harbor.  In  the  face  of  an 
overwhelming  force  the  two  vessels  left  the  harbor, 
and  were  destroyed  within  an  hour.  Meanwhile  at 
Port  Arthur  on  the  night  of  February  8th  a Japanese 
torpedo  flotilla  had  damaged  the  Russian  battle-ships 
Retvisan  and  Tsarewitch,  and  the  cruiser  Pallada, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  next  night  seriously  injured 
the  cruisers  Diana,  Askold,  and  Novik.  These  mis- 
fortunes aroused  Russian  energy.  A slate  of  war 
was  proclaimed  on  the  loth  of  February.  General 
Kuropatkin  was  presently  appointed  to  the  military 
command  of  Manchuria,  and  Admiral  MakarofT  was 
sent  to  take  over  the  Port  Arthur  squadron.  In  the 
meantime  Admiral  Togo  was  hammering  at  this  fleet. 
On  February  14th  his  torpedo-boats  disabled  the 
cruiser  Boyarin.  Several  brave  attempts  on  the 
part  of  the  Japanese  to  close  the  entrance  of  Port 
Arthur  by  sinking  vessels  in  it,  however,  failed. 


430 


ADMIRAL  TOGO. 
(From  a Photograph.) 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


431 


But  on  April  13th  a new  serious  disaster  befell  the 
Russians.  Admiral  Makaroff  was  enticed  to  sea  in 
chase  of  certain  Japanese  vessels,  and  his  flagship, 
the  Petropavlovsk,  struck  a Japanese  mine,  which 
had  been  laid  in  the  probable  Russian  course,  and 
sank.  The  Admiral,  the  main  hope  of  the  Russian 
navy,  was  drowned,  with  the  greater  part  of  his 
crew,  as  was  also  the  eminent  painter  Verestchagin. 
Eighty  persons  were  saved. 

From  Vladivostok  a Russian  squadron  of  four 
cruisers  ranged  along  the  Korean  coast,  sank  a Jap- 
anese vessel  at  Gensan,  and  a Japanese  transport, 
eluded  for  some  time  Admiral  Kamimura,  who  had 
been  sent  to  oppose  it,  and  threatened  a descent 
upon  Japanese  territory.  But  on  June  27th  the 
Japanese  Admiral  met  them,  sank  one  of  their  ves- 
sels, the  Rttrik,  and  drove  two  others  back  to 
Vladivostok.  The  fourth  ran  aground  and  sank 
in  April. 

Admiral  Togo,  with  the  principal  Japanese  fleet, 
had  been  watching  the  Russian  vessels  at  Port 
Arthur.  His  own  fleet  had  not  escaped  catastro- 
phe. On  April  15th,  in  a fog,  a Japanese  cruiser, 
the  Kasuga,  had  rammed  the  Yoshino  and  sunk  her, 
and  the  battle-ships  Yashinia  Hatsiisc'SxTiA.  struck 
Russian  mines  and  had  been  lost.  But  Togo  had 
kept  the  Russian  fleet  shut  up  in  Port  Arthur,  so 
that  the  Japanese  could,  without  danger,  transport 
their  armies  to  the  continent  for  the  land  campaign. 
One  of  these  armies  had  begun  the  siege  of  Port 
Arthur,  and  as  it  pressed  the  stronghold  closer,  the 


432 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Russian  vessels  made  several  efforts  to  escape  from 
the  harbor  and  join  the  small  squadron  at  Vladi- 
vostok. On  June  23d  Togo  drove  the  entire  fleet 
back  into  port,  but  on  August  loth  it  made  another 
attempt  to  escape.  This  time  the  Japanese  scattered 
its  units,  and  nullified  its  power.  The  Pallada  and 
Novik  sank,  the  Sevastopol,  Retvisan,  Poltava,  and 
Pcresvict  returned  to  Port  Arthur,  and  the  other 
vessels  fled  to  neutral  ports,  where  they  were 
disarmed. 

The  operations  on  land  had  been  pushed  no  less 
successfully  and  systematically.  Everything,  down 
to  the  smallest  details,  was  prepared  for  the 
concentration  and  transportation  of  the  first 
army,  and  in  the  beginning  of  April  it  had  landed 
in  Korea,  and  had  driven  the  Russians  beyond  the 
Yalu  River.  General  Kuroki,  in  command  of  this 
force  of  40,000  men,  concentrated  at  Wiju.  On 
the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  the  Russians  under 
General  Sassulitch,  with  10,000  men,  had  forti- 
fied the  heights,  meaning  to  delay  the  Japanese 
advance  as  long  as  possible,  so  that  troops  might  be 
sent  over  the  Siberian  railroad  to  reinforce  General 
Kuropatkin,  and,  when  his  position  was  no  longer 
tenable,  to  retire.  The  rapidity  of  march  of  the 
Japanese,  however,  turned  his  retreat  into  disaster. 
Kuroki  encompassed  both  the  right  and  the  left 
flanks  of  the  Russians,  and  drove  them  back  along 
the  road  to  Liao-yang.  The  Japanese  reserves, 
marching  quickly,  caught  up  with  the  rear-guard  of 
the  Russians  on  three  sides,  and  captured  twenty- 


GENERAL  KUROKI. 
(From  a Photograph.) 


434 


THE  STOR  y OF  JAPAN. 


one  guns,  six  Maxims,  and  looo  prisoners.  The 
Japanese  lost  lOOO,  the  Russians  4500.  Kuroki 
pursued  to  Feng-huang-cheng  and  occupied  the 
Motien-ling,  the  pass  over  the  hills  to  the  plains, 
beyond  Liao-yang.  On  July  4th  and  17th  the 
Russians  tried  to  retake  this  pass,  without  success. 
The  first  army,  now  in  a position  to  menace  Kuro- 
patkin’s  rear,  in  case  he  should  advance  with  his 
whole  army  toward  Port  Arthur,  rested  for  several 
weeks. 

During  this  campaign  the  second  Japanese  army, 
under  General  Oku,  had  been  landing  in  the  Liao- 
tung Peninsula,  at  Yentao  Bay.  On  May  5th  the 
commander  despatched  a column  to  take  possession 
of  Port  Adams,  and  the  railroad  to  Port  Arthur. 
The  other  divisions,  landing  farther  south,  ap- 
proached Kinchow.  As  in  the  Chinese  War,  Kin- 
chow  guarded  the  isthmus  leading  to  the  peninsula, 
and  it  was  more  strongly  fortified  by  far  than  it  had 
been  under  the  Chinese.  Ten  forts,  with  seventy 
heavy  guns,  eight  machine  guns,  and  two  batteries 
of  quick-firing  rifles  defended  Nan  Shan,  on  an 
eminence  to  the  southward  of  the  city,  with  a gar- 
rison of  15,000  men.  The  Japanese  army  of  about 
45,000,  of  whom,  however,  not  all  were  in  action, 
extended  across  the  land  from  Kinchow  Bay  to  the 
Korean  Sea.  On  May  26th,  supported  by  four 
gunboats  in  Kinchow  Bay,  Oku  hurled  one  attack 
after  another  against  the  hill,  only  to  lose  his  men 
among  the  barbed  wire  entanglements  at  its  foot. 
In  the  late  afternoon  no  important  advantage  had 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


435 


been  gained  by  the  assailants.  But,  just  before 
sundown,  the  fourth  division,  forming  the  right 
wing,  under  General  Ogawa,  waded  through  the 
shallows  of  Kinchow  Bay  to  the  Russian  left,  and 
suddenly  appeared  upon  the  heights.  The  first  and 
third  divisions,  the  centre  and  left,  encouraged, 
charged  once  more,  and  by  seven  o’clock  the  Rus- 
sians had  abandoned  their  seventy-eight  guns,  and 
were  retiring  to  Port  Arthur.  The  Japanese  lost 
3500  men  in  their  fight  of  sixteen  hours;  the  Rus- 
sians, about  2000. 

The  fall  of  Nan  Shan  uncovered  the  port  of  Dalny, 
with  its  fine  dock,  which  was  abandoned  by  the 
Russians  and  occupied  by  Oku  on  the  29th.  With 
fresh  troops  from  Japan,  and  a part  of  Oku’s  force, 
an  army  was  formed  under  the  command  of  General 
Nogi,  to  capture  Port  Arthur.  Oku,  with  the 
greater  part  of  his  command,  pushed  northward, 
and  defeated  General  Stackelberg,  who  had  been 
sent  to  attack  him,  at  Tilissu  on  June  14th  and 
1 5th,  capturing  sixteen  guns.  On  July  25th  he 
fought  his  way  to  Tashih-shiao  where  he  defeated  a 
Russian  force  under  Kuropatkin  himself;  on  July 
27th  he  pushed  on  to  Nuchwang,  driving  the 
Russians  back  to  Hai-cheng. 

A third  Japanese  army,  under  General  Nodzu, 
which  had  been  landed  at  Takushan,  had  made  its 
way  northward,  by  way  of  the  Fenshon-ling,  to 
Kaiping,  had  taken  the  town  after  three  days  of 
hard  fighting,  and  now  co-operated  with  Oku  against 
Hai-cheng.  After  this  had  been  accomplished, 


THE  STOR  J'  OF  JAPAN. 


436 

Kuropatkin  withdrew  his  forces  to  Liao-yang,  leav- 
ing a rear-guard  at  An-shan-chau. 

By  August  24th,  at  the  end  of  the  rainy  season, 
the  three  Japanese  armies  were  ready  to  advance. 
On  the  right  was  Kuroki.  In  the  centre  and  on 
the  left  Nodzu  and  Oku  had  forced  the  Russians 
from  An-shan-chau,  and  Oku  was  closing  in  upon 
Kuropatkin’s  right.  General  Oyama  was  in  com- 
mand of  the  combined  Japanese  force,  which  pressed 
back  the  Russians  upon  their  formidable  defences 
at  Liao-yang,  and  began  to  assault  these,  August 
30th,  on  the  south  and  southwest,  while  Kuroki 
moved  northward,  with  the  object  of  pushing  to  the 
Russian  rear  and  cutting  off  his  retreat.  Thus  he 
separated  from  the  second  army,  and  exposed  him- 
self to  the  attack  of  Kuropatlcin’s  whole  force.  But 
the  Russian  was  not  prepared  to  throw  himself  be- 
tween the  armies.  For  the  moment  the  attack  of 
the  centre  and  left  armies  occupied  him. 

This  attack  began  with  an  artillery  duel,  involving 
more  than  1000  guns  on  both  sides,  followed  by 
persistent  infantry  charges  from  Oku  and  Nodzu 
against  the  outer  redoubts,  which  were  set  upon 
hills  and  defended  by  barbed  wire  entanglements, 
pits  containing  stakes,  and  other  devices  for  ham- 
pering the  Japanese  rushes.  During  this  day  these 
rushes  made  no  important  gain;  but  by  the  31st 
Oku  had  brought  up  the  five-inch  rifles  captured  at 
Nan  Shan,  and  his  artillery  fire  was  more  effec- 
tive. The  Japanese  guns  were  probably  better 
served  than  the  Russian,  and  the  “Shimose”  pow- 


THE  STRUGGLE  MU TH  RUSSIA. 


437 


(It  r proved  to  be  a manageable  and  powerful  explo- 
sive. Nevertheless,  the  Russian  guns  were  never 
quite  silenced,  and  one  rush  after  another  was  re- 
pelled. At  seven  in  the  evening  Oku  sent  in  vain, 
for  the  third  time  in  twenty-four  hours,  his  entire 
line  against  the  entrenchments.  A fourth  attack 
was  planned  for  three  in  the  morning.  But  mean- 
while Kuroki’s  movement  to  the  north  threatened 
to  cut  the  Russian  communications,  and  Kuropat- 
kin,  drawing  off  part  of  his  force  to  confront 
the  first  army,  ordered  the  abandonment  of  the  first 
and  second  southern  positions.  Oku’s  men  entered 
the  works  without  opposition.  On  the  2(1  of  Sep- 
tember began  another  stubborn  attack,  without 
perceptible  advantage  to  the  Japanese.  It  was 
renewed  during  the  night  and  during  the  next  day, 
when  the  Japanese  left  began  to  shell  the  town  and 
the  railroad  bridge.  In  the  evening  the  central 
army  rushed  one  after  another  of  the  Russian  forts, 
and  at  12.20  of  .September  4th  took  possession  of 
the  northern  portion  of  the  town.  The  Russians 
had  fled,  and  Oku  on  the  left  seized  the  railroad 
bridge  at  3.30. 

Meanwhile,  Kuroki  had  crossed  the  Tai-tse  and 
threatened  the  Russian  line  of  withdrawal.  He 
occupied  Hycntai,  a low  hill,  the  central  point 
among  several  elevations,  which  lay  between  the 
Japanese  front  and  the  railroad.  Among  these  hills, 
particularly  at  Hyentai,  occurred  desperate  strug- 
gles. The  hill  was  occupied  and  retaken  by  one 
party  or  another,  mainly  in  night  hand-to-hand 


438 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


attacks.  It  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Japanese  on 
the  night  of  the  fourth.  But  by  this  time  Kuropat- 
kin’s  entire  force,  except  a small  rear-guard,  had 
crossed  the  river.  Kuroki  could  not  hope  to  give 
it  battle,  unsupported  as  he  was  by  the  other  armies, 
but,  as  it  retreated,  pursued  to  the  Hun  River, 
where  both  forces  paused  to  take  breath.  About 
180,000  men  on  each  side  had  been  engaged  in  the 
battle.  Both  armies  were  tired  out.  Neither  had 
slept  for  six  days.  The  Russians  were  too  weary 
to  divide  Kuroki  from  the  other  armies  and  over- 
whelm him,  even  if  they  had  not  had  the  discour- 
agement of  defeat;  the  Japanese  were  too  much 
exhausted  to  pursue. 

A quiet  month  elapsed.  Both  sides  were 
strengthening  themselves  for  new  efforts.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Japanese  system  the  gaps  in  the  line 
left  by  battles  were  filled  up  by  relays  from  home, 
and  at  this  time  the  term  of  active  service  was  ex- 
tended for  five  years,  so  that  the  available  army 
comprised  600,000  men.  At  the  same  time  Kuro- 
patkin  was  receiving  3000  recruits  daily  over  the 
railroad,  and  arrangements  for  the  organization  of  a 
second  army  were  begun  in  Russia. 

Two  divisions  of  the  Russians  were  on  the  Hun; 
four  at  Mukden;  the  rest  of  Kuropatkin’s  army 
was  at  the  Tie-ling.  All  the  Japanese  had  crossed 
the  Tai-tse,  and  were  drawn  up  facing  the  Hun, 
with  a front  of  about  ninety-three  miles.  They  had 
perhaps  150,000  men.  On  October  2d  Kuropatkin 
either  felt  strong  enough  to,  or  was  commanded  to. 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSS/ A. 


439 


advance  to  the  rescue  of  Port  Arthur.  He  encoun- 
tered the  Japanese  on  October  9th,  and  there 
followed  eight  days  of  desperate  fighting.  The 
first  attack  of  the  Russians  caused  the  Japanese  to 
withdraw  their  outposts,  but  the  centre  resisted 
stoutly.  On  the  loth  the  left  and  centre  were 
attacked,  and  thenceforth  counter-assaults  upon 
important  situations  occurred  every  day  and  night. 
But  the  Japanese  in  the  main  held  their  positions, 
and  on  the  iith  began  a general  advance,  which 
developed  more  strongly  on  the  12th,  and  on  the 
13th  broke  the  right  and  centre  of  the  Russians, 
and  on  the  14th  had  driven  them  across  the  Hun. 
Desultory  fighting  still  continued,  and  on  the  night 
of  the  17th  the  Japanese  lost  sixteen  guns.  But 
the  battle  wore  out  with  the  Japanese  lines  ad- 
vanced fifteen  miles  toward  Mukden.  In  these 
engagements  the  Russian  losses  are  reckoned  at 
60,000  men,  and  the  Japanese  at  16,000.  The  win- 
ter was  coming  on  and  both  armies  entrenched 
themselves  for  another  period  of  preparation,  and 
meanwhile  awaited  the  result  of  the  long  and  closely- 
pressed  siege  of  Port  Arthur. 

General  Nogi  had  assumed  command  of  the  third 
Japanese  army,  destined  to  reduce  this  formidable 
fortress.  Advantage  had  been  taken  by  the  Rus- 
sian engineers  of  every  natural  means  of  defence. 
At  the  east  were  the  Ehilung  Shan,  Bandusan,  and 
Kikwan  forts,  in  the  first  line,  dominated  by  Pine 
Tree  Hill  and  Inner  Kikwan;  and  to  the  west  of 
the  railway  there  were  Antzu  Shan,  Itzu  Shan,  and 


440 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


203  Metre  Hill;  besides  the  Golden  Hill  fort  on 
the  seaboard,  which  was  equipped  with  heavy  guns 
from  the  fleet,  and  other  forts.  The  number  and 
strength  of  forts,  redoubts,  and  trenches  had  been 
greatly  augmented  since  the  Chinese  War.  The 
approaches  were  defended  by  trenches  on  the  sides 
of  the  hills,  banked  up  so  as  to  be  invisible  at 
artillery  range,  and  were,  moreover,  guarded  with 
mines  and  with  entanglements  of  barbed  w'ire, 
charged  with  a mortal  current  of  electricity.  Gen- 
eral Stossel  had  a garrison  of  upwards  of  30,000 
men. 

The  capture  of  such  a fortress  seemed  impossible. 
It  was  not  reduced  until  January  ist,  and  the  siege 
is  said  to  have  cost  more  than  50,000  in  killed 
and  wounded.  Nogi,  who  had  moved  south  from 
Kerr  Bay,  drove  in  the  Russian  outposts,  with 
some  difificulty,  and  by  the  beginning  of  August 
was  within  six  miles  of  the  town.  August  i6th, 
he  sent  to  General  Stossel  a summons  to  surrender 
w'hich  was  refused,  and  on  the  igth  he  began  a 
general  bombardment  and  attack,  which  lasted  until 
August  26th,  and,  it  is  said,  cost  the  Japanese 
15,000  men.  The  assaults  were  pushed  day  and 
night.  The  night  attacks  were  illuminated  by  star- 
bombs,  by  the  eight  or  nine  searchlights  of  the 
Russians,  and  by  the  continuous  flashes  of  ex- 
ploding shells.  On  the  22d  the  Japanese  carried 
the  Banu  Shan  redoubts,  and  these,  in  spite  of  all 
the  Russian  attacks,  they  held. 

174  Metre  Hill,  to  the  \vest  of  the  railroad,  fell 


THE  STRLGJLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


441 


into  the  hands  of  the  Japanese  on  August  19th,  and, 
although  this  was  not  in  itself  very  important,  pos- 
session of  it  was  the  preliminary  step  to  the  assault 
of  the  western  hills,  particularly  203  Metre  Hill, 
which  commanded  the  harbor.  In  the  harbor 
were  the  vessels  which  had  c<^capcd  from  the  battle 
of  August  loth.  A powerful  fleet  was  in  prepara- 
tion in  Russia  to  sail  to  the  aid  of  Port  Arthur;  and 
so  long  as  the  vessels  in  the  harbor  remained  fit 
for  service,  ready  to  fall  upon  the  Japanese  com- 
munications, if  not  opposed.  Admiral  Togo  could 
not  safely  make  preparations  to  meet  this  new 
enemy.  It  was  obviously  necessary  to  destroy 
the  vessels  in  the  port  as  soon  as  might  be. 

From  the  works  at  Osaka  had  come  a battery  of 
eleven-inch  howitzers,  and  their  500-pound  shells 
had  already  made  some  impression  on  the  Russian 
forts.  After  one  or  two  general  assaults  on  203 
Metre  Hill,  which  were  repulsed  with  great  loss,  the 
Japanese  resorted  to  their  sappers,  and  drove  par- 
allels within  a hundred  and  fifty  feet  of  the  Russian 
works.  On  the  27th  of  November  the  entire  Japa- 
nese artillery  fire  was  concentrated  upon  the  hill, 
and  at  night  the  Japanese  rushed  out  of  their 
trenches  and  carried  the  summit.  The  Russians, 
however,  re-formed  and  recaptured  it.  The  ne.xt 
morning  the  Japanese  charged  again,  unsuccess- 
fully, and  once  more  at  four  in  the  afternoon,  when 
they  won  the  crest,  which,  however,  shrapnel  from 
the  higher  summits  soon  compelled  them  to  aban- 
don. Day  and  night,  until  December  5th,  the 


442 


THE  STOR  Y OF  JAPAN. 


assaults  continued.  In  the  afternoon  of  that  day, 
at  last,  the  Japanese  drove  the  defenders  from  the 
ruins  of  their  trenches,  and  this  time  created  a 
diversion  by  feinting  a movement  upon  the  eastern 
forts.  The  Russians  hurried  to  meet  this  new 
threat,  and  before  they  could  return  the  Japanese 
had  fortified  themselves  too  strongly  to  be  dis- 
lodged. This  hill  was  not  used  for  batteries,  how- 
ever, but  as  an  observation  point  for  directing  the 
fire  of  the  eleven-inch  guns,  which  were  brought  to 
its  rear.  From  here  they  could  discharge  a plung- 
ing fire  upon  the  harbor,  and  had  soon  disabled  all 
of  the  larger  Russian  vessels  except  the  Sevastopol, 
which  anchored  out  of  range  and  was  presently  tor- 
pedoed. The  eleven-inch  shells  ruined  the  town; 
it  is  said  that  every  third  house  was  struck. 

Meanwhile,  on  the  east  the  Japanese  had  dug 
their  parallels  up  the  hills  often  so  close  to  the  Rus- 
sian works  that  the  voices  of  each  party  were  au- 
dible in  the  trenches  of  the  other.  During  the  entire 
autumn  of  1904  fighting  in  these  trenches  was  a 
daily  event,  and  often,  particularly  at  night,  it  was 
hand-to-hand  fighting.  Parties  of  Russians,  armed 
with  grenades,  made  nightly  sorties  upon  the 
trenches,  and  sometimes  drove  the  defenders  out  of 
their  works.  The  Japanese,  too,  used  grenades,  and, 
in  their  assaults,  gun-cotton,  fired  from  hand-mor- 
tars made  of  bamboo.  By  December  i8th  they 
had  tunnelled  under  the  north  fort  of  Ehrlung- 
shan,  and  had  laid  seven  mines,  with  two  tons  of 
dynamite.  The  explosion,  a complete  surprise  to 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


443 


the  defenders,  was  terrific.  A Japanese  force  which 
had  pushed  too  close,  in  order  to  be  ready  to  rush 
into  the  fort,  was  severely  damaged  by  the  debris; 
but  a second  force  took  its  place,  and  finally  entered 
the  walls.  On  the  31st  of  December,  by  a similar 
mine,  the  Japanese  blew  up  the  parapet  of  the 
Sungshushan  fort,  and  took  possession  of  the  works. 

The  life  and  soul  of  the  defenders,  General  Kon- 
drachenko,  had  been  killed  on  December  i6th  by  an 
exploding  eleven-inch  sheik  General  Stdssel  had 
long  seen  the  futility  of  the  defence.  Ammunition 
for  his  heavy  guns  had  run  short,  and  the  larger  part 
of  his  garrison  was  in  the  hospital.  On  January  ist 
he  proposed  to  surrender,  and  on  January  4th  de- 
livered over  the  fortress.  The  officers  were  per- 
mitted to  retain  their  sidearms,  and,  if  they  chose,  to 
return  to  their  own  country  on  parole.  Among  the 
prisoners  were  four  admirals,  eight  generals,  and  a 
large  number  of  minor  officers;  the  total  number  of 
officers  and  men  surrendered  was  32,286.  Five  hun- 
dred and  forty-six  guns,  with  a quantity  of  ammu- 
nition, and  other  military  supplies,  and  thirty-nine 
vessels  of  various  character,  mainly  damaged,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 

On  the  25th  of  January,  Kuropatkin’s  right  wing, 
commanded  by  General  Gripenberg,  crossed  the  Hun 
and  in  a flanking  movement  rolled  up  the  left  wing 
of  the  Japanese  and  took  the  villages  of  Chen  chieh- 
pu  and  Hei-kan-tai.  On  the  next  day  Oyama  sent 
up  reinforcements  to  make  an  assault  on  the  latter 
town,  but  in  the  meantime  the  Russians  had  brought 


444 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


up  thirty  guns,  and  every  attack  of  the  Japanese 
failed.  Both  sides  were  heavily  reinforced,  and  on 
the  28th,  by  a night  attack,  the  Japanese  possessed 
themselves  of  the  place.  General  Kuropatkin  or- 
dered a retreat.  The  Russian  losses  in  this  fight 
are  estimated  at  10,000,  and  the  Japanese,  at  7000. 
General  Gripenberg,  believing  that  if  he  had  been 
properly  supported  the  Russians  might  have  gained 
a victory,  resigned  his  command  and  returned  to 
Russia.  After  this  battle  the  opposing  forces  again 
assembled  themselves  for  what  proved  to  be  the 
final  land  battle  of  the  war.  It  is  estimated  that 
the  forces  of  the  Russians  had  increased  to  300,000 
men,  and  the  Japanese  had  brought  over  a new 
army  under  General  Kawimura,  which  took  its  place 
on  the  extreme  right  wing  beyond  Kuroki.  On  the 
left  wing  the  veterans  of  Port  Arthur  had  joined  the 
Manchurian  army,  and  it  was  their  appearance 
which  finally  turned  the  Russian  advance  into  a 
rout.  General  Kuropatkin  began  the  advance  by  a 
cavalry  raid  on  the  left  flank,  meaning  to  cut  off  the 
communications  with  Liao-yang,  while  General  Lin- 
evitch  was  to  engage  the  centre  and  General  Ren- 
nenkampf  was  to  turn  their  left.  The  struggle  was 
severe  in  the  centre  and  at  one  time  there  was  a 
question  whether  General  Linevitch  would  not  break 
through,  but  General  Nogi  gradually  pushed  back 
the  Russian  attack,  and  by  the  second  of  March 
was  in  a flanking  position  on  the  enemy’s  right. 
On  the  Japanese  right,  also,  Kawimura  and  Kuroki 
were  beginning  to  drive  back  the  Russian  attack. 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


445 


The  Japanese  centre  had  resisted  the  Russian 
assaults,  and  the  entire  Russian  line  was  changed 
to  confront  Nogi,  who  was  closing  in  upon  it. 
Until  March  8th  the  colossal  struggle  along  a hun- 
dred miles  of  front  was  waged  furiously.  But  on 
that  day  Kawimura  succeeded  in  turning  the  Rus- 
sian left,  and  Oku  and  Nodzu  in  driving  back  the 
centre,  and  on  the  9th  the  Russian  army  was  in 
confused  retreat.  Mukden  was  in  Japanese  hands 
on  the  loth,  and  the  entire  Russian  force,  except 
the  centre  under  General  Linevitch,  became  a disor- 
ganized body  of  fugitives  driven  back  upon  Harbin. 
In  this  battle  the  losses  of  the  Japanese  are  esti- 
mated at  from  60,000  to  100,000;  those  of  the  Rus- 
sians at  150,000,  including  40,000  prisoners.  The 
spoils  of  the  victory  were  some  60  guns,  200,000 
shells,  25,000,000  roundsof  small-arms  ammunition, 
23  Chinese  carts  full  of  maps,  and  large  amounts  of 
rations  and  fuel.  The  Russian  army,  however,  was 
defeated,  not  annihilated.  General  Kuropatkin  was 
superseded  in  his  command  by  General  Linevitch, 
and  volunteered  to  take  a subordinate  position. 
The  two  armies  now  paused  again  to  prepare  for  a 
new  conflict. 

In  the  meantime  a powerful  fleet  of  twenty-nine 
fighting  ships  had  left  Russia,  in  October,  1904,  to 
relieve  Port  Arthur  and  intercept  Japanese  com- 
munications. The  commander  was  Admiral  Rod- 
jestvensky.  On  the  Doggerbank  in  the  North  Sea 
a portion  of  this  fleet  came  across  an  English  fishing 
fleet  and  being  in  somewhat  hysterical  dread  of 


44<5 


THE  STOR  y OF  JAPAN. 


Japanese  torpedo-boats,  fired  and  sank  two  British 
vessels.  This  episode  might  have  brought  about 
war  between  England  and  Russia  but  for  the  cool- 
ness of  the  British  Government,  which  referred  the 
matter  to  a board  of  arbitration.  The  board  exon- 
erated the  Admiral  from  any  fault  in  the  matter, 
but  prescribed  heavy  damages  which  the  Russians 
paid.  The  fleet  voyaged  to  the  East,  partly 
through  the  Suez  Canal,  partly  around  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope.  The  two  divisions  joined  at  Annam. 
The  Russian  ships  had  taken  provisions  freely  and 
had  spent  more  than  the  legal  time  at  several 
French  ports,  and  the  Japanese  protested  at  what 
they  asserted  was  a violation  of  the  neutrality  laws 
on  the  part  of  France.  But  these  protests  were 
not  pressed  in  view  of  the  result  of  the  battle  which 
took  place  in  the  Japan  Sea. 

On  May  14th  the  Russian  fleet  left  neutral  waters, 
presumably  directing  its  course  toward  Vladivos- 
tok. Admiral  Togo  had  been  watching  the  course 
of  the  enemy.  In  a secluded  harbor,  Chien-hai 
Bay  in  Korea,  in  telegraphic  communication  with 
Japan,  he  had  been  preparing  his  fleet,  which  was 
in  numbers  superior  to  the  Russian  fleet,  and, 
although  somewhat  inferior  in  heavy  guns,  had  a 
considerable  advantage  in  the  eight-inch  and  six- 
inch  batteries.  His  scouts,  by  wireless  telegraphy, 
kept  him  perfectly  informed  of  the  movements  of 
the  Russians,  and  in  the  morning  of  May  27th  he 
knew  that  the  Russian  fleet  was  to  pass  through  the 
Korean  Straits  in  two  columns,  with  the  strength 


THE  S TR  UGGLE  WI TH  R USSIA . 


447 


of  the  fleet,  four  battle-ships,  at  the  head  of  the  right 
column.  He  set  forth  with  the  plan  of  meeting  the 
enemy  about  two  o’clock  somewhat  north  of  Okino 
Shima,  in  the  east  channel,  and,  as  was  usual  among 
the  Japanese  throughout  the  war,  he  carried  out 
his  plans  on  schedule  time.  He  had  organized  a 
battle-ship  squadron,  including  his  armored  cruis- 
ers, to  meet  the  Russian  battle-ships;  his  other 
cruisers  he  sent  down  the  long  line  of  Russian  ships 
which  disappeared  beyond  the  horizon.  It  was  a 
foggy  day  with  a heavy  sea,  and  the  Japanese  ap- 
proached the  Russians  from  the  westward,  somewhat 
obscured  by  what  sunlight  there  was.  At  first 
Togo  made  as  if  to  pass  the  head  of  the  Russian 
column  to  the  westward,  but  about  two  o’clock  he 
turned  to  the  eastward  and  took  an  oblique  course 
across  the  Russian  front  with  his  battle-ship  squad- 
ron. The  Russians  began  to  fire  at  a distance  of 
about  six  miles;  the  Japanese  reserved  their  fire 
until  within  a distance  of  about  two  miles,  and  con- 
centrated their  entire  force  on  the  Oslyabya,  which 
led  the  left  column  and  which  presently  caught  fire. 
The  flagship  Kniaz  Suvaroff,  which  led  the  right 
column,  and  the  Impcrator  Alexander  III  soon  fell 
out  of  line  in  distress.  The  Borodino  took  the  place 
of  the  flagship  at  the  head  of  the  line,  but  by  this 
time  the  Russian  course  had  been  forced  from  the 
northeast  around  to  the  southeast.  The  Russian 
line,  now  formed  in  single  file,  tried  to  turn  the 
Japanese  rear,  and  escape  to  the  north;  but  this 
manoeuvre  the  Japanese  met  by  facing  square  about. 


448 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


SO  as  to  cross  the  Russian  front,  and  thrust  it  south- 
ward and  eastward  in  confusion.  Meanwhile  Ad- 
miral Uriu  with  the  cruiser  squadron  had  sailed 
southward  and  had  encompassed  the  rear  of  the 
enemy,  taking  advantage  of  superior  speed,  and 
passing  to  and  fro,  appearing  now  on  the  right  and 
now  on  the  left  of  the  Russian  line.  The  Japanese 
vessels  were  not  entirely  free  from  injury.  The 
Asama  of  Togo’s  squadron  had  been  temporarily 
disabled,  and  the  Nauhva  and  Kasagi  of  Uriu’s 
fleet  were  not  in  fighting  condition,  but  in  the  main 
their  formation  held;  whereas  by  five  o’clock  the 
Russian  fleet  was  scattered  into  small  groups  of 
ships  mainly  striving  to  escape.  There  was  no 
organization.  The  Admiral  had  been  wounded  early 
in  the  battle;  his  fleet  was  dispersed  ingroups  and 
each  group  was  hunted  down  by  the  assailants. 
The  most  powerful  Russian  battle-ships,  the  Osly- 
ahya,  the  Impcrator  Alexander  III,  and  the  Borodino 
had  been  sunk.  xVt  night,  when  the  sea  had  be- 
come calmer,  the  Japanese  torpedo-boats  assailed 
the  scattered  groups.  The  Russians  fought  bravely, 
sinking  three  torpedo-boats,  but  the  Knias  Potem- 
kin, the  Sissoi  Veliky,  the  Navarini,  and  three 
armored  cruisers  were  torpedoed.  On  the  28th 
the  battle-ship  and  armored  cruiser  squadron  came 
upon  a section  of  the  enemy  under  Admiral  Nebo- 
gatoff,  including  the  Orel  and  the  Imperator  Nicolas 
I,  and  the  Admiral  at  once  surrendered.  In  the 
afternoon  two  Japanese  destroyers  captured  two 
Russian  destroyers,  one  of  which,  the  Biedovi, 


THE  STRUGGLE  WITH  RUSSIA. 


449 


bore  Admiral  Rodjestvensky,  wounded.  Of  the 
Russian  fleet,  six  battle-ships  had  been  sunk  and 
two  captured.  Four  cruisers  had  been  sunk,  one 
escaped,  only  to  be  destroyed  on  the  rocks  beyond 
Vladivostok.  One  coast  defence  vessel  had  been 
sunk  and  two  captured,  and  five  destroyers  had  been 
sunk,  and  one  captured.  Three  cruisers  escaped 
to  Manila,  where  they  were  disarmed;  one  reached 
Vladivostok.  Another  vessel,  the  Lena,  crossed  the 
Pacific,  and  put  into  San  Francisco  harbor,  where 
she  was  detained.  One  destroyer  reached  Shanghai, 
and  two  others  found  refuge  at  Vladivostok.  Of 
the  12.767  men  in  the  Russian  crews,  almost  4000 
had  been  killed  or  drowned,  more  than  7000  were 
prisoners.  The  Japanese  loss  was  115  killed  and 
450  wounded.  The  victory  was  gained  partly  by 
superior  marksmanship  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese, 
partly  by  greater  rapidity  of  fire,  and  partly  by 
superior  mobility. 

This  victory  gave  to  the  Japanese  complete  com- 
mand of  the  sea,  with  ample  opportunity  not  only 
to  send  supplies  to  the  army  in  Manchuria,  but  also 
to  begin  operations  against  Vladivostok  and  to 
occupy  the  island  of  Sakhalin,  in  July,  with  little 
opposition.  Preparations  for  new  operations  were 
pushed  with  energy;  and  on  the  Russian  side,  the 
Tsar  proclaimed  his  determination  to  send  a new 
army  to  General  Linevitch. 

But  the  uselessness  of  further  struggle  had  been 
long  apparent  to  the  rest  of  the  world,  as  well  as 
to  the  Russian  and  Japanese  statesmen.  Russian 


450 


THE  STORY  OF JAPAH. 


armies  had  not  shown  the  slightest  promise  of  ability 
to  turn  back  the  Japanese,  and  on  the  other  hand, 
evidently  it  would  be  difficult,  perhaps  impossible, 
for  the  bearers  of  the  Sunrise  Flag  to  carry  their 
standard  into  Russia.  In  this  situation,  probably 
after  consultation  with  the  European  Powers,  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  suggested  to  both  governments 
the  desirability  of  negotiations,  between  plenipoten- 
tiaries of  the  contesting  nations,  to  ascertain  whether 
a treaty  of  peace  might  not  be  mutually  acceptable. 
The  suggestion  was  accepted,  and  after  some  delib- 
eration Washington  was  chosen  as  the  meeting- 
place;  but  in  summer  Washington  is  hot,  so  the 
peace  conference  met  near  Portsmouth,  New  Hamp- 
shire, in  the  General  Equipment  Building  of  the 
Navy  Yard.  The  Tsar  sent  Count  Sergius  Witte, 
and  the  Ambassador  to  Washington,  Baron  Roman 
Romanovitch  Rosen;  the  Japanese,  Baron  Jutaro 
Komura  and  the  Minister  to  Washington,  Mr.  Ko- 
goro  Takahira.  The  negotiations  began  August  5th, 
and  were  conducted  in  secret.  But  from  day  to  day 
the  large  corps  of  newspaper  correspondents  ascer- 
tained the  proceedings,  and  the  accuracy  of  their 
information,  in  general,  is  confirmed  by  both  par- 
ties. Baron  Komura  proposed  a number  of  condi- 
tions, which  were  refused  in  bulk  by  the  Russian 
commissioners,  whereupon  the  Japanese  proposed 
consideration  of  each  condition  in  detail. 

To  the  greater  number  of  the  demands  of  Japan 
the  Russians  acceded,  with  little  debate.  The  con- 
tested paragraphs,  as  they  came  up  for  discussion, 


THE  STRUGGLE  IV/ 7H  RUSSIA. 


451 


were  deferred  until  the  last.  The  main  points  of 
difference  were  the  question  of  an  indemnity  of 
perhaps  §600,000,000,  to  be  paid  by  Russia,  and  the 
cession  of  the  island  of  Sakhalin  to  Japan.  Before 
these  points  had  been  decided,  Mr.  Sato,  the  first 
secretary  of  the  commission,  had  announced  to  the 
correspondents  that  he  expected  a favorable  issue 
of  the  conference.  But  during  the  discussion  of 
them  there  ensued  a period  of  gloom.  Neither  side 
seemed  disposed  to  relinquish  its  standpoint.  But 
after  several  conferences  at  Washington  between 
the  President  and  Baron  Rosen  and  Baron  Kaneko, 
a special  envoy  from  Japan,  the  Russians  agreed  to 
cede  half  of  Sakhalin,  and  the  Japanese  agreed 
to  forego  the  cession  of  the  other  half,  and  the  in- 
demnity. This  concession  came  to  pass  on  August 
26' h,  and  a treaty  was  forthwith  drawn  up  and  sent 
to  the  Mikado  and  the  Tsar  for  ratification.  As 
published,  October  i6th,  the  agreement  consists  of 
fifteen  articles.  Russia  acknowledged  Japan’s 
param -unt  interest  in  Korea;  transferred  the  lease 
of  PoiL  Arthur,  Ta-lien,  and  the  adjacent  territory, 
and  the  railway  connecting  Port  Arthur  with  Chang- 
chung-fu  and  Kuan-chang-tsu,  as  well  as  the  coal 
mines  in  the  neighborhood,  and  the  southern  part 
of  Sakhalin,  below  the  50th  parallel,  with  the  pro- 
viso that  no  military  measures  should  be  taken  by 
the  Japanese  which  might  impede  navigation  in  the 
straits  of  La  Perouse  and  Tartary.  The  contract- 
ing Powers  mutually  agreed  to  evacuate  Manchu- 
ria— excepting  the  Liao-tung  Peninsula — within 


452 


THE  STOK  Y OF  JAPAN. 


eighteen  months,  and  to  restore  the  control  thereof 
to  China;  not  to  obstruct  any  commercial  measures, 
common  to  all  countries,  which  China  might  take 
in  this  region;  and  to  develop  their  railways  for 
commercial  purposes  only,  except  in  the  Liao-tung 
Peninsula.  Russia  was  to  arrange  with  Japan  for 
the  granting  to  Japanese  fishermen  of  rights  to  pur- 
sue their  trade  in  the  Japan,  Okhotsk,  and  Bering 
seas,  and  the  Japanese  agreed  to  respect  the  rights 
of  Russian  subjects  in  the  ceded  territory.  P'inally, 
both  Powers  were  to  make  estimates  of  the  cost  of 
taking  care  of  prisoners,  and  Prussia  agreed  to  pay 
to  Japan  the  difference  caused  by  the  larger  number 
of  Russian  prisoners  who  fell  into  Japanese  hands. 

In  both  Japan  and  Russia  this  treaty  was  badly 
received.  A large  party  in  Russia  desired  to  con- 
tinue the  war,  feeling  that,  with  an  available  army  of 
perhaps  600,000  men  opposed  to  the  Japanese,  Rus- 
sia was  not  yet  defeated.  The  Japanese  people  had 
hoped  for  an  indemnity  and  the  whole  of  Sakhalin, 
and  in  Tokyo  there  were  serious  riots.  Martial  law 
had  to  be  proclaimed,  and  stones  were  thrown  at 
Marquis  Ito,  who  was  held  accountable  for  the  con- 
cessions to  Russian  demands.  But  rebellion,  which 
threatened  to  be  revolution,  in  Russia  at  once 
threw  the  Japanese  question  into  the  shade.  And 
in  Japan  the  agitation  calmed  as  the  people  saw 
how  much  more  they  had  gained  than  they  had  de- 
manded at  the  beginning  of  the  war. 

The  result  of  the  struggle  put  Japan  in  the  position 
of  a first-class  Power — the  dominant  Power,  indeed. 


THE  STRUGCLE  PV/TH  RUSSIA. 


453 


in  Eastern  affairs.  In  1906  she  raised  her  import- 
ant legations  to  embassies.  Her  position  had  been 
strengthened  by  a treaty  of  alliance  concluded  with 
England,  August  12th,  1906,  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace  in  East  Asia  and  in  India,  the  preservation  of 
the  common  rights  of  all  nations  in  China,  including 
free  commercial  rights,  and  the  preservation  of  the 
territorial  rights  of  the  contracting  Powers  in  East 
Asia  and  India.  In  the  case  of  an  unprovoked 
attack  upon  one  of  the  contracting  Powers  in  these 
regions,  the  other  was  to  come  to  its  assistance. 
The  predominance  of  England  in  India  was  expressly 
recognized  in  this  agreement,  and  also  the  predom- 
inance of  Japan  in  Korea. 

The  war  over,  Japan  at  once  began  to  establish  a 
protectorate  in  Korea.  The  population  of  the  Mi- 
kado’s Empire  has  increased  with  great  rapidity. 
In  1906  it  was  about  51,000,000,  and  was  beginning 
to  press  hard  upon  the  land.  It  needed  an  outlet. 
Korea  is  a region  that  promises  rich  rewards  to 
those  who  shall  develop  its  resources,  and  Japa- 
nese colonists  have  been  sent  thither  in  great  num- 
bers. The  Marquis  Ito  concluded  a treaty  with  the 
king,  in  November,  1905,  whereby  all  diplomatic 
business  was  transferred  to  Japan.  Ito  himself  was 
sent  to  Seoul  as  Resident  General.  The  Min 
family  protested  to  the  Powers  against  this,  assert- 
ing that  the  treaty  was  signed  practically  under 
compulsion ; nevertheless,  the  Korean  representa- 
tives at  the  capitals  of  Europe  and  America  were 
withdrawn,  and  Korean  foreign  affairs  were  placed 
in  the  hands  of  the  Japanese. 


Resources  and  Ideals 
of 


Modern  Japan 

By 

Baron  Kentaro  Kaneko,  LL,  D. 


455 


I 

THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR  AND  THE  RESOURCES 
OF  JAPAN. 

In  the  early  years  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
England  fought  against  Napoleonic  militarism  in  de- 
fence of  European  civilization;  and  at  the  dawn  of 
the  twentieth  century,  it  became  necessary  for  the 
little  island  empire  of  Japan  to  take  up  arms  in 
defence  of  Anglo-American  civilization  in  the  Far 
East.  Just  as  truly  as  the  great  cause  of  civilization 
was  at  stake  upon  the  battle-fields  of  Europe,  so  the 
future  of  this  same  civilization,  in  its  Asiatic  devel- 
opment, hung  upon  the  destiny  of  Japan. 

In  order  to  enumerate  the  facts  intelligibly  enough 
for  a legitimate  infei  cnce  as  to  the  results  of  this  last 
conflict,  we  must  make  a rapid  survey  of  the  history 
of  the  Russian  occupation  of  Manchuria,  for  it  was 
the  Manchurian  question  which  precipitated  the 
Russo-Japanese  War. 

Prior  to  the  time  of  the  Chino-Japanese  War  of 
1894-95,  foreign  Powers,  becoming  aware  of  the 
enormous  resources  and  immense  possibilities  of 
central  China,  had  vainly  sought  to  gain  for  foreign 
trade  a free  access  to  that  portion  of  the  Celestial 


457 


458 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Empire.  But  neither  European  diplomacy  nor 
pluck  of  American  commercialism  could  avail  to 
open  that  close-barred  door.  The  Chinese  are  too 
obstinate  to  be  persuaded  and  not  docile  enough  to 
be  taught.  But  when  Japan  had  China  at  her 
mercy,  in  1895,  one  of  her  principal  demands  was 
that  four  ports,  Sou-Chow,  Kan-Chow,  Sha-Shi, 
and  Chang-King,  should  be  thrown  open  for  the 
trade  of  the  world. 

When  the  war  ended,  the  Liao  Tung  Peninsula 
w'as  given  to  Japan  by  the  treaty  of  Shimonoseki. 
But  no  sooner  had  this  cession  been  made  than 
Russia,  with  the  support  of  France  and  Germany, 
declared  that  any  holding  of  Manchurian  territory  by 
Japan  would  constitute  a menace  to  the  peace  of 
Asia.  In  order  to  avert  this  supposed  menace, 
Japan  consented  to  restore  the  peninsula  to  China, 
never  for  a moment  thinking  that  Russia  would 
ultimately  come  into  possession  of  it. 

But  scarcely  a year  had  passed  when,  in  1896, 
Russia  made  a secret  agreement  with  China  by 
which  she  obtained  the  right  to  construct  a railway 
through  the  northern  part  of  Manchuria,  for  the 
purpose  of  giving  her  a shorter  access  to  the  port  of 
Vladivostok,  and  this  railway  was  afterwards  ex- 
tended through  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula. 

Nor  was  this  all.  In  the  following  year,  1897,  Rus- 
sia obtained  permission  from  China  to  winter  her 
fleet  at  Port  Arthur,  and  in  1898,  Port  Arthur  and 
also  Dalny  were  formally  leased  to  Russia.  Then 
followed  the  rapid  fortifying  of  these  places  and 
other  important  strategic  positions  in  the  province; 


THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR. 


459 


and  finally  Russia  arrogated  to  herself  the  right  to 
ignore  completely  Chinese  sovereignty  in  Man- 
churia, and  also  existing  treaty  rights  of  Japan  and 
other  Powers  in  regard  to  that  region  of  the  Celes- 
tial Empire.  Such  occupation  of  Manchuria  by 
Russia  was  not  only  destructive  of  the  principle  of 
equity  in  regard  to  commercial  opportunities,  and 
an  impairment  of  the  territorial  integrity  of  China, 
but  it  was  also  a flat  contradiction  of  the  principle 
of  the  maintenance  of  permanent  peace  in  Asia,  for 
which  principle  alone  Japan  had  given  up  her  spoils 
of  victory. 

Moreover, — and  this  was  of  still  greater  moment 
to  Japan, — Russia,  thus  situated  on  the  flank  of 
Korea,  would  be  a constant  menace  to  the  separate 
existence  of  that  empire,  and  in  any  event  would 
exercise  there  a predominant  influence.  For  years, 
Russia  had  been  seeking  to  encroach  upon  Korea. 
After  having  obtained,  some  years  ago,  the  conces- 
sion of  an  enormous  forest  belt  in  the  upper  range  of 
the  Yalu  River,  she  obtained,  in  1902,  from  the  Kor- 
ean Government  the  right  to  use  Yongampo,  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  as  a lumber  depot  in  which  to 
receive  her  timber  as  it  came  down  the  stream. 

Japan  soon  had  reason  to  suspect  that  Russia  had 
converted  the  place  into  a fortification,  an  idea  not 
dispelled  when  a member  of  the  Japanese  Legation 
at  Seoul,  who  had  been  sent  to  investigate  the  mat- 
ter, was  refused  permission  to  land. 

The  situation  of  affairs  in  Manchuria  was  also  a 
cause  of  great  anxiety.  The  continued  presence  of 
a large  Russian  army  in  this  province  was  in  itself  a 


460 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAH. 


violation  of  the  agreement  made  by  all  the  Powers 
after  the  Boxer  outbreak  in  China.  It  had  then 
been  agreed  that  all  troops  sent  into  the  Chinese 
Empire  for  the  defence  of  the  legations,  and  to  aid 
in  restoring  order,  should  be  withdrawn  at  the  earli- 
est possible  moment,  Russia  alone  being  allowed  a 
longer  delay  in  consequence  of  her  interests  in 
Manchuria,  which  might  be  endangered  by  ill-sub- 
dued Boxers  or  general  brigandage.  A “railway 
police’’  was  allowed  her  for  a time,  but  the  8th  of 
October,  1903,  was  fixed  as  the  limit  of  her  military 
occupation  of  the  province. 

As  early  as  April  of  that  year  it  became  perfectly 
evident  that,  instead  of  fulfilling  this  engagement  to 
withdraw  her  troops,  Russia  was  resolved  to  retain 
her  position  there,  and  strengthen  it  in  every  way, 
pouring  troops  into  Manchuria  until  she  occupied 
the  whole  province,  and  finally  announcing  her  in- 
tention to  hold  it. 

In  view,  therefore,  of  the  situation  in  Manchuria 
and  Korea,  the  Japanese  Government  on  the  28th 
of  July  opened  negotiations  with  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment “in  a spirit  of  conciliation  and  frankness, 
with  a view  to  the  conclusion  of  an  understanding 
to  compose  questions  which  are  the  cause  of  interest 
and  natural  anxiety.’’ 

The  Japanese  Government  drew  up  proposals  as 
the  basis  of  these  negotiations,  and  these  proposals 
were  submitted  to  Count  Lamsdor.Pf  on  August  12, 
1903,  it  being  clearly  stated  therein  that  the  negotia- 
tions were  to  settle  the  matter  relating  to  Manchuria 
and  Korea. 


THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR. 


461 


After  full  five  months’  delay,  on  December  ii, 
1903,  the  Russian  counter-proposals  were  received 
by  the  Japanese  Government,  and  it  was  a surpiise 
to  the  Japanese  to  find  from  these  that  Russia  had 
stricken  out  Manchuria  from  her  consideration  and 
had  confined  herself  entirely  to  Korea.  Japan 
thereupon  offered  counter-proposals,  restoring  the 
omitted  clauses  bearing  on  Manchuria.  Another 
delay  ensued,  and  repeated  requests  for  an  early 
answer  were  made  by  the  Japanese  Government, 
but  without  avail. 

Meanwhile,  what  was  Russia  doing? 

She  was  hurrying  her  warships  to  the  Asiatic 
station,  sending  troops  and  military  supplies  into 
Manchuria,  and,  without  any  disguise  whatever, 
preparing  for  war. 

Let  me  cite  from  a report  on  “Russian 
Preparations.  ’’ 

“Her  warlike  preparations  in  the  Far  East  have 
been  going  ahead  since  April,  1903,  when  she  failed 
to  carry  out  her  treaty  engagements.  During  that 
time  the  increase  made  in  her  naval  strength  in  the 
Far  East  was  as  follows:  Three  battle-ships,  ton- 

nage 38,488;  one  armored  cruiser,  tonnage  7727; 
five  cruisers,  tonnage  26,417;  seven  destroyers, 
tonnage  2450 ; one  gunboat,  tonnage  1344;  two 
vessels  for  laying  mines,  tonnage  6000.  Total 
number  of  vessels  nineteen,  with  a total  tonnage  of 
82,426.  In  addition  to  these  vessels,  the  Russian 
Government  sent  torpedo-boat  destroyers  in  sections 
by  rail  to  Port  Arthur,  where  the  work  of  putting 
them  together  has  been  hastened,  and  seven  of 


462 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


them  have  already  been  completed.  Furthermore, 
two  vessels  of  the  volunteer  fleet  were  armed  at 
Vhdivostok  and  hoisted  the  Russian  naval  ensign. 

“ During  the  same  period  the  increase  of  Russia’s 
land  forces  in  the  Far  East  has  been  equally 
marked.  Since  the  29th  of  June,  1903,  when  under 
the  pretext  of  trial  transportation  on  the  Siberian 
Railway  the  Russian  Government  sent  to  China  two 
infantry  brigades,  two  artillery  battalions,  and  a 
large  force  of  cavalry,  troops  have  been  con- 
stantly sent  by  military  train  from  Russia  to  the 
Far  East,  until  the  Russian  forces  were  over  forty 
thousand.  At  the  same  time,  plans  were  being 
made  for  sending,  if  necessary,  over  two  hundred 
thousand  more  men. 

“During  the  same  period  there  has  been  the 
greatest  activity  possible  at  Port  Arthur  and  Vladi- 
vostok, and  the  work  has  been  carried  on  day  and 
night  to  strengthen  the  fortifications  of  those  naval 
ports,  while  forts  have  been  built  at  Liao  Yang, 
Nunchun,  and  other  strategic  points,  and  large 
quantities  of  arms  and  ammunition  have  been  sent 
to  the  Far  East  by  the  Siberian  Railway  and  the 
vessels  of  the  volunteer  fleet.  In  the  middle  of 
October,  1903,  a train  of  fourteen  cars  was  hur- 
riedly sent  from  Russia  laden  with  the  equipment 
of  a field  hospital. 

“During  the  latter  part  of  January  and  up  to  the 
beginning  of  February,  1904,  Russian  military  ac- 
tivity was  still  further  intensified.  On  January  21st, 
a formal  order  to  prepare  for  war  was  given  by  Ad- 
jniral  Alexieff  to  the  forces  that  were  stationed  in 


THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR. 


463 


the  vicinity  of  the  Yalu.  On  February  i st,  the  mili- 
tary commandant  at  Vladivostok,  under  orders  of 
his  government,  requested  the  Japanese  commercial 
agent  at  that  port  to  notify  his  nation  that  a state  of 
siege  might  be  proclaimed  at  any  moment,  and  to 
make  immediate  preparations  to  withdraw  to  Hab- 
rovsk.  About  the  same  date,  all  of  the  warships  at 
Port  Arthur,  except  a battle-ship  under  repairs, 
made  a naval  demonstration  by  leaving  port,  while 
troops  were  advanced  in  large  numbers  from  Liao 
Yang  toward  the  Yalu.” 

Being  thus  informed  that  all  hope  of  peaceful 
result  from  their  negotiations  with  Russia  was  gone, 
and  that  there  was  no  other  course  to  be  taken,  the 
Japanese  Government,  on  February  5,  1904,  sent 
the  following  telegram  to  the  Russian  Government: 
” In  the  presence  of  delays  which  remain  largely 
unexplained  and  naval  and  military  activities  which 
it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with  entirely  pacific  aims, 
the  Imperial  Government  have  exercised  in  the  de- 
pending negotiations  a degree  of  forbearance  which 
they  believe  affords  abundant  proof  of  their  loyal 
desire  to  remove  from  their  relations  with  the  Im- 
perial Russian  Government  every  cause  for  future 
misunderstanding.  But  finding  in  their  efforts  no 
prospect  of  securing  from  the  Imperial  Russian 
Government  an  adhesion  to  either  Japan’s  moderate 
and  unselfish  proposals,  or  to  any  other  proposals 
likely  to  establish  a firm  and  enduring  peace  in  the 
extreme  East,  the  Imperial  Government  have  no 
other  alternative  than  to  terminate  the  present 
futile  negotiations. 


464 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAH. 


“In  adopting  that  course  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to  take  such 
independent  action  as  they  may  deem  best  to  consolidate 
and  defoid  their  menaced  position,  as  ivcll  as  to  protect 
their  established  rights  and  legitimate  interests. 

“The  Imperial  Government  of  Japan,  having  ex- 
hausted without  effect  every  means  of  conciliation 
with  a view  to  the  removal  from  their  relations  with 
the  Imperial  Russian  Government  of  every  cause 
for  future  complications,  and  finding  that  their  just 
representations  and  moderate  and  unselfish  propos- 
als in  the  interest  of  a firm  and  lasting  peace  in  the 
extreme  East  are  not  receiving  the  consideration 
which  is  their  due,  have  resolved  to  sever  their  diplo- 
matic relations  with  the  Imperial  Russian  Government, 
xvhich  for  the  reason  named  lia-cc  ceased  to  possess  any 
value. 

This  brings  us  to  the  outbreak  of  hostilities. 
Suitably  to  the  declaration  made  in  Japan’s  final 
message  to  the  Russian  Government,  she  began  to 
move  troops  to  Korea,  and  Japanese  transports, 
conveyed  by  Japanese  torpedo-boats  and  war-ves- 
sels, reached  the  Bay  of  Chemulpo  on  February  8th. 

On  their  arrival,  this  flotilla  met  the  Russian  war- 
vessel  Korietz.  She  made  hostile  demonstrations, 
and  fired  the  first  shot  of  the  ivar  at  one  of  the  tor- 
pedo-boats, which  thereupon  returned  the  fire. 
On  the  following  day,  Rear-Admiral  Uriu  sent  a 
letter  to  the  captain  of  the  Variag,  challenging  him 
to  combat  outside  the  harbor;  at  the  same  time 
he  addressed  individual  communications  to  the 
commanders  of  war-vessels  of  the  United  States, 


THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR. 


465 


England,  Italy  and  France,  then  in  Chemulpo, 
requesting  them,  in  case  the  Variag  and  Korietz  did 
not  leave  the  harbor  before  noon,  to  change  their 
anchorage.  About  eleven  o’clock  the  same  morn- 
ing, the  two  Russian  war-vessels  steamed  from  the 
harbor  into  the  open  sea  and  there  began  the  first 
naval  battle  between  Russia  and  Japan. 

The  world  in  general  has  grown  so  accustomed  to 
hear  it  said  that  Russia’s  resources  in  men,  money, 
and  natural  wealth  are  unlimited,  and  Japan’s  com- 
paratively small,  that  it  is  doubly  interesting  to  note 
the  fact  that  throughout  the  war  Japan  has  never  at 
any  time  been  brought  into  contact  with  an  antag- 
onist who  has  proved  to  be  formidable  or  dangerous 
to  her.  The  tactics  pursued  have  won  for  the  Jap- 
anese the  admiration  of  expert  military  opinion 
everywhere;  among  Western  critics  especially,  the 
quality  and  efficacy  of  Japanese  strategy  have  be- 
come axiomatic. 

War  finances  are  of  a different  character  from 
those  dealt  with  by  the  ordinary  budget,  and  there- 
fore the  financial  statement  of  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment in  connection  with  the  war  expenditures  may 
be  the  most  illuminating  manner  of  presenting  in- 
formation on  the  resources  of  Japan: 

“When  the  negotiations  between  Japan  and 
Russia  took  such  a turn  as  almost  to  cut  off  every 
hope  of  peace  being  maintained,  it  became  impera- 
tively necessary  to  make  such  prompt  military 
preparations  as  would  put  Japan  in  a state  of  readi- 
ness for  all  eventualities,  as  well  as,  with  equal 
expedition,  to  provide  the  requisite  financial  means. 

30 


466 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN 


In  accordance,  therefore,  with  Article  LXX.  of  the 
Japanese  Constitution,  the  Imperial  Urgency  Ordi- 
nance was  promulgated  on  December  28,  1903,  as  a 
special  financial  measure  whereby  authority  was 
given  for  diverting  the  funds  kept  under  special 
account,  issuing  exchequer  bonds,  and  making 
temporary  loans  to  meet  expenditures  incurred  for 
military  preparations.  The  total  amount  of  expen- 
ditures which  were  sanctioned,  in  accordance  with 
the  above-mentioned  imperial  ordinance,  was,  up 
to  the  end  of  March,  1904,  about  $78,ooo,(X)0.  It 
is  proposed  to  raise  this  sum  by  issuing  exchequer 
bonds  for  $50,000,000,  diverting  $12,500,000  of  the 
funds  kept  under  special  account,  and  making  tem- 
porary loans  for  the  balance.  The  loan  of  $50,000,- 
000  has  already  been  floated  with  great  success,  the 
total  amount  subscribed  by  the  Japanese  people 
reaching  four  and  one-half  times  the  sum  called  for 
— that  is,  $225,000,000.  As,  moreover,  the  bonds 
were  allotted  chiefly  among  the  lower  and  middle 
classes,  it  is  evident  that,  in  the  event  of  another 
loan  being  raised  at  home,  ample  money  will  be 
forthcoming  to  provide  for  it.  But  the  aforesaid 
urgency  measure  was  no  more  than  an  expedient 
devised  to  meet  an  emergency.  Peace  having  been 
broken  in  February,  1904,  the  Diet  was  convened  in 
March  and  gave  its  consent  to  the  urgency  financial 
measure  of  December,  1903.  It  approved  various 
measures  relating  to  war  finance;  it  passed  the 
budget  for  extraordinary  war  expenditures,  and  for 
the  expense  involved  in  diplomatic  and  other 
State  affairs  connected  with  the  war.  These  ex- 


THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR. 


467 


penses  are  to  be  met  by  the  imposition  of  extraor- 
dinary special  taxes,  the  provision  including  in- 
creased rates  of  stamp  duty,  the  replacing  of  the 
leaf  tobacco  monopoly  (which  was  previously  in 
force)  by  the  monopoly  on  tobacco  manufacture, 
which  the  government  has  long  had  in  contemplation, 
the  appropriation  of  funds  under  special  accounts; 
public  loans,  exchequer  bonds,  and  temporary 
loans.  In  order,  at  the  same  time,  to  prevent 
serious  economic  changes  arising  from  the  inflation 
of  the  currency  by  expediting  the  return  of  moneys 
paid  for  war  purposes,  and  to  encourage  thrift 
among  the  people,  regulations  were  made  for  the 
issue  of  saving-loan-bonds  by  the  Hypothec  Bank.” 

In  this  extraordinary  war  budget  both  revenue 
and  expenditure  amount  to  $190,000,000.  The 
sources  of  revenue  are  as  follows: 

1.  Increased  receipts  expected  from  the  imposi- 
tion of  extraordinary  special  taxes,  and  from  the 
establishment  of  the  tobacco-manufacture  mon- 
opoly, $31,000,000. 

2.  The  amount  set  apart  out  of  the  surplus  of 
$24,000,000;  obtained  by  further  retrenchments  of 
the  budget  to  be  actually  carried  out  in  the  present 
fiscal  year  (1905);  also  through  some  funds  having 
become  unnecessary  for  ordinary  naval  and  military 
expenditure,  an  additional  $4,000,000. 

3.  Loans  from  funds  under  special  accounts, 
$15,000,000. 

4.  Funds  to  be  obtained  by  means  of  public 

loans,  exchequer  bonds,  and  temporary  loans, 
$140,000,000.  . 


468 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Besides  this,  there  are  the  expenditures  needed 
for  diplomatic  and  other  matters  connected  with 
national  affairs,  as  they  may  be  defrayed  from  time 
to  time  according  to  the  requirements  of  the  devel- 
oping situation.  The  total  reserve  fund  for  the 
purpose  has,  therefore,  been  put  at  $20,000,000,  to 
which  it  has  been  decided  to  set  apart  the  balance 
of  the  surplus  of  $24,000,000  remaining  after  de- 
ducting the  $4,000,000  which  is  to  be  appropriated 
for  war  expenditures. 

As  to  the  total  amount  of  war  expenditure,  that 
obviously  depends  on  the  number  of  soldiers  and 
sailors  engaged;  on  the  area  of  the  field  of  opera- 
tions, as  well  as  on  its  nearness  or  distance  from  the 
home  country;  on  the  number  of  battles,  and  on 
the  length  of  the  war  in  point  of  time.  Yet,  judg- 
ing from  experience  since  the  Crimean  War,  in  the 
Austro-Italian  War,  the  war  in  which  Denmark 
was  engaged,  the  Franco-German  War,  the  Russo- 
Turkish  War,  and  the  Transvaal  War,  an  approx- 
imate estimate  may  be  given. 

The  average  monthly  expenditure  in  those  wars, 
for  an  army  of  100,000  men,  ranged  from  a mini- 
mum of  $12,000,000,  to  a maximum  of  $25,000,000, 
excepting  that  of  the  Austro-Prussian  War  expenses. 
In  the  Japanese  war  against  China,  in  the  year  1894- 
95,  the  Japanese  spent,  every  month,  on  the  aver- 
age, the  sum  of  $5,500,000.  Since  then,  the  price 
of  goods  has  risen  both  in  Japan  and  in  Manchuria. 
The  armies  employed  in  the  present  campaign  are 
much  larger  than  those  sent  against  the  Chinese. 
What  is  more,  being  unable  to  utilize  for  the  present 


THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR. 


469 


war  the  organization  and  plan  of  operations  which 
suited  well  enough  for  the  campaign  of  1894-95, 
completely  new  arrangements  had  to  be  made  for 
the  operations  against  the  Russians.  Taking,  then, 
experience  in  Europe  since  the  Crimean  War,  and 
Japanese  experience  in  the  war  against  China,  it 
may  be  said  that  were  Japan  to  send  200,000  soldiers 
to  Manchuria  at  the  present  time  (May,  1905),  their 
support  for  each  month  would  cost  $12,500,000. 
The  naval  operations  of  the  war  must  also  be  kept 
in  mind.  Expenditure  for  this  purpose  will  amount, 
per  month,  to  $3,000,000. 

It  thus  appears  that  the  war  expenditure  for  the 
year  beginning  in  April  and  ending  in  March  will 
amount  to  $186,000,000;  and  as  the  government’s 
estimate  of  the  war  expenditure  for  the  fiscal  year 
is  $190,000,000,  we  shall  have — this  estimate  being 
correct — a surplus  of  $4,000,000. 

But  it  is  said  that,  owing  to  the  government  hav- 
ing issued  a large  amount  in  national  loans,  the 
people  of  Japan  are  now  under  heavy  financial  bur- 
dens. It  is  argued  that  if  the  Japanese  Government 
continues  to  create  national  debts,  either  in  the 
home  or  in  the  foreign  market,  she  will  ultimately 
find  herself  in  a position  where  it  will  be  impossible 
for  her  to  pay  even  the  interest  on  the  amounts  of 
her  indebtedness.  With  no  other  resources  at  her 
disposal,  and  with  no  mortgages  to  pledge  her 
security  on  foreign  loans,  Japan,  it  is  held,  will  in 
a very  short  time  find  her  credit  gone,  not  only  in 
the  foreign  but  also  in  the  home  market. 

Let  us  glance  for  a moment  over  the  route  which 


470 


THE  STORY  OF  JAP  AH. 


Japan  has  already  travelled.  From  the  year  1870, 
the  date  of  her  first  national  loan,  to  the  date  of  the 
loan  of  $150,000,000  for  the  war  expenditure,  the 
gross  total  of  her  loans  has  aggregated  the  sum  of 
$432,459,459.50  outstanding  in  foreign  and  home 
markets,  a sum  which  in  amount  is  about  three 
times  the  national  revenue  of  Japan. 

What  of  other  countries?  France,  for  example, 
has  a national  loan  more  than  eight  times  the  annual 
revenue  of  that  country;  Italy  has  a national  loan 
equivalent  to  seven  years  of  its  revenue;  in  the  case 
of  England,  the  national  loan  represents  about  five 
years  of  the  government’s  income;  with  the  United 
States,  nearly  four  times  the  total  revenue  equals 
the  amount  of  the  national  loan.  The  loan  of  Ja- 
pan, reaching  only  three  times  the  national  income, 
being  only  $8.64  per  capita  of  its  population,  is 
then,  not  a large  but  a very  small  amount  when 
considered  in  relation  to  the  proportions  and  per 
capitas  which  obtain  in  other  countries.  It  can 
therefore  be  safely  asserted  that  the  Japanese  loan 
does  not  constitute  for  the  people  of  Japan  anything 
like  the  heavy  financial  burden  which  some  have 
supposed  it  to  be. 

And  now,  to  sum  up  this  review  of  the  economic 
and  financial  conditions  of  Japan: 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  in  a compara- 
tively brief  space  of  time  there  has  been  an  enormous 
increase  in  her  industrial  and  commercial  prosperity; 
tint  the  national  revenues  have  advanced  in  amount 
literally  by  leaps  and  bounds;  that  her  financial 
condition  and  prospects  were  never  so  good  as  at 


THE  RUSSO-JAPANESE  WAR. 


471 


present;  and  that  firmly  guiding  her  ship  of  state 
through  the  problems  of  the  moment,  Japan  has 
every  reason  to  anticipate  a smooth  and  prosperous 
voyage  for  the  future  of  her  national  life.  Already 
the  faith  of  the  Japanese  people  in  that  future  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  when  the  government  planned 
to  issue  exchequer  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $50,000,- 
000,  they  responded  with  the  offer  of  four  or  five 
times  that  amount,  and  in  place  of  the  minimum 
rate  of  application,  fixed  by  the  government  at 
$47.50,  showed  their  willingness  to  contribute  a 
much  larger  sum.  This  of  itself  shows  how  patriotic 
the  Japanese  really  are,  but  it  also  indicates  some- 
thing more;  for  as  patriotic  feeling  cannot  be  mani- 
fested in  such  a manner  unless  there  is  enough 
money  forthcoming,  the  taking  up  of  bonds  on 
such  liberal  terms  reveals  the  existence  of  a people 
on  whose  thrift — a priceless  national  possession  — 
the  government  of  Japan  can  always  depend.  If  it 
were  necessary  to  say  anything  more  in  illustration 
of  the  industrial  energy  and  thrift  of  the  people  of 
Japan,  I should  only  need  to  mention  the  fact  that 
the  issue  of  $50,000,000  exchequer  bonds  not  only 
did  not — as  the  government  thought  it  might — dis- 
turb the  money  market,  but  simply  paved  the  way, 
after  the  bonds  had  been  eagerly  taken  up,  for  a 
second  issue  of  exchequer  bonds  by  the  Japanese 
Government  to  the  amount  of  another  $50,000,000. 

Observe,  meanwhile,  that  in  all  this  patriotism 
there  is  an  element  of  voluntary  retrenchment,  not 
to  say  self-sacrifice.  Not  only  have  the  people  felt 
encouraged  to  engage  more  extensively  in  industrial 


472 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


enterprises,  but  they  have  freely  given  up  what  is 
known  as  “luxurious  expenditure, ’’and  have  re- 
sorted to  not  a few  of  the  practical  economies  of 
life  as  a means  of  enabling  them  to  contribute  all  the 
more  to  the  expenses  of  the  war.  It  is  therefore  in 
the  self-confidence  born  of  economic  strength  that 
the  Japanese  people  have  encouraged  their  govern- 
ment to  prosecute  this  war  to  its  conclusion  utterly 
regardless  of  financial  considerations  and  of  what 
the  operations  may  cost.  They  have  determined, 
should  it  become  necessary,  to  spend  the  whole  of 
the  national  wealth  in  realizing  the  objects  for  which 
hostilities  were  begun.  They  have  self-reliance 
enough  to  feel  that,  should  the  war  be  prolonged 
for  three,  or  even  five  years  more,  Japan  will  be 
strong  enough  to  respond  to  its  most  exacting  de- 
mands upon  her  economic  and  financial  resources. 


II 

JAPAN’S  POLICY  AND  IDEALS  : DOMESTIC  AND 

FOREIGN. 

To  the  people  of  Europe  and  America  generally 
the  readiness  of  Japan  to  cope  with  an  enemy  so 
formidable  as  Russia,  was  and  still  is  no  less  than  a 
mystery.  The  ease  with  which  this  Eastern  nation 
has  inflicted  severe  defeats  upon  a great  Western 
Power  is  likewise  a thing  that  has  astonished  the 
whole  modern  world.  Japan,  every  one  is  saying, 
scarcely  existed  as  a factor  in  the  world’s  history 
fifty  years  ago.  It  was  only  when  Commodore 
Perry  halted  his  squadron  in  the  Bay  of  Yedo  that 
Japan  began  to  count  in  Western  eyes  as  of  any 
consequence  at  all.  How  comes  it,  then,  that  this 
baby  among  nations,  born  so  late  in  the  Christian 
era,  properly  commencing,  so  to  speak,  its  career 
only  after  the  Restoration  of  1868 — how  comes  it 
that  this  merely  precocious  child  has  shown  itself 
able  to  accomplish  within  a few  months  what  any 
of  its  elders  would  have  been  proud  to  achieve? 
The  question  seems  difficult  to  answer,  though  to 
such  of  the  Japanese  as  have  thought  the  matter  out, 
the  answer  is  simple  enough. 


473 


474 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


In  the  first  place,  the  notion  that  Japan  is  “new” 
or  “young”  is  radically  false.  She  is  neither  newer 
nor  younger  than  the  German  Empire,  which  ap- 
peared upon  the  scene  in  1871,  after  Sedan.  She  is 
no  more  in  the  nursery  than  that  nation  whose  first 
Parliament  declared  Victor  Emmanuel  King  of  Italy 
in  1861.  Looking  at  the  case  even  in  this  superfi- 
cial aspect  of  recent  events,  glancing  back  no 
further  than  fifty  years,  it  is  plain  that  her  “youth” 
is  imaginary.  As  a matter  of  fact,  Japan  is  old, 
very  old  indeed.  So  are  her  institutions.  So  are 
her  traditions.  So  are  her  ideals.  The  authentic 
history  of  Japan  dates  six  hundred  and  sixty  years 
further  back  than  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era. 
Her  present  Emperor  is  the  direct  descendant  of 
Jimmu  Tenno,  her  first  sovereign — making  the  pres- 
ent dynasty  the  oldest  imperial  dynasty  existing 
on  the  globe  at  the  present  time. 

“Well,  what  of  it?”  might  be  asked.  For  one 
might  object  that  Japan,  far  away  under  the  rising 
sun,  isolated  during  all  the  long  ages  from  any  con- 
tact whatsoever  with  the  moving  growth  of  the 
West,  simply  stood  still,  dragging  out  a perma- 
nently primitive  existence  until  Commodore  Perry 
came  and  opened  the  land  to  Western  culture  and 
Western  progress.  No  idea,  however,  could  be 
more  mistaken  than  this.  We  grant,  to  be  sure, 
that  in  a sense  Perry  woke  her  up.  We  admit 
that  the  Japanese  were  laggards  and  needed  to 
be  roused.  But — and  this  is  the  point  which  fre- 
quently is  overlooked — something  was  there  to 
wake  up. 


JAPAN'S  POLICY  AND  IDEALS. 


475 


In  all  truth,  Japan  possessed  an  ancient  and  com- 
plete civilization  long  before  Europe  ever  took  cog- 
nizance of  her  being.  That  state  of  civilization 
represented  all  the  principal  departments  of  human 
thought  and  activity.  If  Rome  had  her  army  of 
indomitable  warriors,  her  profound  law  givers,  her 
wise  and  just  rulers,  so  had  Japan.  She,  too,  like 
the  Romans,  had  a venerable,  rational  religion. 
Like  the  Greeks,  she  had  her  teachers  and  systems 
of  philosophy;  like  them,  her  painters,  .sculptors, 
architects.  Phoenicia  and  Carthage  were  eminent 
in  trade  and  commerce,  in  maritime  venture;  Japan 
also  has  ever  been  the  home  of  commerce,  industry, 
and  shipping.  Agriculture,  literature,  and  educa- 
tion would  furnish  examples  for  analogies  no  less 
striking.  There  were,  in  short,  variously  develop- 
ing or  progressing  in  the  island  empire  the  vari- 
ous branches  of  the  civilization  which  Europe  now 
boasts,  independently  of  and  concurrently  with 
their  unfolding  and  growth  in  Europe.  The  Japan- 
ese lived  secluded  from  the  rest  of  mankind,  but 
within  the  limits  of  their  own  little  island  country 
they  had  a whole  world  of  armies,  law  courts, 
books,  workshops,  churches,  schools,  theatres,  stu- 
dios, etc.  They  had  their  cycles,  in  those  islands, 
of  warfare,  statesmanship,  religious  movement,  so- 
cial phenomena,  philosophical  teaching,  commercial 
enterprise.  In  other  words,  her  civilization  had 
just  as  sound  and  substantial  a foundation  as  that 
of  any  country  on  the  map  to-day.  There  is  no 
good  reason  for  the  supposition,  either,  that  they 
are  intellectually  an  inferior  race.  Upon  the 


476 


THE  STORY  OF JAPAX. 


premises  just  stated,  how,  indeed,  should  the  Jap- 
anese be  intellectually  inferior? 

To  extend  the  comparison  with  Europe  a little 
further,  it  must  be  observed  that  the  present  general 
condition  of  Japan  (and  especially  her  efficient  mili- 
tary regime)  is  the  fruit  of  a feudal  system  similar 
to  that  once  prevailing  in  the  monarchies  of  Europe 
that  are  now  constitutionally  governed — just  as  Ja- 
pan is.  Her  strength,  like  the  strength  of  the 
European  Powers,  lies  in  devotion  to  the  military 
ideal.  In  no  country  has  the  training  of  soldiers  ever 
been  more  thorough  or  more  exacting  than  with  the 
Japanese.  Their  Saviurai,  or  Knights  of  Feudal 
Japan,  composing  a large  portion  of  the  entire 
nation,  to  this  day  maintain  the  same  lofty  spirit 
of  honor  and  valor  and  patriotism  as  the  Spartans 
of  old. 

Among  Europeans  and  Americans  the  Japanese 
are  frequently  called  “a  nation  of  imitators.”  This 
proposition  is  true  to  a certain  extent  only,  for  its 
veracity  diminishes  upon  a close  study  of  her  na- 
tional history.  To  those  who  really  believe  that 
they  are,  and  shall  remain,  nothing  but  mere  imita- 
tors, it  may  be  pointed  out:  Here  was  a nation 

flooded  all  of  a sudden  with  an  ocean  of  new  and 
foreign  ideas  thirty-seven  years  ago,  and  this  nation 
has  been  weighing  and  balancing  these  strange  and 
novel  things,  and  has  been  sifting  them  out  and  has 
been  quite  calmly  discriminating  between  them, 
deciding  to  keep  the  good  ideas  and  to  throw  out 
the  bad  ones.  This,  surely,  is  not  a nation  of 
imitators,  but  rather  one  of  keen  and  sagacious 


JAPAN’S  POLICY  AND  IDEALS. 


A77 


adapters.  At  the  beginning  of  the  national  era,  the 
Japanese  undoubtedly  did  imitate,  but  such  imita- 
tion was  only  preliminary  to  adaptation.  After 
adapting  foreign  institutions  and  systems  to  their 
own  customs  and  needs,  the  Japanese  now  find 
themselves  starting  on  the  road  of  originality.  This 
can  be  shown  by  their  progress — social  and  political 
— during  the  last  thirty-seven  years.  Witness,  like- 
wise, the  achievements  of  Japan’s  fleet  against  the 
Russians,  the  strategy  of  her  admirals,  commanding 
squadrons  where  not  a European  or  American  face 
is  to  be  seen.  Has  not  Japan  shown  Europe  and 
America  how  to  conduct  a modern  naval  campaign? 
Has  she  not  taught  them  what  can  be  done  with 
torpedoes — if  properly  managed?  Nor  has  she 
cause  to  blush  for  her  land  campaign,  planned  by  a 
general  staff  of  Japanese  and  carried  out  by  Japan- 
ese generals  without  the  assistance  of  a single  for- 
eign officer.  Has  she  not  driven  the  Russians  from 
their  stronghold  on  the  Yalu?  Did  she  not  capture 
the  castle  of  Feng-Wang-Chung  without  firing  a 
single  shot?  The  strategy,  the  bravery,  the  origi- 
nality displayed  all  through  perfectly  express  the 
spirit  of  the  Samurai.  Besides,  Japan  has  been  using 
her  own  Arisaka  cannon,  made  in  Japanese  arsenals, 
and  her  own  rifle,  invented  by  General  Murata,  to 
say  nothing  of  Dr.  Shimose’s  smokeless  powder — an 
explosive  five  times  more  potent  than  any  other, 
not  excepting  the  redoubtable  lyddite. 

After  all,  there  is  nothing  mysterious  or  wonder- 
ful about  her  recent  successes ; for  it  is  Japan  and 
not  the  Russians  who  have  the  advantage  of  an 


478 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ancient  historic  civilization,  gray  and  mature  in 
knowledge  and  experience  and  resource.  So  there 
is  no  further  need  to  dwell  on  the  much-neglected 
fact  that  when  her  very  good  friend  Commodore 
Perry  came  to  Japan  he  found  a country  where 
there  was  something  to  zoake  up.  Before  the  advent 
of  Commodore  Perry,  Japan  was  a sealed  casket 
containing  the  compressed  atoms  of  Oriental  civili- 
zation— the  golden  shrine  of  the  Samurai  spirit, 
only  waiting  for  some  one  to  open  it ! And  Presi- 
dent Fillmore  was  the  benefactor  to  give  the  re- 
nowned and  ever-to-be  revered  Commodore  the 
key  of  the  “open-door”  policy  for  Japan,  honestly 
as  well  as  earnestly  urging  upon  Japan  that,  if  she 
allowed  the  opportunity  to  pass,  some  other  Power 
might  compel  her,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  or  at 
the  cannon’s  mouth,  to  open  her  ports.  Finally, 
by  means  of  the  gentle  suasion  and  advice  which 
the  United  States  brought  to  bear,  Japan  was  in- 
duced to  adopt  the  “open  door”  policy,  which  was 
forever  accepted  and  established  for  Japan  by  the 
Emperor  on  his  accession  to  the  throne  in  1868. 

The  commonly  received  opinion  among  American 
and  European  jurists  hitherto  .seems  to  have  been 
that  constitutional  government  was  not  compatible 
with  the  social  and  political  status  of  Oriental  na- 
tions. Therefore,  when  a constitution  was  tried  in 
the  Ottoman  Empire,  no  surprise  was  expressed  by 
Western  observers  that  the  experiment  resulted  in 
a fiasco.  And  when  the  Emperor  of  Japan  an- 
nounced by  imperial  edict  in  1881  that  at  the  end 
of  ten  years  constitutional  government  would  be 


JAPAN'S  POLICY  AND  IDEALS. 


479 


established  in  Japan,  \Vestern  scholars  and  states- 
men naturally  thought  the  attempt  would  prove  as 
abortive  in  Japan  as  in  Turkey. 

Nevertheless, in  1890,  the  first  Japanese  Parliament 
was  convened  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the 
constitution,  which  had  been  promulgated  the  year 
before,  and  during  the  fifteen  years  that  have 
intervened  since  that  time  twenty  sessions  have 
been  held.  In  spite  of  boisterous  meetings  and 
stormy  discussions  — which  are  not,  after  all,  so 
uncommon  in  European  or  American  legislative 
bodies — constitutional  restrictions  have  been  re- 
spected and  constitutional  prerogatives  upheld, 
until  now  it  can  be  justly  claimed  that  constitu- 
tional government  has  passed  the  e.xperimental 
stage  in  Japan,  and  has  become  an  integral  part  of 
the  body  politic. 

After  the  Imperial  Restoration,  in  1868,  his  Ma- 
jesty, the  Emperor,  in  the  solemn  oath  which  he 
then  took,  proclaimed  five  liberal  principles,  one  of 
them  being  to  this  effect: 

“We  shall  henceforth  seek  knowledge  and  wisdom 
in  the  outside  world  and  establish  the  National 
Assembly,  where  the  important  affairs  of  State  shall 
be  decided  by  public  opinion.’’ 

This  is  the  fundamental  principle  of  Japan’s 
national  policy,  in  accordance  v/ith  which  all  sub- 
sequent reorganization  and  changes,  both  social  and 
political,  have  been  undertaken  and  consummated. 
Under  its  guidance,  in  1875,  the  judicial  system 
was  perfected  by  the  establishment  of  the  Court  of 
Cassation  to  maintain  a uniform  interpretation  and 


480 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


application  of  the  law.  Japan  already  had  courts 
of  first  instance  and  courts  of  appeal,  but  there  was 
no  court  superior  to  all  others — a court  of  final  ap- 
peal wherein  all  judicial  matters  could  be  decided 
and  unified. 

In  the  same  year,  also,  an  imperial  edict  was 
issued  creating  a senate,  and  clearly  providing  that 
in  future  all  contemplated  legislation  should  be  sub- 
mitted by  the  cabinet  to  this  body  for  discussion. 
Thus,  even  at  that  early  day  a system  was  estab- 
lished in  Japan  resembling  the  organization  adopted 
by  some  Western  nations  of  co-ordinate  govern- 
mental branches,  the  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial.  This  may  be  term.ed  the  first  step  taken 
by  the  Imperial  Government  to  pave  the  way  for 
the  adoption  of  the  constitutional  system. 

In  the  way  of  educating  the  people  in  the  conduct 
of  public  affairs,  the  Senate,  in  1879,  passed  a law 
establishing  an  assembly  in  each  of  the  provinces  of 
the  Empire,  consisting  of  representatives  elected  by 
the  taxpayers  and  empowered  to  discuss  and  vote 
upon  the  annual  estimates  of  local  revenue  and 
expenditure  submitted  by  the  governors  of  the 
provinces.  This  was  in  effect  a system  similar  in 
principle  and  in  operation  to  local  self-government 
as  found  in  Western  countries. 

This  exercise  of  the  right  to  discuss  and  vote 
upon  provincial  taxation  and  expenditures  led  to 
vigorous  demands  for  the  creation  of  a parliament, 
it  being  urged  that  such  action  was  the  only  means 
of  establishing  zealous  public  interest  in  the  welfare 
of  the  country.  It  was  pointed  out  also  that  a 


JA  PA  N'  S POLIC  y A ND  IDEA  LS.  48 1 

parliament  would  be  in  accord  with  the  principle 
enunciated  in  the  imperial  oath  of  1868.  Public 
speeches  and  newspaper  discussions  intensified  the 
popular  demand,  and  as  a result  the  famous  imperial 
proclamation  of  1881  was  issued,  announcing  that  a 
constitution  would  be  promulgated  and  the  Parlia- 
ment opened  in  1890.  Discussion  of  the  question 
showed  that  public  education  and  capacity  for  this 
important  change  had  reached  a more  advanced 
stage  than  some  had  thought  would  be  possible; 
and,  in  consequence  of  a voluntary  purpose,  his  Im- 
perial Majesty  decided  that  he  might,  with  due  re- 
gard for  the  national  welfare,  fix  a definite  time  when 
the  intention  graciously  announced  at  the  time  of 
the  Restoration  would  be  carried  into  effect. 

As  it  was,  nothing  was  done  by  haphazard  or  in 
haste.  Ample  time  was  given  for  the  preparations 
that  had  to  be  made,  and  systematic  steps  were 
taken  to  make  those  preparations  complete.  The 
Emperor  appointed  Marquis  Ito  to  go  abroad  for 
the  purpose  of  studying  the  constitutions  of  Euro- 
pean countries,  thereby  intrusting  him  with  the 
important  task  of  preparing  the  draft  of  the  Consti- 
tution. In  1884,  after  four  years  devoted  to  close 
study  of  the  constitutional  systems  of  Europe,  the 
klarquis  returned  to  Japan,  and  soon  thereafter  a 
commission  was  appointed  to  prepare  the  draft 
under  his  guidance. 

Until  1888,  the  work  of  the  commission  proceeded 
under  the  personal  direction  of  Marquis  Ito,  when  it 
was  finally  completed  and  submitted  for  the  imperial 
sanction.  Thereupon,  in  the  spring  of  1888,  the 


482 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAA\ 


Emperor  organized  the  Privy  Council  and  opened 
meetings  for  the  consideration  of  the  draft,  which 
began  in  May  and  continued  until  January.  Plis 
Imperial  Majesty  presided  at  all  these  meetings. 
After  this  careful  deliberation,  the  Constitution  was 
promulgated  by  the  Emperor  in  person  on  the  nth 
of  February,  1889. 

There  is  an  important  difference  between  the 
constitutions  of  Western  nations  and  that  of  Japan. 
The  former  are  the  outcome  of  popular  uprisings 
against  the  tyranny  of  rulers — in  other  words,  of  a 
demand,  as  of  natural  right,  by  the  people;  conse- 
quently, even  in  monarchical  Europe,  constitutions 
are  drawn  in  such  terms  as  to  lay  the  greatest  stress 
upon  popular  rights,  while  at  the  same  time  curtail- 
ing the  power  of  the  sovereign.  The  Japanese 
Constitution,  on  the  other  hand,  emanated  from  the 
Emperor,  the  fountain-head  of  all  power.  Before 
the  people  dreamed  of  popular  rights  or  of  a parlia- 
ment, the  Emperor  had  already  marked  out  the 
grand  policy  of  establishing  constitutional  govern- 
ment in  the  future,  because  of  his  evident  desire 
and  purpose  to  elevate  the  country  to  an  equal 
place  among  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world,  not 
only  because  he  wished  it,  but  also  because  that 
course  was  in  strict  accordance  with  the  national 
policy  bequeathed  by  his  imperial  ancestors.  Fol- 
lowing that  policy,  our  Constitution  was  drawn  up 
with  close  adherence  to  and  careful  preservation  of 
the  fundamental  principle  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment from  time  immemorial. 

In  form,  however,  it  is  similar  to  Western  const!- 


JAPAN' S POLICY  AND  IDEALS. 


483 


tutions,  with  this  difference:  that  the  text  of  the 
Constitution  contains  only  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  State,  namely,  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Emperor;  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  people;  the 
powers  of  Parliament;  the  powers  and  duties  of 
ministers  of  State  and  judiciary  and  finance.  These 
are  all  embodied  in  seventy-six  articles.  Matters  of 
detail,  such,  for  example,  as  provisions  relating  to 
the  rules  and  proceedings  of  Parliament,  the  laws 
for  the  election  of  members,  the  national  budget, 
etc.,  are  separate  from  articles  enunciating  funda- 
mental principles  and  are  embodied  in  laws  supple- 
mentary to  the  Constitution  and  enacted  at  the  same 
time.  It  may  be  asked.  Why  was  such  a separation 
necessary?  Because,  when  the  first  Parliament  was 
opened,  the  government,  as  well  as  the  members,  in 
deliberating  on  national  affairs,  might  find  it  neces- 
sary to  make  changes  in  the  laws  relating  to  such 
subjects  as  those  just  enumerated.  If  such  changes 
had  to  be  made  in  the  text  of  the  Constitution, 
opportunity  might  be  afforded  for  unscrupulous 
politicians  to  attempt  to  secure  other  changes  affect- 
ing fundamental  principles;  and  even  if  the  attempt 
proved  a failure,  it  would  certainly  lessen  the  author- 
ity of  the  Constitution.  But  when  matters  of  detail 
are  separated  from  the  constitutional  text,  amend- 
ments, rendered  necessary  by  changing  conditions, 
can  be  easily  made.  This  has  been  found  to  be  the 
case  especially  with  regard  to  the  law  relating  to  the 
election  of  members,  in  which  the  provisions  con- 
cerning qualifications  of  members  and  other  details 
have  been  modified  from  time  to  time  in  order 


484 


THE  STOR  y OF  JAPAN. 


to  conform  to  the  progress  of  the  people  and  to 
changes  in  national  conditions. 

Summing  up  the  work  of  the  Japanese  Parlia- 
ment during  the  fifteen  years  of  its  existence,  it 
can  safely  be  said  that  the  adoption  of  a consti- 
tutional form  of  government  in  Japan  has  elevated 
the  country  and  educated  the  people  to  a higher 
and  better  sense  of  their  power  and  responsibilities 
in  the  body  politic  and  of  their  duties  to  the 
State. 

From  the  beginning  of  Japan’s  international  rela- 
tions with  the  outside  world,  the  Japane.=e  have 
advocated  arbitration,  and  have  bound  themselves 
to  have  international  difficulties  settled  by  this 
means.  In  the  year  1875,  a Chilean  vessel  brought 
five  hundred  Chinese  slaves  into  the  harbor  of  Yo- 
kohama, under  the  flag  of  a Christian  nation,  on 
board  a ship  of  a Christian  nation.  Japan  stopped 
that  ve.ssel  and  took  every  one  of  those  Chinese 
slaves  on  shore  and  gave  them  freedom.  The 
Chilean  Government  made  the  strongest  protest 
against  the  action,  but  Japan  moved  not  a bit. 
She  stood  on  the  ground  of  the  protector  of  the 
peaceful  subjects  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  and  upheld 
the  principle  of  international  law  forbidding  the 
slave  trade  in  Christendom.  But  Japan  had  no 
support  from  the  outside  world;  the  Christian 
nations  stood  aloof.  Consequently,  the  Chilean 
Government  and  the  Japanese  Government  finally 
agreed  to  submit  the  matter  to  arbitration,  and  the 
arbitrator  was  the  Czar  of  Russia.  After  the  close 
of  the  investigation,  the  Czar  gave  the  decision  in 


japan's  POLICY  AND  IDEALS.  485 

Japan’s  favor.  This  was  the  beginning  of  her  na- 
tional history  with  the  outside  world. 

The  meaning  of  Russia’s  Manchurian  policy  is 
now  no  longer  a secret.  Her  aim  was  to  dominate 
the  province,  to  exclude  from  it  all  foreigners,  and 
then  to  exploit  it  in  her  own  interests.  It  is  equally 
clear  that  if  Russia  should  ever  become  supreme 
in  Manchuria,  no  “open-door”  policy  would  ever 
be  allowed  sway  there.  After  Russia  has  been  per- 
mitted to  obtain  undivided  supremacy  in  Manchuria, 
it  will  be  impossible  for  the  free  commercial  inter- 
course contemplated  by  the  United  States  and 
Japan  to  assert  itself  in  the  province  from  which 
Russia  pledged  herself  to  withdraw. 

Nor  is  this  all.  According  to  Russian  law,  while 
a foreign  corporation  in  Russian  territory  can  be 
sued  by  the  Russians  in  her  courts,  they  cannot  sue 
Russian  subjects  or  Russian  companies  in  the  same 
way.  Therefore,  in  case  Manchuria  ever  becomes 
Russian  territory,  all  rights  to  sue  in  the  courts  will 
be  denied  to  such  foreign  corporations  as  happen  to 
be  carrying  on  business  in  the  province. 

Who  will  now  undertake  the  responsibility  of 
opening  up  the  resources  of  China?  This  is  a burn- 
ing question  of  the  time.  To-day  that  vast  country, 
with  its  splendid  possibilities,  is  wedged  in  from 
several  sides  by  territorial  encroachments  on  the 
part  of  European  Powers.  The  nations,  however, 
which  have  the  greatest  interest  in  the  development 
of  Chinese  commerce  are  either  Anglo-Saxon  or 
under  the  influence  of  Anglo-Saxon  civilization. 

The  United  States  Government  has,  from  the  very 


486 


THE  STOR  V OF  JA  PAH. 


beginning,  adopted  the  “open  door”  policy  in  China 
— a policy  diametrically  opposed  to  that  of  Russia, 
which  is  aiming  at  the  dismemberment  of  the  Chi- 
nese Empire,  as  evidenced  by  the  attempted  annexa- 
tion of  Manchuria  to  her  Siberian  dominions.  Two 
policies  are  therefore  represented ; the  one  being 
known  as  the  “ open-door,  ’ ’ advocated  by  the  United 
States,  and  the  other  being  the  dismemberment 
aimed  at  by  Russia.  Japan,  because  under  the 
influence  of  Anglo-Saxon  civilization,  is  now  fight- 
ing for  the  maintenance  of  that  “open-door”  policy 
which  the  United  States  above  all  other  countries 
is  interested  in  upholding.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
dismemberment  of  China  is  indorsed  by  those  Euro- 
pean Powers  which  are  guided  by  the  principle  of 
militarism,  that  is,  by  Russia,  France,  and  Germany. 

Now  the  question  is  as  to  which  of  these  two 
principles  shall  be  adopted  with  regard  to  the  future 
of  Manchuria  after  the  war.  The  Manchurian 
people — that  is  to  say,  the  Chinese  in  Manchuria — 
have  been  treated  badly  by  the  Russians  during 
the  past  years  and  they  are  ready  to  welcome  any 
policy  that  is  milder  and  more  lenient  than  the  one 
under  which  they  have  been  ruled.  Herein  lies  the 
great  opportunity  for  England  and  the  United 
States  to  introduce  commercial  freedom  and  equal- 
ity, thereby  carrying  out  the  “open-door”  principle 
of  the  United  States  in  tangible  form.  Manchuria 
may  thus  become  an  opening  wedge,  as  it  were,  for 
the  introduction  of  liberal  Anglo-Saxon  ideas,  which 
by  this  means  would  also  find  rapid  extension  in 
China,  not  only  in  a commercial  but  in  a political 


JAPAN'S  POLICY  AND  IDEALS, 


487 


sense,  by  serving  as  an  object-lesson  as  to  the  dif- 
ference between  Russian  rigor  and  Anglo-Saxon 
lenity  and  moderation. 

Should  European  absolutism  fix  itself  upon  Asia, 
a little  time  will  see  the  complete  transformation  of 
the  map,  and  vast  regions  now  lying  beneath  the 
legend  ‘‘Chinese  Empire”  will  be  inscribed  with  the 
names  of  foreign  governments.  To-day  there  are 
three  wedges  started  toward  the  heart  of  China  and 
waiting  only  a stroke  to  split  her  territories  asunder. 
The  stroke  will  fall  when  Russia  wins — if  that  time 
comes.  The  victory  of  Russia  will  fasten  Russia’s 
grasp  permanently  upon  Manchuria;  permit  Ger- 
many, now  occupying  Kiau-Chow,  to  seize  all  the 
province  of  Shantung  lying  round  about  this  con- 
cession ; and  open  the  way  for  France  to  extend  the 
frontiers  of  Tonkin  further  into  the  Chinese  domain. 
This  dismemberment — the  seizing  by  outside  peo- 
ples of  territories  to  which  they  have  no  right  but 
the  force  that  makes  them  stronger  than  the  ancient 
holders — involves  not  merely  violation  of  the  ideals 
of  honor  and  justice,  but  also  violence  to  interests 
that  are  materially  vital  to  the  world — its  commerce 
and  peace. 

Let  us  now  consider  what  has  been  called  ‘‘the 
yellow  peril” — a phrase  much  used  since  the  out- 
break of  the  Russo-Japanese  War.  What  do  they 
mean  when  they  talk  of  ‘‘yellow  peril”?  They 
mean  that  when  Japan  becomes  supreme  in  the 
Orient  she  will  unite  under  her  banner  all  the  peo- 
ples of  Asia,  and  that  through  this  combination 
Europe  will  be  threatened  by  a peril  which  is  called 


488 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


“yellow”  because  it  will  array  the  so-called  “yel- 
low” races  against  the  races  that  are  white.  And 
they  argue  that,  however  just  the  cause  of  Japan 
may  be  in  her  struggle  against  Russia,  Europe  must 
not  merely  do  nothing  in  the  way  of  sympathizing 
with  or  helping  her,  but  must  side  with  Russia  and 
aid  her  in  so  defeating  and  crushing  Japan  that  she 
will  never  again  be  able  to  rise  as  an  independent 
Power.  Here  is  another  cruel  conclusion  reached 
from  no  basis  of  actuality  or  fact.  Look  for  a mo- 
ment at  the  origin  of  the  phrase  “yellow  peril.”  It 
was  manufactured  by  a German  treacherous  diplo- 
mat in  order  to  rouse  feelings  of  fear  as  well  as  the 
passion  of  hatred  among  the  peoples  of  the  West  at 
the  expense  of  the  Japanese.  Let  me  therefore 
describe  the  true  history  of  the  only  “yellow  peril” 
the  world  has  ever  had.  For  there  was  once  a “yel- 
low peril,”  and  the  nations  suffered  from  it.  The 
first  “yellow  peril”  in  history  was  the  invasion  of 
Europe  by  the  Mongolians  in  the  year  1241  A.D. 
Penetrating  to  Moscow,  they  continued  their  march 
into  Austria,  and  swarmed  into  other  parts  of 
Europe,  devastating  and  plundering  wherever  they 
went.  After  thus  terrorizing  Europe  and  ravag- 
ing its  eastern  territories,  the  Mongols  directed  their 
course  to  Japan.  They  reached  the  Japanese  islands 
in  1268,  and  the  results  of  the  “ yellow  peril  ” there 
were  far  more  terrible  than  any  which  Europe  had 
experienced.  For  thirteen  years  subsequent  to  that 
date,  up  to  1281,  Japan  had  the  “yellow  peril” 
with  her  in  its  most  menacing  form.  At  one  time  the 
Mongolians  were  in  actual  occupation  of  her  north- 


JAPAN’S  POLICY  AND  IDEALS. 


4S9 


ern  coast.  During  the  period  of  their  stay  they 
burned  the  villages,  killed  women  and  children,  and 
plundered  the  Japanese  of  their  treasures,  not  leav- 
ing a single  conceivable  act  of  wickedness  uncom- 
mitted. Such  was  the  terror  inspired  by  the 
“yellow  peril”  as  Japan  knew  it,  that  even  to-day 
in  Japan  it  is  customary  to  stop  children  crying  by 
telling  them  that  the  “yellow  man”  or  the  Mongol 
will  get  them.  All  the  while  the  Japanese  people 
resisted  the  invaders,  and  the  patriotic  defence  of 
their  country  enabled  them  to  rout  utterly  and  de- 
feat the  enemy,  with  the  slaughter  of  one  hundred 
thousand  Mongolians. 

When,  therefore,  we  hear  people  talk  of  the  “yel- 
low peril”  in  the  East,  with  obvious  reference  to 
Japan,  we  feel  bound  to  reply  by  asking  who  it  was 
that,  by  the  gallantry  of  its  people,  crushed  back 
the  tide  of  Mongolian  invasion,  and  saved  Europe 
from  the  wickedness  of  the  only  “yellow  peril” 
which  the  world  has  ever  known?  And  if,  ignoring 
the  fact  that  Japan  was  once  the  savior  of  Europe 
when  Europe  did  not  even  know  who  had  saved 
her,  both  Europe  and  America  agree  in  fearing  a 
modern  “yellow  peril,”  then  it  may  be  asserted, 
without  the  slightest  chance  of  being  successfully 
contradicted,  that  Japan  has  far  more  reason  to  fear 
a “white  peril”  in  the  East  than  the  world  or  any 
part  of  it  has  to  anticipate  danger  from  Japan. 
Observe  the  advance  of  the  European  nations  into 
Asia.  What  are  the  extension  of  French  Tonquin 
and  the  occupation  of  Kiau-Chow  by  Germany  if 
not  “white  perils”  for  the  Chinese  Empire?  There 


490 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


is  another  “white  peril’’  for  China  on  her  northern 
border  in  Russia’s  occupation  of  Manchuria,  but  it 
is  far  more  of  a “white  peril’’  for  Japan.  She 
regards  it  as  a real  and  dangerous  menace  to  her  na- 
tional existence,  not  for  a moment  imaginary  in 
character  like  the  “yellow  peril’’  so  much  talked 
about  in  Europe  and  America.  The  phrase  about 
the  “yellow  peril’’  is  nothing  more  than  a trick  con- 
cocted by  disingenuous  and  treacherous  diplomats 
to  disturb  and  bring  to  an  end  the  cordial  feelings 
which  characterize  the  relations  toward  Japan  of  the 
United  States  and  England. 

Japan,  and  only  Japan,  stands  in  the  Far  East  for 
the  progressiveness  of  the  West — for  freedom,  for 
higher  civilization — and  her  success  will  mean  the 
extension  of  modern  ideas  naturally  and  peaceably 
through  vast  Asiatic  domains — the  occidentalizing 
of  the  East. 

KliNTARO  KANEKO. 

New  York, 

May,  1905. 


APPENDIX  I. 
LIST  OF  EMPERORS.* 


Name. 

Date  of 
Access. 

Date  of 
Death. 

Age  at 
Death. 

I. 

Jimmu 

B.C. 

660 

B.C. 

585 

127 

2. 

Suizei 

00 

549 

84 

3- 

Annei 

548 

5” 

57 

4- 

Itoku 

510 

477 

77 

5- 

Kosho 

475 

393 

114 

6. 

Koan 

392 

291 

137 

7- 

Korei 

290 

215 

128 

8. 

Kogen 

214 

158 

T 16 

9- 

Kaikwa 

157 

98 

III 

10. 

Sujin 

97 

30 

119 

II. 

Suinin 

29 

A.D. 

70 

141 

12. 

Keiko 

A.D. 

71 

130 

H3 

13- 

Seimu 

131 

190 

108 

14. 

Chuai 

192 

200 

52 

Jingo  (Empress  Regent)’ 

201 

269 

loo 

15- 

6 jin 

270 

310 

1 10 

16. 

Nintoku 

313 

399 

1 10 

’ The  list  here  printed  is  the  official  list  issued  by  the  government, 
and  has  been  revised  by  Mr.  Tateno,  the  Japanese  Minister  at 
Washington. 

’ In  the  official  list  Jingo  is  not  reckoned,  and  the  time  of  her  reign 
is  counted  with  that  of  her  son  and  successor. 

491 


492 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Name. 

Date  of 

Date  of 

Age  at 

Access. 

Death. 

Death. 

17. 

Richo 

400 

405 

67 

18. 

Hanzei 

406 

411 

60 

19. 

Inkyo  

412 

453 

80 

20. 

Anko 

454 

456 

56 

21. 

Yuriyaku 

457 

479 

— 

22. 

Seinei 

480 

484 

41 

23- 

Kenzo 

485 

487 

— 

24. 

Ninken  

488 

498 

50 

25- 

Muretsu 

499 

506 

18 

26. 

Keitai 

507 

531 

82 

27. 

Ankan  

534 

535 

70 

28. 

Senkwa 

536 

539 

73 

29. 

Kimmei 

540 

571 

63 

30- 

Bidatsu 

572 

585 

48 

31- 

Yomei 

586 

587 

69 

32. 

Sujun 

588 

592 

73 

33- 

Suiko  (Empress) 

593 

628 

75 

34- 

Jomei 

629 

641 

49 

35- 

Kokyoku  (Empress) .... 

642 

— 

— 

36. 

Kotoku 

645 

654 

59 

37- 

Saimei  (re-accession  of 
Kokyoku 

655 

661 

68 

38- 

Tenji 

668 

671 

58 

39- 

Kobun 

672 

672 

25 

40. 

Temmu 

673 

686 

65 

41- 

Jito  (Empress) 

690 

702 

58 

42. 

Mommu  

697 

707 

25 

43- 

Gemmyo  (Empress 

708 

721 

61 

44- 

Gensho  (Empress) 

715 

748 

69 

45- 

Shomu 

724 

756 

56 

46. 

Koken  (Empress) 

749 

— 

— 

47- 

Junnin 

759 

765 

33 

APPENDIX  I. 


493 


Name. 

Date  of 
Access. 

Date  of 
Death. 

Age  at 
Death. 

48. 

Koken  (re-enthroned). . . 

765 

770 

53 

49. 

Konin 

770 

781 

73 

50- 

Kwammu 

782 

806 

70 

5^- 

Heijo 

806 

824 

51 

52. 

Saga 

810 

842 

57 

53- 

Ninna 

824 

840 

55 

54- 

Nimmyo 

834 

850 

41 

55- 

Montoku 

10 

00 

858 

32 

56. 

Seiwa 

859 

880 

3t 

57- 

Yozei 

877 

949 

82 

58. 

Koko 

885 

887 

58 

59- 

Uda 

888 

931 

65 

60. 

Daigo 

898 

930 

46 

61. 

Shujaku 

931 

952 

30 

62. 

Muragami 

947 

967 

42 

63- 

Reizei 

968 

ion 

62 

64. 

Enyu 

970 

991 

33 

65- 

Kwazan 

985 

1008 

41 

66. 

Ichiyo  

987 

101 1 

32 

67. 

San jo 

1012 

1017 

42 

68. 

Go-Ichijo 

1017 

1028 

29 

69. 

Go-Shujaku 

1037 

104s 

37 

70. 

Go-Reizei 

1047 

1068 

44 

71- 

Go-Sanjo 

1069 

1073 

40 

72. 

Shirakavva 

1073 

1129 

77 

73- 

Horikawa 

1087 

1107 

29 

74- 

Toba 

1108 

1156 

54 

75- 

Shutoku 

1124 

1 164 

46 

76. 

Konoye 

1142 

1^55 

17 

77- 

Go-Shirakawa 

1156 

1192 

66 

78. 

Nijo 

1159 

1165 

23 

79- 

Rokujo 

1166 

1176 

13 

494  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Date  of 

Date  of 

Age  at 

Access. 

Death. 

Death. 

8o. 

Takakura 

. 1169 

I181 

21 

8i. 

Antoku 

, I181 

1185 

15 

82. 

Go-Toba 

, 1186 

1239 

60 

83. 

Tsuchi-mikado 

1199 

1231 

37 

84. 

Juntoku  

1211 

1242 

46 

85- 

Chukyo  

1222 

1234 

17 

86. 

Go-Horikawa 

1221 

1234 

23 

87. 

Yojo 

1232 

1242 

12 

88. 

Go-Saga 

1242 

1272 

53 

89. 

Go  Fukakusa 

1246 

1304 

62 

90. 

Kameyama 

1259 

1305 

57 

91. 

Go-Uda 

1274 

1324 

58 

92. 

Fushimi 

1288 

1317 

53 

93- 

Go-Fushimi 

1298 

1336 

49 

94. 

Go-Nijyo 

1301 

1308 

24 

95- 

Hanazono 

1308 

00 

M 

52 

96. 

Go-Daigo 

00 

1339 

52 

97- 

Go-Murakami 

1339 

1368 

41 

98. 

Go-Kameyama 

1373 

1424 

78 

99. 

Go-Komatsu 

1382 

1433 

57 

100. 

Shoko  

1414 

1428 

28 

lOI. 

Go-Hanazono 

1429 

1470 

52 

102. 

Go-Tsuchi-mikado  . . . . 

1465 

1500 

59 

103. 

Go-Kashiwabara 

1521 

1526 

63 

104. 

Go-Nara 

1536 

1557 

62 

i°5- 

Ogimachi 

1560 

1593 

77 

106. 

Go-Yojo 

1586 

1617 

47 

107. 

Go-Mizuo 

I6I I 

1680 

85 

108. 

Myosho  (Empress) 

1630 

1696 

74 

109. 

Go-Komyo 

1643 

1654 

22 

1 10. 

Go-Nishio 

1656 

1685 

49 

III. 

Reigen 

1663 

1732 

79 

APPENDIX  /. 


495 


Name. 

Date  of 
Access. 

Date  of 
Death. 

Age  at 
Death. 

II2, 

Higashiyama 

1687 

1709 

35 

“3- 

Naka-mikado 

1710 

1737 

37 

114. 

Sakuramachi 

1720 

1750 

31 

115- 

Momozono 

1747 

1762 

22 

1 16. 

Go-Sakuramachi 

(Empress) . 

1763 

1813 

74 

1 17 

Go-Momozono 

1771 

1779 

22 

1 18. 

Kokaku 

1780 

1840 

70 

1 19. 

Jinko 

1817 

1846 

47 

120. 

Komei 

1847 

1867 

37 

121. 

Mutsuhito  (reigning 

emperor) 

1868 

a6 


APPENDIX  II. 


LIST  OF 

YEAR  PERIODS.' 

Name. 

Japanese 

Christian 

Era. 

Era. 

Taikwa  . . , 

645 

Hakuchi  . 

650 

Saimei  . . . 

655 

Tenji  . . . . 

662 

Sujaku  . . . 

672 

Hakuho  . . 

1333 

673 

Sucho. . . . 

1346 

686 

Jito 

1347 

687 

Momm  . . . 

1357 

697 

Daiho .... 

701 

Keiun  . . . 

1364 

704 

Wado  .... 

1368 

708 

Reiki 

1375 

715 

' From  yapanese  Chronological  Tables,  by  William  Bramsen,  1880. 

The  system  of  counting  from  year-periods  {ttengo)  was  introduced 
from  China.  These  periods  of  Japanese  history  do  not  correspond 
to  the  reigns  of  the  emperors.  A new  one  was  chosen  whenever  it 
was  deemed  necessary  to  commemorate  an  auspicious  or  ward  off  a 
malign  event.  By  a notification  issued  in  1872  it  was  announced 
that  hereafter  the  year-period  should  be  changed  but  once  during  the 
reign  of  an  emperor.  The  current  period,  Meiji  (Enlightened  Peace), 
will  therefore  continue  during  the  reign  of  the  present  emperor. 

The  numbers  in  the  second  column  of  this  table  indicate  the  years 
as  counted  from  the  founding  of  the  empire  by  Jimmu  Tenno. 
According  to  the  official  chronology  this  occurred  B.c.  660. 

496 


APPENDIX  II. 


497 


Name. 

Japanese 

Christian 

Era. 

Era. 

YOrS 

717 

Jinki 

724 

TembiO 

729 

Tembio  shoho 

749 

Tembio  hoji 

757 

Tembio  jingo 

765 

Jingo  keiun 

767 

Hoki 

770 

Teno 

781 

Enriaku 

782 

Daidb 

806 

Konin 

1470 

810 

Tencho  

824 

J owa 

834 

Kajo 

848 

Ninju 

15” 

851 

Saiko 

854 

Tenan  

1517 

857 

Jogwan  

1519 

859 

Gwangio 

1537 

877 

Ninna 

1545 

885 

Kwampei 

1549 

889 

Shotai 

1558 

898 

Engi 

901 

Encho 

1583 

923 

Johei 

1591 

931 

Tengio 

1598 

938 

Tenriaku 

947 

Tentoku 

957 

Owa 

961 

Kobo 

964 

Anna 

968 

498  the  story  of  japan. 

Name.  Japanese 

Era. 

Tenroku 1630 

Ten-en 1633 

Jogen 1636 

Tengen 1638 

Eikwan 1643 

Kwanna 1645 

Ei-en 1647 

Eiso 1649 

Shoriaku 1650 

Chotoku 1655 

Choho 1659 

Kwanko 1664 

Chowa 1672 

Kwannin 1677 

Ji-an 1681 

Manju 1684 

Chogen 1688 

Choriaku 1697 

Chokiu 1700 

Kwantoku 1704 

Eijo 1706 

Tengi 1713 

Kohei 1718 

Jiriaku 1725 

Enkiu 1729 

Joho 1734 

Joriaku 1737 

Eiho 1741 

Otoku 1744 

Kwanji 1747 

Kaho 1754 

Eicho 1756 


Christian 

Era. 

970 

973 

976 

978 

983 

985 

987 

989 

990 
995 
999 
1004 
1012 
1017 
1021 
1024 
1028 

1037 

1040 

1044 

1046 

i°S3 

1058 

1065 

1069 

1074 

1077 

1081 

1084 

1087 

1094 

1096 


APPENDIX  II. 


499 


Name. 

Jotoku 

Kowa 

Choji 

Kajo 

Tennin 

Tend 

Eikiu  

Genei 

Ho-an 

Tenji 

Daiji 

Tenjo 

Chojo 

Ho-en  

Eiji 

Koji 

Tenyo  

Kiu-an 

Nimbio 

Kiuju 

Hogen 

Heiji 

Eiriaku 

Oho 

Chokwan 

Eiman 

Ninan 

Ka-o 

Jo-an 

Angen 

Jisho 

Yowa 


>anese 

Christian 

Era. 

Era. 

1757 

1097 

1759 

1099 

1764 

1104 

1766 

1106 

1768 

1 108 

1770 

1 1 10 

1773 

II13 

1778 

II18 

1780 

1120 

1784 

1124 

1786 

1126 

1791 

1131 

1792 

1132 

1795 

“35 

1801 

1141 

1802 

1142 

1804 

1144 

10 

0 

00 

“45 

1811 

“51 

1814 

“54 

1816 

1156 

1819 

“59 

1820 

1160 

1821 

1161 

1823 

1163 

1825 

“65 

1826 

1 166 

1829 

1169 

1831 

1171 

M 

00 

“75 

1837 

“77 

1841 

ii8i 

500 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN, 


Name. 

Ju-ei 

Genriaku 

Bunji 

Kenkiu 

Shoji 

Kennin 

Genkiu 

Kenei 

Jogen  

Kenriaku 

Kempo 

Jokiu 

Jo-6 

Gennin 

Karoku 

Antei 

Kwangi 

j6-ei 

Tempuku 

Bunriaku 

Katei 

Riakunin 

En-6 

Ninji 

Kwangen 

Hoji 

Kencho  

Kogen 

Shoka  

Shogen  

Buno 

Kocho 


Japanese  Christian 


Era. 

Era. 

1842 

1182 

1844 

1 184 

00 

1185 

1850 

1190 

1859 

1199 

1861 

1201 

1864 

1204 

1866 

1206 

1867 

1207 

187 1 

I2I  I 

CO 

1213 

1879 

1219 

1882 

1222 

1884 

1224 

1885 

1225 

00 

00 

1227 

00 

00 

'C> 

1229 

1892 

1232 

1893 

1233 

1894 

1234 

1895 

1235 

1898 

1238 

1899 

1239 

1900 

1240 

1903 

1243 

1907 

1247 

1909 

1249 

1916 

1256 

1917 

1257 

1919 

1259 

1920 

1260 

1921 

1261 

APPENDIX  21. 


501 


Name. 

Bunei 

Kenji 

Koan 

Sho-6 

Einin 

Shoan  

Kengen 

Kagen 

Tokuji 

Enkio 

Ocho 

Showa 

Bumpo 

Gen-o 

Genko  

Shochil 

Kariaku 

Gentoku 

Shokio 

Kemmu 

Engen 

Kokoku 

Shohei 

Kentoku 

Bunchu 

Tenju 

Kowa 

Genchu 

Meitoku 

0-ei 

Shocho 

EikiO 


Japanese  Christian 


Era. 

Era. 

1924 

1264 

1935 

1275 

1938 

1278 

1948 

1288 

1953 

1293 

1959 

1299 

1962 

1302 

1963 

1303 

1966 

1306 

1968 

0 

00 

1971 

I3II 

1972 

1312 

1977 

1317 

1979 

1319 

1981 

1321 

1984 

1324 

1986 

1326 

1989 

1329 

1992 

1331 

1994 

1334 

1996 

1336 

1999 

1339 

2006 

1346 

2030 

1370 

2032 

1372 

2035 

1375 

2041 

1381 

2044 

00 

2050 

1390 

2054 

1394 

2088 

1428 

2089 

1429 

503 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Name. 

Kakitsu 

Bunan 

Hotoku 

Kotoku 

Kosho 

Choroku 

KwanshS 

Bunsho 

Onin 

Bummei 

Choko  

Entoku 

Mei-o 

Bunki 

Eisho 

Dai-ei 

Koroku 

T embun 

Koji 

Eiroku 

Genki 

Tensho 

Bunroku 

Keicho 

Genna  

Kwanei 

Shoho 

Kei-an 

Jo-o 

Meireki 

Manji 

Kwambun 


Japanese  Christian 


Era. 

Era. 

2101 

1441 

2104 

1444 

2109 

1449 

2112 

1452 

2115 

1455 

2117 

1457 

2120 

1460 

2126 

1466 

2127 

1467 

2129 

1469 

2147 

1487 

2149 

1489 

2152 

1492 

2i6i 

1501 

2164 

1504 

2181 

1521 

2188 

1528 

2192 

1532 

2215 

1555 

2218 

1558 

2230 

1570 

2233 

I. ‘=73 

2252 

1592 

2256 

159^ 

2275 

1615 

2284 

1624 

2304 

1644 

2308 

1648 

2312 

1652 

2315 

1655 

2318 

1658 

2321 

1661 

APPENDIX  II. 


503 


Name. 


Empo  . . . 
T enna . . . 
Jokio  . . . 
Genroku 
Ho-ei . . , 
Shotoku . 
Kioho  . . 
Gembun 
Kwampo 
Enkio  . . 
Kwanen  , 
Horeki  .. 
Meiwa  , . 
Anei  . . . . 
Temmei  , 
Kwansei , 
Kiowa  . , 
Bunkwa 
Bunsei. . . 
Tempo  . . 
Kokwa  . . 
Ka-ei. . . , 
Ansei. . . 
Manen  . , 
Bunkiu. , 
Genji  . . 
Kei-6. . . 
Meiji  . . 


Japanese  Christian 


Era. 

Era. 

2333 

1673 

2341 

1681 

2344 

1684 

2348 

1688 

2364 

1704 

2371 

171 1 

2376 

1716 

2396 

1736 

2401 

1741 

2404 

1744 

2408 

1748 

241 1 

1751 

2424 

1764 

2432 

1772 

2441 

1781 

2449 

1789 

2461 

1801 

2464 

1804 

00 

1818 

2490 

0 

00 

2504 

1844 

2508 

1848 

2514 

1854 

2520 

i860 

2521 

1861 

2524 

1864 

2525 

1865 

2528 

1868 

APPENDIX  III. 

LIST  OF  SHOGUNS.* 

I. — The  Dynasty  of  Minamoto.  1 1 86-i  219. 

1.  Minamoto  Yoritomo,  1186-1199,  died  ; received  his 
appointment  as  shogun  in  1192. 

Note. — In  this  as  in  the  later  cases,  the  dates  will  be 
cited  which  correspond  to  the  attainment  of  power  and  its 
general  recognition,  but  which  do  not,  in  many  cases, 
correspond  to  the  grant  of  the  title,  which  frequently  was 
much  later. 

2.  Minamoto  Yori-iye,  1199-1203,  son  of  the  preceding, 
first  deposed  by  his  grandfather,  Hbjo  Tokimasa,  and 
banished  to  Izu,  there  was  murdered  in  1204. 

3.  Minamoto  Sanetomo,  1203-12 19,  eleven  years  old, 
brother  of  the  preceding,  murdered  by  his  nephew  Kokio, 
the  son  of  Yori-iye. 

The  Time  of  the  Shadoiv  Shoguns.  1220-1338. 

The  shoguns  of  this  period,  taken  partly  from  the 
Fujiwara  family,  partly  from  the  princes  of  the  imperial 
house,  were  mostly  children,  and  in  every  instance  the 
weak  agents  of  the  Hojo  family,  whose  chiefs,  as  regents 
{shiken),  had  the  power  in  their  hands,  although  the 

‘ T ranslated  from  the  chronology  of  the  shoguns  in  Mittheilungen 
der  deutschen  Gesellschaft  fur  Naiiir  und  Volkerkuude  Ostasiens 
Heft  3,  1873. 

504 


APPENDIX  III. 


50s 


nominal  bearers  of  the  same  were  likewise  principally 
only  children. 

4.  Fujiwara  Yoritsuae,  1220-1243,  nine  yeajs  old, 
dethroned  by  Hojo  Tsunetoki,  died  1256. 

5.  Fujiwara  Yoritsugu,  1244-1251,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, seven  years  old,  deposed  by  H.  Tokeyori,  died 
1256. 

6.  Munetaka  Shino,  1252-1265,  eleven,  according  to 
others  thirteen,  years  old,  deposed  by  H.  Tokimune,  died 
1274. 

7.  Koreyasu  Shino,  1266-1289,  son  of  the  preceding, 
three  years  old,  deposed  by  H.  Sadatoki,  died  1325 
(1326?). 

8.  Hisa-akira  Shino,  or,  as  he  was  called,  Kumei  Shino, 
1289-1307,  sixteen  years  old,  deposed  by  H.  Sadatoki, 
died  1328. 

9.  Morikuni  Shino,  1308-1333,  son  of  the  preceding, 
seven  years  old,  dethroned  by  Nitsuda  Yoshisada,  died 
in  the  same  year. 

10.  Moriyoshi  Shino,  1333-1334,  son  of  the  reigning 
Emperor  Go-Daigo,  dethroned  by  Taka-uji,  murdered, 
in  1335,  by  Minamoto  Nao-yoshi. 

11.  Nari-Yoshi  Shino,  1334-1338,  dethroned  a/nd  mur- 
dered by  Taka-uji. 

II. — The  Regents  of  the  Hojo  Family. 

Hojo  Tokimasa,  died  1215,  did  not  have  the  title  of 
regent  (shiketi). 

Hojo  Yoshitoki,  1205-1224,  from  1205  regent  {shiken), 
murdered. 

Hojo  Yasutoki,  1225-1242,  died. 

Hojo  Tsunetoki,  1243-1246,  grandson  of  the  preceding, 
retired  in  favor  of  his  younger  brother,  Tokivori,  and 
died  thirty-three  years  old. 


5o6 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Hojo  Tokiyori,  1246-1256,  retired  in  favor  of  his  son, 
Tokimune,  and  died  1263,  thirty-seven  years  old. 

Hojo  Tokimune,  1257-1284,  seven  years  old,  under 
the  guardianship  of  H.  Nagatoki  and  H.  Masamura,  died. 

Hojo  Sadatoki,  1284-1300,  adopted  son  of  the  preced- 
ing, retired  in  favor  of  Morotoki,  the  grandson  of  Toki- 
yori, but  continued  to  exercise  a potent  influence  over 
the  regency,  died  1311. 

Hojo  Morotoki,  1300-1311,  died. 

Hojo  Takatoki,  1312-1326,^0  son  of  Sadatoki,  nine 
years  old,  under  the  guardianship  of  Hirotoki  and  Mune- 
nobu,  retired  in  favor  of  his  younger  brother,  Yasuye, 
who  likewise  soon  withdrew. 

Until  the  fall  of  the  Hojo  family  Takatoki  really  con- 
ducted the  regency,  although  others  held  the  title.  After 
the  taking  of  Kamakura  by  Nitta  Yoshisada  in  1333,  he 
killed  himself. 

III. — The  Dynasty  of  Ashikaga.  1334-1573. 

12.  Ashikaga  Taka-uji,  1334-1358,  died  fifty-three 
years  old. 

13.  Ashikaga  Yoshimori,  1359-1367,  retired  in  favor 
of  his  son  Yoshimitsu,  died  1408,  fifty-one  years  old. 

14.  Ashikaga  Yoshimitsu,  1368-1393,  retired  in  favor 
of  his  son,  Yoshimochi,  at  the  age  of  thirty-seven  years, 
died  1409. 

15.  Ashikaga  Yoshimochi,  1394-1422,  retired  in  favor 
of  his  son,  Yoshikatsu. 

16.  Ashikaga  Yoshikatsu,  1423-1425,  died  nineteen 
years  old.  Ashikaga  Yoshimochi,  1425-1428,^0  fifteenth 
shogun,  took  the  power  again,  and  died  forty-three  years 
old. 

17  Ashikaga  Yoshinobu,  1428-1441,  murdered  by  AJta- 


APPENDIX  III. 


507 

matsu  Mitsusuke,  forty-eight  years  old.  From  1429 
called  Yoshinori. 

18.  Ashikaga  Yoshikatsu,  1441- 1443,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, eight  years  old,  died. 

19.  Ashikaga  Yoshinari,  called  Yoshimasa,  1443-1473, 
brother  of  the  preceding,  eight  years  old,  retired,  and 
died  in  1490. 

20.  Ashikaga  Yoshinao,  1473-1489,  died  twenty-five 
years  old  ; from  1488,  called  Yoshihiro. 

21.  Ashikaga  Yoshimura,  1490-1493,  nephew  of  Yoshi- 
masa, twenty-five  years  old,  taken  prisoner  and  de- 
throned by  Hosokawa  Motomoto. 

22.  Ashikaga  Yoshimitsi,  1493-150S,  had  to  flee,  died 
1511  ; from  1449  called  Yoshitaku,  and  from  1502 
Yoshisumi ; Yoshitada,  1508-1521,  is  Yoshimura,  who 
from  the  year  1501  bore  the  name,  and  since  that  time 
was  the  shogun  of  the  enemy  at  war  with  Yoshisumi, 
had  to  flee,  was  deposed,  and  died,  1523. 

23.  Ashikaga  Yoshinaru,  152 1-1546,  son  of  Yoshisumi, 
retired  in  favor  of  his  son,  Yoshifushi,  died  1550,  forty 
years  old. 

24.  Ashikaga  Yoshifushi,  1547-1565,  eleven  years  old, 
killed  himself  in  his  palace,  having  been  confined  there 
by  the  rebels. 

25.  Ashikaga  Yoshigi-ei  or  Yoshinaga,  1568  died,  im- 
portant as  opposition  shogun. 

26.  Ashikaga  Yoshi-aki,  1568-1573,  deposed  by  Nobu- 
naga,  died  1597. 

IV. — The  Time  of  the  Usurpation.  1573-1603. 

27.  Taira-no-Nobunaga,  1573-1582,  killed  himself, 
having  been  forced  to  do  so  by  Akechi  Mitsuhide. 

Akechi  Mitsuhide,  who  usurped  the  title  of  shogun, 
ruled  only  twelve  days,  and  fell  conquered  by  Hideyoshi. 


5o8 


THE  STORY  OF  JAFAH. 


28.  Samboshi,  1582-1586,  grandson  of  Nobunaga. 

29.  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi,  1586-1598,  was  never  shogun, 
but  kwambaku  ; (on  his  retirement  called  Taiko-sama). 

30.  Hidetsugu,  1591-1595,  nephew  of  the  preceding 
killed  himself,  was  also  kwambaku. 

31.  Hideyori,  1600-1615,  son  of  Hideyoshi,  killed  him* 
self,  conquered  by  leyasu.  According  to  other  accounts, 
he  escaped  and  fled  to  Satsuma  ; was  Naifu  (Minister  of 
the  Interior)  from  1603. 

V. — Tfie  Dymsfy  of  tJie  Tokugawa.  1603-1868. 

32.  leyasu,  1603-1605,  died  1616  ; 1603  appointed 
shogun  (posthumous  title  Gongensama).  The  shoguns  of 
this  dynasty  frequently  retired,  as  soon  as  their  succes- 
sors grew  up,  but  in  spite  of  this  fact  they  continued  to 
lead  the  regency, 

33.  Hidetada,  1605-1623,  died  1632,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding, 

34.  lemitsu,  1623-1651,  died  1652,  son  of  the  pre- 
ceding. 

35.  letsuna,  1651-1680,  died,  son  of  the  preceding. 

36.  Tsunayoshi,  1681-1709,  son  of  lemitsu,  killed  by 
his  wife, 

37.  lenobu,  1709-17 12,  grandson  of  lemitsu,  died. 

38.  letsugu  (letsubo  according  to  Klaproth),  1713- 
1715,  died,  son  of  the  preceding. 

39.  Yoshimune,  1716-1745,  retired,  died  1751,  for- 
merly fifth  Prince  of  Kii, 

40.  leshige,  1745-1760  (according  to  others  1761  or 
1762),  son  of  the  preceding,  died. 

41.  leharu,  1760-1786,  son  of  the  preceding,  died. 

42.  lenari,  1787-1836,  died  1841,  son  of  the  preceding. 

43.  leyoshi,  1837-1852,  son  of  the  preceding. 


APPENDIX  III. 


509 


44.  lesada,  1853-1857,  son  of  the  preceding. 

45.  lemochi,  1858-1866,  died,  formerly  thirteenth 
Prince  of  Kii. 

46.  Yoshihisa  (Yoshinobu  according  to  Adams,  vol.  ii. 
p.  37),  1867-1868,  son  of  the  Prince  of  Mito,  Nari-akira, 
adopted  by  the  Prince  of  Hitotsubashi,  retired  at  the  fall 
of  shogunate  in  1867. 


APPENDIX  IV. 

LAWS  OF  SHOTOKU  TAISHI.' 

[From  Dai  Nihonshi,  vol.  xii.,  folio  28  to  31.] 

I.  — Harmony  shall  be  esteemed  and  obedience  shall 
be  held  in  regard.  Because  dissensions  prevail,  therefore 
men  are  often  unfaithful  to  their  prince  and  disobedient 
to  their  fathers.  Let  adjoining  districts  be  left  in  peace, 
thus  harmony  between  superior  and  inferior  shall  be  cul- 
tivated and  co-operation  in  matters  of  state  shall  be  pro- 
moted, and  thus  the  right  reason  of  all  things  may  be 
reached  and  the  right  thing  accomplished. 

II.  — Let  bountiful  honor  be  always  paid  to  the  three 
precious  elements  of  Buddhism,  that  is,  to  its  priests,  its 
ritual,  and  its  founder.  It  is  the  highest  religion  in  the 
universe,  and  all  people  in  all  generations  must  pay  be- 
coming reverence  to  its  doctrines.  Do  not  harshly  cen- 
sure men’s  wickedness  but  teach  them  faithfully  until  they 
yield  obedience.  Unless  men  rely  upon  Buddhism  ther" 
is  no  way  to  convert  them  from  the  wrong  to  the  right. 

III.  — To  the  commands  of  the  Emperor  men  must  be 
duly  obedient.  The  prince  must  be  looked  upon  as  the 
heaven  and  his  subjects  as  the  earth.  The  earth  con- 
tains all  things  and  the  heaven  stretches  over  it.  The 

* The  translation  of  these  laws  of  Shotoku  Taishi  was  furnished 
by  Mr.  Tsuji  Shinji,  late  vice-minister  of  state  for  education,  and  by 
Mr.  Matsumoto  Kumpei. 

510 


APPENDIX  IV. 


51I 

four  seasons  pass  orderly  along  and  the  spirit  of  the 
universe  is  harmonious.  If  the  earth  were  to  cover  the 
heaven  the  effect  would  be  distraction.  Hence  the  prince 
must  command  and  the  subject  obey  ; superiors  must 
act  and  inferiors  yield.  Men  ought  therefore  to  pay  due 
heed  to  the  orders  of  the  Emperor  ; if  not  they  will 
bring  ruin  on  themselves. 

IV.  — Politeness  must  be  the  chief  rule  of  conduct  for 
all  officers  and  their  colleagues  in  the  court.  The  first 
principle  governing  subjects  must  be  politeness.  When 
superiors  are  not  polite  then  inferiors  will  not  keep  in 
the  right ; when  inferiors  are  not  polite  their  conduct 
degenerates  into  crime.  When  both  prince  and  sub- 
jects are  polite,  then  social  order  is  never  disturbed  and 
the  state  is  kept  in  a condition  of  tranquillity. 

V.  — Covetousness  and  rapacity  must  be  expelled  from 
the  hearts  of  officers,  and  they  must  adjudicate  with  just 
discrimination  in  all  suits  that  come  before  them.  Even 
in  a single  day  there  are  thousands  of  such  suits,  and  in 
the  course  of  years  how  great  must  be  the  accumulation  ! 
If  the  suit  is  won  through  bribery,  then  the  poor  man 
can  obtain  no  justice  but  only  the  rich.  The  poor  man 
will  have  no  sure  place  of  dependence,  and  subjects  will 
be  driven  to  abandon  their  duty. 

VI.  — To  punish  vice  and  to  encourage  virtue  is  the 
rule  in  good  ancient  law.  The  virtuous  man  must  there- 
fore be  promoted,  and  the  vicious  man  must  be  surely 
punished.  The  man  who  is  untruthful  is  a powerful  in- 
strument to  endanger  the  state  and  a keen  weapon  to 
destroy  the  nation.  The  flatterer  loves  to  tell  the  faults 
of  the  inferior  to  the  superior,  and  also  to  disclose  the 
errors  of  the  superior  to  the  inferior.  Such  men  are  alike 
unfaithful  to  the  prince  and  unfriendly  to  fellow-citizens, 
and  in  the  end  fail  not  to  stir  up  social  disorder. 


512 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


VII.  — The  duty  of  men  in  the  government  must  be 
assigned  according  to  their  capacity.  When  intelligent 
men  take  service  the  applause  of  the  people  follows,  but 
when  bad  men  are  in  office  calamities  ensue.  If  wise 
officers  are  put  on  duty  the  matters  of  state  are  well 
managed,  and  the  community  is  free  from  danger  and 
prosperity  prevails.  Therefore  in  ancient  times  the  wise 
king  never  selected  the  office  for  the  man,  but  always 
selected  the  man  to  suit  the  office. 

VIII.  — Too  often  officers  and  their  colleagues  come 
early  to  their  offices  and  retire  soon  ; so  that  the  public 
work  accomplished  in  a single  day  is  small.  It  is  incum- 
bent on  them  to  devote  sufficient  time  to  their  tasks  ; if 
not,  then  the  work  of  the  government  cannot  be  done. 

IX.  — Everything  must  be  faithfully  done,  because 
fidelity  is  the  origin  of  justice.  The  distinction  between 
good  and  bad,  between  success  and  failure,  depends  on 
fidelity.  When  both  prince  and  subjects  are  faithful 
then  there  are  no  duties  which  cannot  be  accomplished, 
but  when  both  are  unfaithful  nothing  can  be  done. 

X.  — Give  up  all  thoughts  of  indignation  and  be  not 
angered  with  others  on  account  of  a disagreement  of 
opinion.  Each  one  may  have  a different  point  of  view 
and  may  therefore  come  to  a different  conclusion.  If 
the  one  side  be  right  then  the  other  must  be  wrong,  or 
the  cases  may  be  just  reversed.  It  would  be  unjust  to 
set  down  one  man  as  surely  wise  and  another  as  positively 
stupid  ; because  men  cannot  attain  perfection  in  their 
characters.  It  is  impossible  to  decide  either  side  to  be 
perfectly  right  or  perfectly  wrong.  While  you  are  angry 
with  another  who  has  a different  view  from  you,  you  can- 
not be  sure  lest  you  be  in  the  wrong.  Therefore  though 
you  may  think  yourself  in  the  right,  it  is  safer  to  follow 
the  opinions  of  the  many. 


APPENDIX  IV. 


513 


XI.  — Let  merit  and  demerit  be  carefully  considered, 
and  let  rewards  and  punishments  be  meted  out  accord- 
ingly. In  times  past  this  has  often  failed  to  be  justly 
done.  It  is  incumbent  on  all  who  are  entrusted  with  the 
direction  of  public  affairs  and  on  all  officers  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  look  carefully  after  the  distribution  of 
rewards  and  punishments. 

XII.  — Governors  of  provinces  and  their  deputies  must 
be  careful  not  to  impose  too  heavy  duties  on  their  sub- 
jects. One  state  never  has  more  than  one  prince,  and  in 
like  manner  the  subjects  cannot  have  more  than  one 
master.  The  prince  is  the  head  of  all  his  dominions  and 
of  all  his  subjects.  The  officers  of  government  are  also 
the  subjects  of  the  prince  ; and  there  is  no  reason  why 
they  should  dare  to  lay  undue  burdens  upon  others  who 
are  subjects  of  the  same  prince. 

XIII.  — Each  officer  of  the  government  has  his  ap- 
pointed duty.  Sometimes  officers  complain  of  the  stag- 
nation of  business,  which,  however,  is  caused  by  their 
own  absence  from  their  appointed  duties.  They  must 
not  make  a pretence  of  the  performance  of  their  duties, 
and  by  their  neglect  interrupt  public  affairs. 

XIV.  — Subjects  and  officers  must  not  be  jealous 
of  each  other.  If  one  person  is  envious  of  another, 
the  second  is  sure  to  be  envious  of  the  first.  Thus 
the  evils  of  jealousy  never  end.  If  men  shall  envy 
each  other  on  account  of  their  talent  and  wisdom,  no 
single  wise  man  would  ever  be  obtained  for  government 
service  through  a thousand  years.  What  a noble  method 
of  governing  a state  would  that  be  which  expelled  from 
its  service  all  wise  men  ! 

XV.  — To  sacrifice  private  interests  for  the  public  good 
is  the  duty  of  the  subject.  When  men  are  selfish  there 
must  be  ill-will ; when  ill-will  comes,  then  with  it  must 


514 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


come  iniquity,  which  will  disturb  the  public  welfare.  Ill- 
will  is  sure  to  bring  about  the  breaking  of  wholesome 
rules  and  the  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  state.  It  is 
for  this  reason  that  the  harmony  between  superior  and 
inferior  spoken  of  in  the  first  article  is  so  important. 

XVI.  — To  select  a convenient  season  in  which  to  em- 
ploy men  for  public  work  is  the  rule  of  good  ancient 
law.  Winter  is  a time  of  leisure  ; but  during  the  season 
between  spring  and  autumn,  in  which  they  are  employed 
on  their  farms  and  in  feeding  silk-worms,  it  is  not  ex- 
pedient to  take  men  from  their  work,  or  interfere  with 
them  in  their  efforts  to  supply  food  and  clothing. 

XVII.  — Important  matters  should  only  be  settled  after 
due  conference  with  many  men.  Trifling  matters  may  be 
decided  without  conference,  because  they  are  not  so  ma- 
terial in  their  effects  ; but  weighty  matters,  on  account  of 
their  far-reaching  consequences,  must  be  discussed  with 
many  councillors.  It  is  thus  that  the  right  way  shall  be 
found  and  pursued. 


APPENDIX  V. 

THE  NEGOTIATIONS  BETWEEN  JAPAN 
AND  RUSSIA. 

1903-1904 

Official  Correspondence 
Presented  to  the  Imperial  Diet,  March,  igo4 
No.  I. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  July  28th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

The  Japanese  Government  have  observed  with  close  attention  the 
development  of  affairs  in  Manchuria,  and  they  view  with  grave  con- 
cern the  present  situation  there.  So  long  as  there  were  grounds  for 
hope  that  Russia  would  carry  out  her  engagement  to  China  and  her 
assurances  to  other  Powers  on  the  subject  of  the  evacuation  of  ^fan- 
churia,  the  Japanese  Government  maintained  an  attitude  of  watchful 
reserve.  But  the  recent  action  of  Russia  in  formulating  new  de- 
mands in  Peking  and  in  consolidating  rather  than  relaxing  her  hold 
on  Manchuria  compels  belief  that  she  has  abandoned  the  intention  of 
retiring  from  Manchuria,  while  her  increased  activity  along  the  Co- 
rean  frontier  is  such  as  to  raise  doubts  regarding  the  limits  of  her 
ambition.  The  unrestrained  permanent  occupation  of  Manchuria  by 
Russia  would  create  a condition  of  things  prejudicial  to  the  security 
and  interest  of  Japan.  Such  occupation  would  be  destructive  of  the 
principle  of  equal  opportunity  and  in  impairment  of  the  territorial 
integrity  of  China.  But,  what  is  of  still  more  serious  moment  to  the 
Japanese  Government,  Russia  stationed  on  the  flank  of  Corea  would 
be  a constant  menace  to  the  separate  existence  of  that  Empire,  and 
in  any  event  it  would  make  Russia  the  dominant  power  in  Corea. 

515 


5i6 


THE  STOK  V OF  JAPAN. 


Corea  is  an  important  outpost  in  Japan’s  line  of  defence,  and  Japan 
consequently  considers  the  independence  of  Corea  absolutely  essen- 
tial to  her  own  repose  and  safety.  Japan  possesses  paramount 
political  as  well  as  commercial  and  industrial  interests  an  influence 
in  Corea,  which,  having  regard  to  her  own  security,  she  cannot  con- 
sent to  surrender  to,  or  share  with,  any  other  Power.  The  Japanese 
Government  have  given  the  matter  their  most  serious  consideration 
and  have  resolved  to  approach  the  Russian  Government  in  a spirit  of 
conciliation  and  frankness  with  a view  to  the  conclusion  of  an  under- 
standing designed  to  compose  questions  which  are  at  this  time  the 
cause  of  just  and  natural  anxiety  ; and  in  the  estimation  of  the  Jap- 
anese Goveniment,  the  moment  is  opportune  for  making  the  attempt 
to  bring  about  the  desired  adjustment. 

The  Japanese  Government,  reposing  confidence  in  your  judgment 
and  discretion,  have  decided  to  place  these  delicate  negotiations  in 
your  hands.  It  is  the  wish  of  the  Japanese  Government  to  place 
their  present  invitation  to  the  Russian  Government  entirely  on  an 
official  footing,  and  you  are  accordingly  instructed  to  open  the 
question  by  presenting  to  Count  Lamsdorff  a Note  Verbale  to  the 
following  effect : 

"The  Imperial  Japanese  Government,  believing  that  the  Im- 
perial Russian  Government  share  with  them  the  desire  to  remove 
from  the  relations  of  the  two  Empires  every  cause  of  future  mis- 
understanding, would  be  glad  to  enter  with  the  Imperial  Russian 
Government  upon  examination  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
Extreme  East  where  their  interests  meet,  with  a view  to  a defini- 
tion of  their  respective  special  interests  in  those  regions.  If,  as  is 
confidently  hoped,  this  suggestion  meets  approval  in  principle,  the 
Imperial  Japanese  Government  will  be  prepared  to  present  to  the 
Imperial  Russian  Government  their  views  as  to  the  nature  and 
scope  of  the  proposed  understanding.” 

In  presenting  the  foregoing  note  to  Count  Lamsdorff,  you  will  be 
careful  to  make  him  understand  that  our  purposes  are  entirely 
friendly,  but  that  we  attach  great  importance  to  the  subject.  You 
will  present  the  note  to  Count  Lamsdorff  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
keep  me  fully  informed  regarding  the  steps  taken  by  you  under  this 
instruction  ; and  immediately  upon  the  receipt  of  an  affirmative  reply 
from  the  Russian  Government,  the  substance  of  our  proposals  will  be 
telegraphed  to  you. 


APPENDIX  V. 


517 


No.  2. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  July  31st,  1903.,  Received,  August  2d., 

(Telegram.) 

Your  Excellency’s  telegram  of  the  28th  instant  was  duly  received. 
In  accordance  with  the  instructions  contained  therein,  I saw  Count 
Lamsdorff  to-day  and,  before  handing  to  His  Excellency  the  Note 
Verbale,  I stated  substantially  as  follows  ; 

“ The  condition  of  affairs  in  the  Far  East  is  becoming  more  and 
more  complicated,  and  unless  something  be  done  at  present  with 
the  view  of  removing  all  causes  of  misunderstanding  between 
Japan  and  Russia,  the  relations  of  the  two  countries  will  increase 
in  difficulty,  entailing  nothing  but  disadvantages  to  both  countries. 
Under  the  circumstances,  the  Imperial  Government,  fully  ani- 
mated by  a spirit  of  frankness  and  conciliation,  have  decided  to 
approach  the  Imperial  Russian  Government  with  a view  to  arrive 
at  an  understanding.” 

I then  handed  to  him  the  Note  Verbale,  saying  that  I was  so  in- 
structed. After  he  had  seen  it,  I expressed  my  ardent  hope  that  the 
Russian  Government  would  share  the  above  view  in  the  same  spirit. 
Count  Lamsdorff  said  that  he  was  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  decision 
of  the  Japanese  Government,  for,  as  he  had  said  to  me  very  often,  an 
understanding  between  the  two  countries  is  not  only  desirable,  but  is 
the  best  policy  ; should  Russia  and  Japan  enter  into  full  understand- 
ing, no  one  would  in  future  attempt  to  sow  the  seeds  of  discord  be- 
tween the  two  countries.  So  far  as  he  was  concerned,  he  was,  he 
said,  in  perfect  accord  with  the  view  of  the  Japanese  Government  ; 
but  he  wished  to  see  the  Emperor  on  the  subject  before  a definite 
answer  was  given.  He  expects  to  see  the  Emperor  next  Tuesday, 
and  promised  to  give  me  an  answer  on  the  following  day.  He  added 
that  the  Emperor  would  surely  approve  the  matter. 


No.  3. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 


(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  my  telegram 


Tokio,  August  3d,  1903. 
of  the  28th  July,  the  Japanese  Gov- 


518 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ernment,  after  giving  most  serious  consideration  to  the  condition  of 
affairs  in  those  centres  where  the  interests  of  the  two  Powers  meet, 
have  decided  to  propose  the  following  as  the  basis  of  an  understand- 
ing between  Japan  and  Russia  : 

“ I,  Mutual  engagement  to  respect  the  independence  and  terri- 
torial integrity  of  the  Chinese  and  Corean  Empires  and  to  maintain 
the  principle  of  equal  opportunity  for  the  commerce  and  industry 
of  all  nations  in  those  countries. 

“ 2.  Reciprocal  recognition  of  Japan’s  preponderating  interests 
in  Corea  and  Russia's  special  interests  in  railway  enterprises  in 
Manchuria,  and  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  take  in  Corea  and  of 
Russia  to  take  in  Manchuria  such  measures  as  may  be  necessary 
for  the  protection  of  their  respective  interests  as  above  defined, 
subject,  however,  to  the  provisions  of  Article  I of  this  Agreement. 

“ 3.  Reciprocal  undertaking  on  the  part  of  Russia  and  Japan 
not  to  impede  development  of  those  industrial  and  commercial  ac- 
tivities respectively  of  Japan  in  Corea  and  of  Russia  in  Manchuria, 
which  are  not  inconsistent  with  the  stipulations  of  Article  I of  this 
Agreement. 

“ Additional  engagement  on  the  part  of  Russia  not  to  impede 
the  eventual  extension  of  the  Corean  railway  into  southern  Man- 
churia so  as  to  connect  with  the  East  China  and  Shan-hai-kwan- 
Newchwang  lines. 

“4.  Reciprocal  engagement  that  in  case  it  is  found  necessary 
to  send  troops  by  Japan  to  Corea,  or  by  Russia  to  Manchuria,  for 
the  purpose  either  of  protecting  the  interests  mentioned  in  Article 
II  of  this  Agreement,  or  of  suppressing  insurrection  or  disorder 
calculated  to  create  international  complications,  the  troops  so  sent 
are  in  no  case  to  exceed  the  actual  number  required  and  are  to  be 
forthwith  recalled  as  soon  as  their  missions  are  accomplished. 

“ 5.  Recognition  on  the  part  of  Russia  of  the  exclusive  right 
of  Japan  to  give  advice  and  assistance  in  the  interest  of  reform  and 
good  gov’ernment  in  Corea,  including  necessary  military  assistance. 

“ 6.  This  Agreement  to  supplant  all  previous  arrangements 
between  Japan  and  Russia  respecting  Corea.” 

In  handing  the  foregoing  project  to  Count  Lamsdorff  you  will  say 
that  it  is  presented  for  the  consideration  of  the  Russian  Government 


APPENDIX  V. 


519 


in  the  firm  belief  that  it  may  be  found  to  serve  as  a basis  upon 
which  to  construct  satisfactory  arrangement  between  the  two  Gov- 
ernments, and  you  will  assure  Count  Lamsdorff  that  any  amendment 
or  suggestion  he  may  find  it  necessary  to  offer  will  receive  the  im- 
mediate and  friendly  consideration  of  the  Japanese  Government. 
It  will  not  be  necessary  for  you  to  say  much  in  elucidation  of  the 
separate  items  of  the  project  as  they  are  very  largely  self-explana- 
tory ; but  you  might  point  out  that  the  project  taken  as  a whole  will 
be  found  to  be  but  little  more  than  the  logical  and  essential  develop- 
ment and  extension  of  the  principles  already  recognized  by  the  two 
Governments,  or  of  conditions  embodied  in  the  engagements  which 
the  project  is  designed  to  supplant. 

The  foregoing  instruction  is  sent  to  you  in  anticipation  that  the 
answer  to  the  Note  Verbale  presented  by  you  will  be  favorable  ; 
but  you  will  not  act  on  that  instruction  until  you  receive  further  in- 
structions which  will  be  given  after  you  have  communicated  to  me 


No.  4. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  August  5th,  1903. 
Received,  August  6th,  “ 

(Telegram. 

Count  Lamsdorff  says  he  is  authorized  by  the  Emperor  to  open 
negotiations  with  me  on  the  subject  of  the  Note  Verbale. 

No.  5. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  August  6th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegrams  dated  the  31st  ultimo  and  5th  in- 
stant, you  will  state  to  Count  Lamsdorff  that  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment fully  appreciate  the  friendly  spirit  with  which  the  Russian 
Government  received  the  proposal  of  the  Japanese  Government  to 
enter  upon  negotiations  with  regard  to  an  understanding  between  the 
two  countries,  and  then  present  at  once  the  project  to  the  Russian 
Government  in  accordance  with  instructions  contained  in  my  tele- 
gram of  the  3d  instant. 


520 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


No.  6. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 


Petersburg,  August  12th,  1903. 

Received,  August  14th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

Count  Lamsdorff,  being  now  very  much  occupied,  could  not  re- 
ceive me  until  to-day,  when  I handed  to  His  Excellency  the  pro- 
posed project  in  English  in  accordance  with  your  instructions.  I 
added  that  the  longer  the  conclusion  of  an  accord  is  postponed  the 
more  difficult  will  it  become,  as  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  Far 
E.ast  is  now  getting  more  and  more  complicated.  I asked  him  to 
hasten  the  matter  as  much  as  possible.  He  said  he  would  examine 
the  project  with  care. 


No.  7. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  August  24th,  1903. 

Received,  August  25th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

Count  Lamsdorff  received  me  yesterday  by  special  arrangement, 
and  I asked  his  views  as  well  as  the  attitude  of  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment regarding  our  proposals,  adding  that  the  Japanese  Government 
are  now  impatiently  waiting  for  a reply.  He  said  that  he  had 
studied  the  project  seriously,  but  that  the  Emperor  having  been  ab- 
sent over  a week  on  account  of  the  manoeuvres,  he  had  been  unable 
to  take  any  steps  in  the  matter  ; but  he  asked  my  opinion  about 
transferring  the  negotiations  to  Tokio  as  there  were  many  details 
which  would  have  to  be  referred  to  Admiral  Alexieff.  I said  to  him 
that  the  Japanese  Government  having  confided  the  matter  to  me,  I 
should  prefer  to  proceed  with  it,  but  that  I was  willing  to  communi- 
cate his  opinion  to  you. 

He  stated  that  he  has  already  sent  copy  of  our  project  to  Port 
Arthur  with  the  view  of  obtaining  the  opinion  of  .Admiral  Alexieff. 
After  such  conversation,  he  said  the  question  of  Japanese  railway 
enterprise  in  Manchuria  would  be  difficult,  but  upon  all  other  points 
perhaps  the  Russian  Government  would  be  able  to  come  to  an  under- 
standing. I said  that  in  order  to  arrive  at  a satisfactory  understand- 


APPENDIX  V. 


521 


ing,  mutual  concessions  as  well  as  a spirit  of  conciliation  are 
necessary,  and  that  the  Japanese  Government  would  be  prepared  to 
give  favorable  consideration  if  any  suggestions  should  be  made  by 
Count  Lamsdorff. 


No.  8. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  August  26th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegram  of  the  24th  instant,  you  will  say  to 
Count  Lamsdorff  that  the  Japanese  Government  would  prefer  to 
continue  negotiations  in  St.  Petersburg,  believing  that  by  so  doing 
the  work  will  be  greatly  facilitated.  You  can  add  that  there  are  no 
details  to  be  considered  in  connection  with  pending  negotiations 
which  require  local  knowledge,  and  that  the  Japanese  Government, 
having  placed  the  negotiation  in  your  hands,  would  dislike  to  make 
any  change.  You  will  say  to  Count  Lamsdorff  that  the  Japanese 
Government  are  anxiously  awaiting  a definite  reply  from  his  Govern- 
ment to  their  proposals,  and  you  will  continue  to  use  every  endeavor 
to  obtain  from  him  such  a reply  as  soon  as  possible. 


No.  g. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 


Petersburg,  August  27th,  1903. 

Received  August  28th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

I saw  Count  I.amsdorff  to-day  on  the  subject  of  your  telegram 
dated  the  26th  instant.  He  said  he  had  audience  of  the  Emperor 
last  Tuesday,  and  was  told  that  His  Majesty  desires  very  much  the 
early  conclusion  of  an  entente  satisfactory  for  both  countries,  and 
expressed  his  wish  to  conduct  the  negotiations  at  Tokio  so  as  to  ex- 
pedite the  matter.  Then  Count  Lamsdorff  added  that  the  Emperor 
is  to  leave  here  for  the  country  next  Monday,  and  then  for  foreign 
countries  for  some  time,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Ministers  con- 
cerned would  be  absent  from  St.  Petersburg.  Consequently,  negoti- 
ations in  Tokio  would  be  much  the  easier  and  quicker  way  of  con- 
cluding the  matter.  I said,  referring  to  my  conversation  with  Count 
Lamsdorff  of  the  23d  instant,  that  the  proposed  understanding 


522 


THE  STOR  V OF  JAPAN. 


involved  mostly  questions  oi  principles  and  politics  rather  than  de- 
tails, and  consequently  that  the  continuation  of  negotiations  at  St. 
Petersburg  would  be  proper  and  at  the  same  time  the  quickest  way 
to  arrive  at  a satisfactory  understanding.  He  repeated  what  he  had 
just  said  and  insisted  upon  his  proposition. 

Under  the  circumstances,  i think  it  hardly  possible  to  change  the 
course  now  proposed  by  Count  Lamsdorff  under  authority  of  the 
Emperor.  I also  think  that  negotiations  at  Tioko  would  entail 
many  disadvantageous  consequences ; and  definite  instruction  for 
the  further  course  is  awaited. 


No.  lo. 

BARON  NOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  August  2Qth,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegram  of  the  27th  instant,  you  will  say  to 
Count  Lamsdorff  that  the  Japanese  Government  still  think  that  ne- 
gotiations will  be  facilitated  if  continued  in  St.  Petersburg  since  the 
negotiations  relate  to  principles  and  not  to  details  ; and  you  will  add 
that  he  and  you  having  been  duly  authorized  in  the  matter,  and  the 
proposals  of  Japan  having  been  presented  to  him,  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment had  supposed  that  the  seat  of  negotiation  had  been  agreed 
to.  You  will  accordingly  urge  upon  Count  Lamsdorff  the  desire  of 
the  Japanese  Government  to  continue  the  negotiations  in  St.  Peters- 
burg, and  express  a hope  that  his  Government  will  reconsider  the 
question.  You  will  also  say  that  the  Japanese  Government  presume 
they  are  justified  in  assuming  from  the  proposal  to  transfer  negotia- 
tions to  Tokio,  that  our  proposals  are  in  principle  acceptable  to  the 
Russian  Government  as  the  basis  of  negotiations. 


No.  II. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  NOMURA. 

Petersburg,  August  31st,  1903. 
Received,  September  2d,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

I saw  Count  Lamsdorff  to-day  and  explained  fully  the  purport  of 
your  telegram  of  the  29th  instant.  The  substance  of  his  reply  is  as 
follows  ; 


APPENDIX  V. 


523 


He  said  that  the  negotiations  relate  to  principles,  but  principles 
must  be  decided  upon  examination  of  local  and  practical  questions. 
Accordingly  the  Russian  Government  desired  to  transfer  the  discus- 
sions to  Tokio  on  account  of  the  necessity  of  consultation  with 
Admiral  Alexieff,  and  also  to  manifest  a sense  of  deference  to  Japan 
as  the  proposal  had  been  made  by  her,  and  that  the  acceptance  of 
the  proposal  at  St.  Petersburg  does  not  signify  that  the  seat  of  nego- 
tiations should  be  at  the  same  place.  He  added  that  the  proposal 
to  transfer  the  negotiations  to  Tokio  does  not  necessarily  mean  that 
our  proposals  are  acceptable  to  the  Russian  Government,  as  bases  for 
negotiations  could  not  be  determined  without  reference  to  practical 
questions  concerning  which  Baron  Rosen  and  Admiral  Alexieff  have 
much  better  knowledge  than  he  himself. 

I urged  as  my  opinion  that,  this  being  the  most  important  question 
of  high  politics  between  our  two  countries,  perhaps  the  Emperor  had 
much  to  decide,  and  consequently  it  would  be  very  convenient  if  the 
negotiations  were  conducted  at  St.  Petersburg,  and  wished  his  serious 
reconsideration  of  the  question  of  transfer  as  such  reconsideration  is 
much  desired  by  the  Japanese  Government.  I objected  also  to  the 
suggestion  of  transfer  on  the  ground  that  the  question  relates  to 
principles  as  well  as  to  the  direction  of  international  political  con- 
cerns which  may  not  be  within  the  powers  conferred  upon  Admiral 
Alexieff.  If  I remember  rightly,  I said,  I understand  that  his  author- 
ity is  limited  to  mere  questions  of  local  administration.  He  said  that 
on  this  question  Admiral  Alexieff  would  only  be  consulted  and  de- 
cide nothing,  and  added  that  he.  Count  Lamsdorff,  is  also  desirous 
to  settle  the  question  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  that  is  the  reason 
why  he  suggested  the  transfer.  The  Russian  Counter-Proposals  are 
being  prepared  by  persons  having  local  knowledge,  consequently  the 
transfer  of  negotiations  to  Tokio  would  expedite  the  matter.  Should 
the  negotiations  be  conducted  at  St.  Petersburg,  he  would  be 
obliged  to  attend  to  the  matter  personally  with  me  ; but  this  autumn 
he  has  to  be  long  absent  from  the  city  on  account  of  his  attendance 
upon  the  Emperor.  In  case  of  his  journey  to  Vienna  and  Rome,  he 
may  also  visit  a certain  foreign  country  and  would  be  liable  to  be 
frequently  interrupted  in  the  negotiations.  But  in  case  of  negotia- 
tions at  Tokio,  he  could  direct  them  by  telegraph,  and  telegrams 
from  Tokio  could  always  follow  him  wherever  he  might  happen  to 
be  ; besides,  he  said,  as  we  know  very  well,  the  Russian  way  of  con- 


524 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


ducting  business  here  is  not  very  expeditious.  At  the  conclusion,  he 
said  he  is  to  have  audience  of  the  Emperor  to-day,  and  will  explain 
to  him  the  leasons  why  an  early  understanding  between  the  two 
countries  is  desirable  as  mentioned  by  me  ; and  he  promised  to 
repeat  to  His  Majesty  the  special  desire  of  the  Japanese  Government 
to  conduct  the  negotiations  at  St.  Petersburg  ; but  he  added  that  no 
change  of  view  on  the  subject  could  be  expected. 


No  12. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  September  2d,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegram  of  the  31st  ultimo,  you  will  say  to 
Count  I.amsdorff  that  it  being  the  acknowledged  desire  of  both 
Powers  to  arrive  at  an  understanding  as  soon  as  possible,  the 
Japanese  Government  fear  that  di.scussions  would  be  greatly  pro- 
tracted if  the  negotiations  were  now  to  be  transferred  to  Tokio  with- 
out some  accepted  basis  for  negotiations  ; and  you  will  add  that  the 
Japanese  Government,  having  presented  their  proposals  in  concrete 
form  to  the  Russian  Government,  believe  that  negotiations,  wher- 
ever conducted,  would  be  greatly  facilitated  if  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment were  primarily  to  announce  whether  such  proposals  can  in 
principle  be  accepted  as  the  basis  for  negotiations.  The  Japanese 
Government  do  not  understand  that  the  acceptance  of  tho.se  pro- 
posals as  such  basis  would  exclude  amendments  that  might  be 
regarded  as  necessary.  On  the  contrary,  such  acceptance  would 
merely  fix  a definite  point  of  departure,  which  is  desirable  in  all 
negotiations  and  very  important  in  the  present  case.  You  will  use 
every  endeavor  to  secure  the  desired  announcement  from  the  Russian 
Government. 


No.  13. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

St.  Petkrsburc,  September  5th,  1903. 
Received,  September  6th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

I SAW  Count  Lamsdorff  yesterday.  With  the  view’  of  preventing 
any  misunderstanding  about  the  .sense  of  the  instruction  contained 


APPENDIX  V. 


525 


in  your  telegram  of  the  2d  instant,  and  also  with  the  view  of  impress- 
ing upon  the  Russian  Government  the  feeling  of  importance  placed 
by  the  Japanese  Government  on  the  matter,  I prepared  a Note  Ver- 
bale,  which  I handed  to  him.  We  then  had  a rather  prolonged 
discussion  on  the  question.  The  substance  of  his  remarks  is  as 
follows  : 

According  to  his  experience  of  40  years  in  the  Foreign  Office, 
negotiations  of  an  international  character  had  always  been  conducted 
on  the  proposals  of  one  Power  together  with  the  reply  of  the  other, 
and  it  was  not  usual  to  accept  the  proposition  of  one  Power  as  the 
sole  basis  of  negotiations.  Baron  Rosen  had  already  been  com- 
manded by  the  Emperor  to  study  seriously  the  proposition  of  the 
Japanese  Government,  and  at  the  same  time  to  prepare  and  elabo- 
rate Counter-Proposals  in  consultation  with  Admiral  Alexieff,  and,  if 
the  Japanese  Government  were  willing  to  enter  into  negotiations,  to 
commence  immediately  the  pourparlers,  adopting  the  propositions  of 
the  Japanese  Government  and  the  Russian  Counter-Proposals  as  the 
basis  of  negotiations.  I said  during  the  discussion  that  if  the  Rus- 
sian Government  were  really  animated  by  a desire  to  enter  into  a 
satisfactory  arrangement  with  Japan,  1 should  deem  it  highly  neces- 
sary that  the  Russian  Government  should  instruct  their  negotiators 
to  adopt  as  the  basis  the  Japanese  proposals,  or  at  least  the  essential 
principles  thereof,  so  as  to  facilitate  the  attainment  of  the  object  of 
the  negotiation,  for  1 am  inclined  to  doubt  if  Admiral  Alexieff  is  dis- 
posed to  enter  into  negotiations  with  Japan  in  a spirit  of  conciliation 
which  is  of  prime  necessity  in  order  to  arrive  at  a satisfactory  under- 
standing. He  said  that  when  he  received  our  project  there  were  only 
two  courses  open  for  Russia  to  take,  either  to  reject  our  proposals  or 
to  enter  into  negotiations  on  them.  The  Russian  Government  have 
adopted  the  latter  course  ; this  does  not,  however,  signify  acceptance 
of  our  project  in  its  entirety  or  in  principle  ; but  having  agreed  to 
the  proposition  to  enter  into  an  entente,  they  have  decided  to  examine 
the  propositions  and  to  prepare  Counter- Proposals  so  that  the  two 
might  be  used  as  the  basis  of  negotiations.  Besides,  he  said  that  in 
our  project  there  are  certain  clauses  which  could  not  be  reconciled 
with  Russian  interests,  and  others  which  require  modifications  ; and 
he  could  not  say  that  the  Russian  Government  accepted  our  pro- 
posals even  in  principle  as  basis,  but  only  in  conjunction  with  their 
■jCounter- Proposals. 


526 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


Having  exhausted  every  effort  for  the  attainment  of  the  desire  of 
the  Japanese  Government,  I am  now  fully  convinced  that  it  will  not 
be  possible  to  change  the  course  proposed  hy  Count  Lamsdorff  ; and 
I think  that  there  is  no  other  way  for  Japan  but  to  agree  to  his  sug- 
gestion. Count  Lamsdorff  is  to  leav'e  here  on  the  loth  instant  for 
Darmstadt  to  attend  the  Emperor  of  Russia. 


No.  14. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  September  9th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegram  of  the  5th  instant,  you  are  hereby 
instructed  to  inform  Count  Lamsdorff  that  the  Japanese  Government 
consent  to  transfer  negotiations  to  Tokio,  and  you  will  add  that  the 
Japanese  Government  trust  that  instructions  to  the  Russian  Minister 
at  Tokio  are  of  such  a character  as  to  enable  him  to  present 
the  Russian  Counter-Proposals  without  delay  and  to  proceed  immedi- 
ately with  the  negotiations. 

No.  15. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  September  9th,  1903. 
Received,  September  loth,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

I SAW  Count  Lamsdorff  to-day.  He  said  Baron  Rosen  and  Ad- 
miral Alexieff  have  already  been  instructed  by  telegraph,  by  order  of 
the  Emperor,  to  prepare  the  Counter-Proposals  as  quickly  as  possible 
and  to  commence  negotiations  at  the  earliest  date,  and  he  does  not 
think  it  necessary  to  repeat  the  same  instruction. 

No.  16. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  September  24th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

Baron  Rosen  left  Tokio  on  the  22d  instant  for  Port  Arthur. 
Previously  to  his  departure,  he  called  on  me  and  told  me  that  he  had 
been  instructed  under  Imperial  order  some  time  ago  to  hold  himself 


APPENDIX  V. 


527 


leady  to  start  at  once  for  Port  Arthur,  whenever  necessity  might 
arise  to  do  so,  in  order  to  expedite  the  preparation  of  the  Russian 
Counter-Proposals  between  Admiral  Alexieff  and  himself,  and  that 
he  had  just  received  from  the  Admiral  a request  to  repair  to  Port 
Arthur  for  personal  consultation  on  the  subject.  He  added  that  he 
expected  to  come  back  within  about  eleven  days. 


. No.  17. 

PAPON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  October  5th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

Baron  Rosen  came  back  to  Tokio  on  the  3d  instant.  He  called 
on  me  on  the  same  day  and  handed  to  me  the  following  as  the  Rus- 
sian Counter- Proposals,  which,  he  said,  was  sanctioned  by  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  upon  joint  presentation  by  Admiral  Alexieff  and 
himself : 

X.  Mutual  engagement  to  respect  the  independence  and  terri- 
torial integrity  of  the  Corean  Empire. 

2.  Recognition  by  Russia  of  Japan’s  preponderating  interests  in 
Corea  and  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  give  advice  and  assistance  to 
Corea  tending  to  improve  the  civil  administration  of  the  Empire 
without  infringing  the  stipulations  of  Article  I. 

3.  Engagement  on  the  part  of  Russia  not  to  impede  the  com- 
mercial and  industrial  undertakings  of  Japan  in  Corea,  nor  to 
oppose  any  measures  taken  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  them  so 
long  as  such  measures  do  not  infringe  the  stipulations  of  Article  I. 

4.  Recognition  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  send  for  the  same  pur- 
pose troops  to  Corea,  with  the  knowledge  of  Russia,  but  their 
number  not  to  exceed  that  actually  required,  and  with  the  engage- 
ment on  the  part  of  Japan  to  recall  such  troops  as  soon  as  their 
mission  is  accomplished. 

5.  Mutual  engagement  not  to  use  any  part  of  the  territory 
of  Corea  for  strategical  purposes  nor  to  undertake  on  the  coasts  of 
Corea  any  military  works  capable  of  menacing  the  freedom  of 
navigation  in  the  Straits  of  Corea. 

6.  Mutual  engagement  to  consider  that  part  of  the  territory  of 
Corea  lying  to  the  north  of  the  39th  parallel  as  a neutral  zone  into 
which  neither  of  the  Contracting  Parties  shall  introduce  troops. 


THE  STOR  Y OF  JAPAN. 


528 


7.  Recognition  by  Japan  of  Manchuria  and  its  littoral  as  in  all 

respects  outside  her  sphere  of  interest. 

8.  This  Agreement  to  supplant  all  previous  Agreements  be- 
tween Russia  and  Japan  respecting  Corea. 

No.  18. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  October  8th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

I.sj  reference  to  my  telegram  of  the  5th  instant,  I have  begun  dis- 
cussion with  the  Russian  Minister  to  Japan  taking  our  proposals  and 
the  Russian  Counter-Proposals  as  the  basis  and  with  a view  to  se- 
cure, if  possible,  the  recognition  by  Russia  of  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples laid  down  in  our  proposals. 

No.  19 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  October  i6th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  my  telegram  of  the  8th  instant,  negotiations  are 
now  going  on  between  Baron  Rosen  and  myself  regarding  the  follow- 
ing proposals,  which  I had  presented  as  amendment  to  the  Russian 
Counter-Proposals  : 

Article  II.  Insert  the  phrase  “ including  military  assistance  ” be- 
tween “assistance”  and  “ to  Corea.”  Change  the  word  “civil” 
into  “ internal.” 

Article  III.  Insert  the  phrase  “ the  development  of  ” between 
“impede”  and  “ the  commercial.”  “ Undertakings”  to  be  changed 
into  “activities,”  and  “taken”  into  “ to  be  taken,”  and  “them” 
into  “those  interests.” 

Article  IV.  Recognition  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  send  troops  to 
Corea  for  the  purpose  mentioned  in  the  preceding  Article  or  for  the 
purpose  of  suppressing  insurrection  or  disorder  calculated  to  create 
international  complications. 

Article  VI.  Mutual  engagement  to  establish  a neutral  zone  on  the 
Corea-Manchuria  frontier  extending kilometres  on  each 


APPENDIX  V. 


529 

side  into  which  neutral  zone  neither  of  the  Contracting  Parties  shall 
introduce  troops  without  the  consent  of  the  other. 

Article  VII.  To  be  struck  out  and  replaced  by  the  following 
three  Articles  : 

VII.  Engagement  on  the  part  of  Russia  to  respect  China’s 
sovereignty  and  territorial  integrity  in  Manchuria  and  not  to  inter- 
fere with  Japan’s  commercial  freedom  in  Manchuria. 

VIII.  Recognition  by  Japan  of  Russia’s  special  interests  in 
Manchuria  and  of  the  right  of  Ruatia  to  take  such  measures  as  may 
be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  those  interests  so  long  as  such 
measures  do  not  infringe  the  stipulations  of  the  preceding  Article. 

IX.  Mutual  engagement  not  to  impede  the  connection  of  the 
Corean  Railway  and  the  East  China  railway  when  those  railways 
shall  have  been  eventually  extended  to  the  Yalu. 

Article  VIII.  of  the  Russian  Counter-Proposals  to  be  numbered 
Article  X. 


No.  20. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  .October  22d,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

The  result  of  discussions  between  Baron  Rosen  and  myself  on  our 
amendments  to  the  Russian  Counter-Proposals  is  as  follows  ; 

Amendments  to  Articles  II.  and  VI.  accepted  ad  referendum, 
Article  III.  accepted,  and  Article  IV.  reserved  for  further  discussion. 
It  is  in  Article  VII.  of  our  amendment  to  Article  VII.  of  the  Rus- 
sian Counter-Proposals  that  no  agreement  could  be  reached,  each 
insisting  on  the  impossibility  of  accepting  the  other’s  proposition. 
The  contention  of  the  Russian  Minister  is  : — 1st,  that  the  Russian 
Article  VII.  is  the  only  compensation  to  Russia  for  the  concessions 
to  be  made  by  her  in  respect  of  Corea ; and,  2d,  that  admission  of 
the  Japanese  amendments  on  this  point  would  be  contrary  to  the 
principle  always  insisted  on  by  Russia  that  the  question  concerning 
Manchuria  is  one  exclusively  for  Russia  and  China,  admitting  of  no 
interference  on  the  part  of  any  third  Power. 

Our  contention  is  : — ist,  that  Japan  does  not  ask  for  any  conces- 
sion from  Russia  with  respect  to  Manchuria,  her  proposal  being 


34 


530 


THE  STOR  Y OF  JAPAN. 


simply  to  have  confirmed  in  the  Agreement  the  principle  which  has 
been  voluntarily  and  repeatedly  declared  by  Russia  ; and  2d,  that 
Japan  possesses  in  Manchuria  her  treaty  rights  and  commercial  inter- 
ests, and  she  must  obtain  from  Russia  a guarantee  for  the  security  of 
those  rights  and  interests  as  well  as  of  the  independence  of  Corea, 
which  would  be  constantly  menaced  by  Russia’s  definitive  occupation 
of  Manchuria. 


No.  21. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  October  29th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  my  telegram  of  the  22d  instant,  as  the  result  of 
further  discussions,  the  amendment  on  Article  IV  was  finally  ac- 
cepted ad  referendum.  Regarding  Article  VI,  my  proposal  of  fixing 
the  extent  of  the  neutral  zone  at  50  kilometres  on  each  side  of  the 
frontier  was  accepted  ad  referendum.  As  to  Article  VII,  no  agree- 
ment could  yet  be  reached. 


No.  22. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  October  30th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

I PRESENTED  to  Baron  Rosen  on  the  30th  instant  the  following  as 
definite  amendments  of  the  Imperial  Government  to  the  Russian 
Counter-Proposals  : 

1.  Mutual  engagement  to  respect  the  independence  and  terri- 
torial integrity  of  the  Chinese  and  Corean  Empires. 

2.  Recognition  by  Russia  of  Japan’s  preponderating  interests 
in  Corea  and  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  give  to  Corea  advice  and 
assistance,  including  military  assistance,  tending  to  improve  the 
administration  of  the  Corean  Empire. 

3.  Engagement  on  the  part  of  Russia  not  to  impede  the  devel- 
opment of  the  commercial  and  industrial  activities  of  Japan  in 
Corea,  nor  to  oppose  any  measures  taken  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
tecting those  interests. 


APPENDIX  V. 


531 


4.  Recognition  by  Russia  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  send  troops 
to  Corea  for  the  purpose  mentioned  in  the  preceding  Article  or 
for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  insurrection  or  disorder  calculated 
to  create  international  complications. 

5.  Engagement  on  the  part  of  Japan  not  to  undertake  on  the 
coasts  of  Corea  any  military  works  capable  of  menacing  the  free- 
dom of  navigation  in  the  Straits  of  Corea. 

6.  Mutual  engagement  to  establish  a neutral  zone  on  the 
Corea-Manchurian  frontier  extending  50  kilometres  on  each  side, 
into  which  neutral  zone  neither  of  the  Contracting  Parties  shall 
introduce  troops  without  the  consent  of  the  other. 

7.  Recognition  by  Japan  that  Manchuria  is  outside  her  sphere 
of  special  interest  and  recognition  by  Russia  that  Corea  is  outside 
her  sphere  of  special  interest. 

8.  Recognition  by  Japan  of  Russia’s  special  interests  in  Man- 
churia and  of  the  right  of  Russia  to  take  such  measures  as  may  be 
necessary  for  the  protection  of  those  interests. 

g.  Engagement  on  the  part  of  Japan  not  to  interfere  with  the 
commercial  and  residential  rights  and  immunities  belonging  to 
Russia  in  virtue  of  her  treaty  engagements  with  Corea,  and  en- 
gagement on  the  part  of  Russia  not  to  interfere  with  the  commer- 
cial and  residential  rights  and  immunities  belonging  to  Japan  in 
virtue  of  her  treaty  engagements  with  China. 

10.  Mutual  engagement  not  to  impede  the  connection  of  the 
Corean  railway  and  the  East-China  railway  when  those  railways 
shall  have  been  eventually  extended  to  the  Yalu. 

11.  This  Agreement  to  supplant  all  previous  Agreements  be- 
tween Japan  and  Russia  respecting  Corea. 


No.  23. 

BARON  NOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  November  ist,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

Baron  Rosen  called  on  me  October  31st  and  stated  that  the  defi- 
nite proposals  which  I presented  to  him  as  amendments  to  the 
Russian  proposals  as  reported  in  my  telegram  of  the  30th  October 
were  beyond  his  instructions  and  that  he  would,  November  ist,  tele- 


532 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


graph  the  full  text  of  the  said  proposals  to  his  Government  and  ask 
for  further  instructions.  Accordingly  you  are  instructed  to  see  as 
soon  as  possible  the  Acting  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  in  the  ab- 
sence of  Count  Lamsdorff,  and  say  to  him  that  in  preparing  the 
proposals  in  question,  the  Japanese  Government  did  no  fail  to  take 
into  full  consideration  the  wishes  of  the  Russian  Government.  You 
will  inform  him  that  in  proposing  a joint  engagement  to  respect  the 
independence  and  territorial  integrity  of  China  equally  with  Corea, 
the  Japanese  Government  were  merely  asking  a reaffirmation  of 
declarations  already  spontaneously  made  by  Russia,  and  when  it  is 
considered  that  Russia  is  prepared  to  make  such  an  engagement  re- 
specting Corea,  the  reason  for  excluding  China  is  not  understood. 
The  Japanese  Government  are  prepared  to  admit  that  the  Manchur- 
ian question,  so  far  as  it  does  not  affect  their  rights  and  interests,  is 
purely  a Russo-Chinese  question  ; but  Japan  has  extensive  and  im- 
portant rights  and  interests  in  that  region,  and  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment think  that  in  declaring  that  Manchuria  is  outside  their 
sphere  of  special  interest,  they  are  at  least  entitled  to  ask  for  a cor- 
relative engagement  on  the  part  of  Russia  not  to  interfere  with  the 
commercial  and  residential  rights  and  immunities  belonging  to 
Japan  in  virtue  of  her  treaty  engagements  with  China.  You  will  in 
addition  point  out  that  the  invitation  of  the  Japanese  Government 
which  originated  the  present  negotiations,  had  in  view  a definition  of 
the  special  interest  of  Japan  and  Russia  in  those  regions  of  the  Far 
East  where  the  interests  of  the  two  Powers  meet.  The  Japanese 
Government  could  not  have  anticipated  that  the  Russian  Government, 
in  accepting  that  invitation,  would  wish — as  might  be  inferred  from 
Article  VII  of  their  Counter-Proposals — to  restrict  the  proposed 
definition  exclusively  to  the  region  in  which  Japan  possesses  special 
interests. 


No.  24. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  November  3d,  1903. 
Received,  November  3d,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

I SAW  the  Acting  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  on  the  2d  Novem- 
ber. He  said,  as  his  personal  opinion,  that  Japan  is  making  the 


APPENDIX  V. 


533 


same  demands  only  in  different  form  and  that  those  demands  are  too 
great.  I asked  in  what  respects  the  Japanese  Government  are  con- 
sidered to  be  demanding  too  much,  and  I added  that  we  do  not  ask 
anything  more  than  the  recognition  of  existing  treaty  rights  and  im- 
munities of  Japan  in  Manchuria.  He  then  stated  that  Baron  Rosen 
had  said  nothing  on  the  subject.  The  only  difficulty,  he  said,  is  the 
connection  of  the  Corean  and  Manchurian  railways.  To  my  ques- 
tion whether  there  are  no  other  difficulties,  he  answered  that  the 
railway  question  is  the  only  difficulty,  although  it  had  been  accepted 
ad  referendum  ; and  in  conclusion  I asked  him  to  use  his  best  influ- 
ence for  the  satisfactory  solution  of  the  question,  as  the  Japanese 
Government  are  fully  animated  by  the  spirit  of  conciliation,  and  I 
urged  him  to  advise  Count  Lamsdorflf  in  the  same  sense  and,  if  pos- 
sible, to  approach  the  Emperor  of  Russia  on  the  question.  He  said 
that  he  is  willing  to  do  so,  and  added  that  Count  Lamsdorff  will  re- 
turn at  the  end  of  this  week. 


No.  25. 

ME.  KURTNO  TO  BARON  NOMURA. 


Petersburg,  November  13th,  1903. 

Received,  “ “ “ 

(Telegram.) 

I SAW  Count  Lamsdorff  November  12th,  and  asked  whether  he  had 
received  a copy  of  the  telegram  which  I had  handed  to  Prince  Obo- 
lensky and  whether  any  action  had  been  taken  in  the  matter.  He 
answered  that  he  had  submitted  the  telegram  to  the  Emperor,  and 
that  before  his  departure  from  Darmstadt,  he  sent  under  an  Imperial 
order  instructions  to  Baron  Rosen  to  continue  negotiations  with  the 
Japanese  Government.  I asked  him  whether  it  is  on  the  basis  of 
our  last  proposal  that  Baron  Rosen  was  instructed  to  go  on  negoti- 
ating. Count  Lamsdorff  said  that  Baron  Rosen  had  been  ordered  by 
the  Emperor  to  examine  our  last  proposal  with  Admiral  Alexieff  and 
to  make  modification  if  necessary,  and  added  that  at  this  moment 
Baron  Rosen  and  Admiral  Alexieff  must  be  engaged  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  Counter- Proposals.  I remarked  to  Count  Lamsdorff  that 
according  to  the  view  of  Prince  Obolensky,  the  connection  of  Corean 
and  Manchurian  railways  is  the  question  that  divides  the  two  Gov- 


534 


THE  STOR  Y OF  JAPAN. 


ernments  ; but  the  Japanese  Government  having  subsequently  modi- 
fied the  article  relating  to  the  question,  I cannot  believe  that  it  is 
the  principal  point  on  which  an  agreement  cannot  be  established. 
Count  Lamsdorff  replied  that  he  thinks  for  his  part  that  it  is  the 
Manchurian  question  which  divides  the  two  parties,  as  he  had  said 
from  the  very  beginning  the  Russian  Government  consider  always 
that  this  question  is  a question  exclusively  between  Russia  and 
China,  and  it  must  be  reserved  to  his  Government  to  take  all  proper 
measures  to  safeguard  their  very  considerable  interests  in  Manchuria 
by  means  of  an  arrangement  with  China.  I explained  to  him  that 
Japan  is  ever  ready  to  recognize  the  special  and  considerable  inter- 
ests which  Russia  has  in  Manchuria,  and  that  she  has  no  intention 
whatever  of  trespassing  upon  them,  but  that  Japan  has  a perfect 
right  to  demand  that  the  independence  and  territorial  integrity  of 
China  shall  be  respected  and  the  rights  and  the  interests  of  Japan  in 
that  region  shall  be  formally  guaranteed.  Count  Lamsdorff  an- 
swered that  the  objection  relates  to  the  form  rather  than  the  sub- 
stance of  the  proposal.  In  Manchuria  other  Powers  also  have  rights 
and  interests,  and  Russia  cannot  enter  into  special  arrangement  with 
each  of  those  Powers  regarding  Manchuria.  I observed  that  should 
the  Russian  Government  be  in  accord  with  Japan  in  principle,  it  is 
deeply  to  be  regretted  that  an  understanding  cannot  be  reached, 
merely  because  of  failure  to  find  a suitable  formula  by  which  to  bring 
the  two  Governments  to  an  arrangement,  and  that  I could  not  but 
ardently  ask  him  to  use  his  influence  to  bring  about  a satisfactory 
solution  according  to  the  principles  already  admitted  by  Russia. 


No.  26. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  November  21st,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

Baron  Rosen  informed  me  November  20th  that  he  received  a 
telegram  November  14th  from  Admiral  Alexieff  to  the  effect  that 
Admiral  Alexieff  had  already  forwarded  the  Counter-Proposals  to  St. 
Petersburg.  Baron  Rosen  added  that  he  had  not  yet  received  any 
instructions  on  the  subject  of  the  Counter-Proposals.  Consequently 
you  are  instructed  to  see  Count  Lamsdorff  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
after  explaining  to  him  Baron  Rosen’s  statements  as  above,  you  will 


APPENDIX  V. 


535 


say  that  the  Japanese  Government  are  anxious  to  proceed  with  the 
negotiations  with  all  possible  expedition;  and  you  will  urge  him  to 
exert  his  influence  to  secure  the  early  dispatch  of  instructions  to 
Baron  Rosen  in  order  that  the  negotiations  may  be  resumed  and 
concluded  without  delay. 


No.  27. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  November  22d,  1903. 

Received,  23d,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

I SAW  Count  Lamsdorff  on  the  22d  November.  He  said  that  the 
modifications  are  already  in  the  hands  of  the  Emperor,  but  on 
account  of  the  illness  of  the  Empress,  the  former  does  not  attend  to 
any  business  affairs;  hence  the  delay.  I asked  him  to  use  his  best 
endeavors  to  obtain  the  earliest  possible  Imperial  order  on  the  ques- 
tion. He  said  in  reply  that  it  will  be  better  for  me  to  write  him  a 
note  giving  the  purport  of  instructions  I have  received  from  you: 
then  he  will  immediately  send  it  to  the  Emperor.  At  the  end  of 
the  conversation  I asked  whether  it  is  not  possible  for  me  to  get 
some  information  about  the  modifications  proposed  by  Admiral 
Alexieff.  He  seemed  rather  puzzled  to  give  a direct  answer;  hut  he 
said  that  the  Russian  Government  are  ready  to  en  er  into  immediate 
agreement  with  Japan  regarding  Corea,  even  making  large  conces- 
sions, but  as  to  Manchuria,  Russia  once  took  possession  of  the  coun- 
try by  right  of  conquest;  nevertheless,  she  is  willing  to  restore  it  to 
China,  but  with  certain  guarantees  assuring  security  to  the  enormous 
interest  which  Russia  has  in  Manchuria.  While  China  is  still  insist- 
ing upon  her  refusal  to  give  such  guarantees,  it  is  not  possible  for 
Russia  to  come  to  any  arrangement  with  a third  Power  respecting 
Manchuria,  as  the  question  is  exclusively  between  the  two  countries 
concerned.  Then  I said  that  if  I accurately  judge  the  nature  of  our 
proposition,  it  is  not  the  intention  of  the  Japanese  Government  to 
interfere  with  direct  negotiations  between  the  two  Governments  con- 
cerned, as  may  be  seen  from  the  first  part  of  Article  VII  of  our  last 
proposition;  but  we  only  wish  the  independence  and  integrity  of 
China  as  repeatedly  declared  on  the  part  of  Russia  and  security  for 


536 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


our  important  interests  in  that  province.  This  is  not  for  the  pur- 
pose of  interfering  with  the  affairs  of  the  two  Powers  concerned,  but 
only  to  prevent  misunderstanding  between  Russia  and  Japan  regard- 
ing the  province  where  both  Powers  have  some  interest;  and  I added 
that  if  in  principle  such  an  entente  could  in  some  form  or  other  be 
arrived  at,  perhaps  even  negotiations  between  Russia  and  China 
might  be  more  easily  carried  out.  He  thereupon  repeated  his 
request  for  me  to  write  him  a note  as  above  mentioned,  and  that  I 
should  add  my  own  opinion  in  it,  and  that  he  would  immediately 
send  it  to  the  Emperor.  He  told  me  that  he  expects  to  have  audi- 
ence on  the  25th  November  at  Skernevice  and  that  the  note  could  be 
sent  to  him  towards  this  evening.  I judge  from  the  tone  of  Count 
Lamsdorff’s  conversation  that  the  modifications  proposed  by 
Admiral  Alexieff  will  not  be  favorable  to  our  proposition  regarding 
China  and  Manchuria. 


No.  28. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  November  28th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

You  report  in  your  telegram  of  November  22nd  that  Count  Lams- 
dorff  expected  to  have  audience  of  the  Emperor  on  the  25th  instant. 
Accordingly  you  are  instructed  to  see  Count  Lamsdorff  as  soon  as 
possible  and  ask  him  what  action  has  been  taken  regarding  further 
instructions  to  Baron  Rosen. 


No.  29. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg  November,  27th,  1903. 
Received,  “ 28th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

Count  Lamsdorff  told  me  he  did  not  see  the  Emperor  November 
25th,  on  account  of  the  sickness  of  the  Empress.  Interior  inflam- 
mation of  her  right  ear  has  necessitated  an  operation.  He  said  that 
he  immediately  despatched  to  the  Emperor  my  note  mentioned  in 
my  telegram  of  November  22d. 


APPENDIX  V. 


537 


No.  30. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  December  ist,  1903. 


(Telegram.) 

The  Japanese  Government  have  from  the  first  attached  the  high- 
est importance  to  a speedy  solution  of  the  questions  which  form  at 
this  time  the  subject  of  negotiations  between  Japan  and  Russia.  It 
seemed  to  them  that  in  a matter  of  such  vital  moment  as  that 
which  engages  the  attention  of  the  Cabinets  of  Tokio  and  St.  Peters- 
burg, a quick  conclusion  was  only  second  in  importance  to  a satis- 
factory conclusion.  Consistently  with  that  view  the  Japanese 
Government  have  at  all  times  during  the  progress  of  the  negotiations 
made  it  a special  point  to  give  prompt  answers  to  all  propositions 
of  the  Russian  Government.  The  negotiations  have  now  been 
pending  for  no  less  than  four  months,  and  they  have  not  yet  reached 
a stage  where  the  final  issue  can  with  certainty  be  predicted.  In 
these  circumstances  the  Japanese  Government  cannot  but  regard 
with  grave  concern  the  situation  for  which  the  delays  in  negotiations 
are  largely  responsible.  You  are  instructed  to  see  Count  Lamsdorff 
as  soon  as  possible  and  place  the  foregoing  considerations  before  him 
in  such  form  and  manner  as  to  make  your  representations  as  impres- 
sive as  possible.  You  will  add  that  the  Japanese  Government 
believe  they  are  rendering  service  to  the  general  interest  in  thus 
frankly  explaining  to  the  Russian  Government  the  actual  state  of 
things. 


No.  31. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  December  2nd  1903. 
Received,  “ 3<i, 

(Telegram.) 

I HEARD  that  the  Russian  Government  are  still  repeatedly  communi- 
cating with  Admiral  Alexieff. 


538 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


No.  32. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 


Petersburg,  December  4th,  1903. 

Received,  “ “ “ 

(Telegram.) 

Count  Lamsdorff  received  me  on  the  night  of  December  3d.  I 
handed  him  a French  translation  of  your  telegram  of  December  ist, 
together  with  a letter  which  I addressed  to  him  expressing  fully  the 
pressing  situation  under  which  the  Japanese  Government  are  now 
laboring.  He  said  that  the  question  requires  consideration  still, 
and  he  is  in  communication  with  Admiral  Alexieff;  but  the  Emperor 
is  to  return  December  5th,  and  he  said  that  he  will  fully  explain 
the  urgency  of  the  matter  on  the  occasion  of  his  audience  on  the 
following  Tuesday.  He  thinks  he  will  then  be  able  to  send  instruc- 
tions to  Baron  Rosen.  To  my  question  whether  it  is  not  possible 
for  him  to  have  audience  at  an  earlier  date,  he  said  that  Saturday  is 
the  fete  of  Crown  Prince,  no  business  is  transacted  on  Sunday,  and 
he  will  be  occupied  with  other  affairs  on  Monday.  He  promised  to 
let  me  know  the  result  of  his  audience  next  Wednesday. 


No.  33. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 


Petersburg,  December  gth,  1903. 

Received,  “ loth,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

Count  Lamsdorff  told  me  December  9th  that  an  Imperial  order 
had  been  sent  yesterday  to  Admiral  Alexieff  and  Baron  Rosen  to 
continue  the  negotiations  in  accordance  with  the  Counter-Proposals 
of  Admiral  Alexieff,  but  that  the  Japanese  propositions  have  been 
fully  considered.  I asked  whether  he  could  inform  me  of  the  nature 
of  the  propositions  on  which  Baron  Rosen  is  authorized  to  continue 
the  negotiations.  He  said  that  they  will  be  officially  communicated 
within  two  or  three  days  through  Baron  Rosen  to  the  Japanese 
Government. 


APPENDIX  V. 


539 


No.  34, 

BARON  NOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  December  12th,  1903. 

(Telegram.) 

Baron  Rosen  called  on  me  December  nth  and,  under  instructions 
of  his  Government,  officially  presented  to  me  the  following  Counter- 
Proposals  of  the  Russian  Government  in  reply  to  our  definitive 
amendments  as  stated  in  my  telegram  of  October  30th; 

1.  Mutual  engagement  to  respect  the  independence  and  terri. 
torial  integrity  of  the  Corean  Empire. 

2.  Recognition  by  Russia  of  Japan’s  preponderating  interests 
in  Corea  and  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  assist  Corea  with  advice  tend- 
ing to  improve  the  civil  administration. 

3.  Engagement  on  the  part  of  Russia  not  to  oppose  the  de- 
velopment of  the  industrial  and  commercial  activities  of  Japan  in 
Corea,  nor  the  adoption  of  measures  for  the  protection  of  those 
interests. 

4.  Recognition  by  Russia  of  the  right  of  Japan  to  send  troops 
to  Corea  for  the  purpose  mentioned  in  the  preceding  Article,  or 
for  the  purpose  of  suppressing  insurrections  or  disorders  capable 
of  creating  international  complications. 

5.  Mutual  engagement  not  to  make  use  of  any  part  of  the 
Corean  territory  for  strategical  purposes  and  not  to  undertake  on 
the  Corean  coast  any  military  works  capable  of  menacing  the  free- 
dom of  navigation  in  the  Straits  of  Corea. 

6.  Mutual  engagement  to  consider  the  territory  of  Corea  to 
the  north  of  the  39th  parallel  as  a neutral  zone,  within  the  limits 
of  which  neither  of  the  Contracting  Parties  shall  introduce  troops. 

7.  Mutual  engagement  not  to  impede  the  connection  of  the 
Corean  and  East  China  Railways,  when  those  railways  shall  have 
been  extended  to  the  Yalu. 

8.  Abrogation  of  all  previous  agreements  between  Russia  and 
Japan  respecting  Corea. 


No.  35. 

BARON  NOMURA  TO  MR.  NURINO. 


Tokio,  December  21st,  1903. 


(Telegram.) 

In  an  interview  with  the  Russian  Minister,  December  21st,  I 


540 


THE  STOR  Y OF  JAPAN. 


pointed  out  the  fundamental  difference  in  territorial  compass  be- 
tween Japan’s  original  proposals  and  Russia’s  new  Counter-Proposals 
and  after  fully  explaining  the  reasons  which  induced  the  Japanese 
Government  to  believe  it  to  be  desirable  in  the  general  interest  to 
include  in  the  proposed  understanding  all  regions  in  the  Extreme 
East  where  the  interests  of  the  two  Empires  meet,  I expressed  the 
hope  that  the  Russian  Government  would  reconsider  their  position 
regarding  that  branch  of  the  question.  I also  informed  him  fully 
respecting  the  amendments  whjch  the  Japanese  Government  consider 
it  necessary  to  introduce  into  Russia’s  new  Counter-Proposals.  Ac- 
cordingly, in  order  to  remove  every  possibility  of  misunderstanding 
on  the  part  of  Russia  respecting  the  attitude  of  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment, you  are  instructed  to  deliver  to  Count  LamsdorfI  a Note  Ver- 
bale  to  the  following  effect: 

The  Imperial  Government  have  examined  with  great  care 
and  attention  the  new  Russian  Counter-Proposals  of  the  nth  in- 
stant. They  regret  to  find  that  the  Imperial  Russian  Government 
did  not  see  their  way  in  those  proposals  to  give  to  the  compass  of 
the  suggested  understanding  the  same  territorial  extension  as  was 
deemed  essential  by  Japan.  The  Imperial  Government,  in  their 
original  invitation  to  the  Imperial  Russian  Government  in  August 
last,  endeavored  to  make  it  entirely  clear  that  they  desired,  with  a 
view  to  remove  from  their  relations  with  the  Imperial  Russian 
Government  every  cause  for  future  misunderstanding,  to  bring 
within  the  purview  of  the  proposed  arrangements  all  those  regions 
in  the  Extreme  East  where  the  interests  of  the  two  Empires  meet, 
and  they  cannot  bring  themselves  to  the  conviction  that  a full 
realization  of  that  desire  can  be  expected  if  a large  and  important 
portion  of  those  regions  is  wholly  excluded  from  consideration. 
Accordingly,  the  Imperial  Government  feel  constrained  to  ask  the 
Imperial  Russian  Government  to  reconsider  their  position  on  the 
subject,  and  they  hope  that  the  Russian  Government  will  be  able 
to  see  their  way  to  arrive  at  a satisfactory  solution  of  the  question. 
The  Imperial  Government  also  find  it  necessary  to  ask  for  the 
following  amendments  to  the  new  Russian  Counter-Proposals: 

a.  Article  II  to  read  : “ Recognition  by  Russia  of  Japan’s 
preponderating  interests  in  Corea  and  of  the  right  of  Japan  to 
give  Corea  advice  and  assistance  tending  to  improve  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Corean  Empire.” 


APPENDIX  V. 


541 


b.  Article  V to  read:  “ Mutual  engagement  not  to  undertake 
on  the  Corean  coast  any  military  works  capable  of  menacing  the 
freedom  of  navigation  in  the  Straits  of  Corea;”  and 

c.  Article  VI  to  be  suppressed. 

As  the  principal  part  of  these  amendments  cannot  be  said  to 
be  in  excess  of  the  modifications  which  were  agreed  to  ad  referen- 
dum at  Tokio,  and  as  the  Imperial  Government  consider  those 
changes  indispensable,  it  is  hoped  that  they  wilt  receive  the  ready 
agreement  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Government. 

In  presenting  the  foregoing  note  to  Count  Lamsdorff,  you  will 
say  that  I have  spoken  to  Baron  Rosen  in  a similar  sense,  and  you 
will  also  express  the  desire  for  an  early  response. 


No.  36. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 


Petersburg,  December  23rd,  1903. 

Received,  “ 24th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

Upon  receipt  of  your  telegraphic  instructions,  I saw  Count  Lams- 
dorft  December  23rd  at  2 p.  m.  He  told  me  he  had  received  a tele- 
gram from  Baron  Rosen,  stating  that  the  latter  had  had  an  interview 
with  you,  and  that  particulars  would  follow,  but  such  particulars  had 
not  been  received  yet  by  him.  When  I handed  him  the  Note  Ver- 
bale,  he  said  that  he  would  study  it  together  with  report  from  Baron 
Rosen,  and  that  he  would  do  his  best  to  send  the  Russian  answer  at 
the  earliest  possible  date;  but  he  added  that  he  would  have  to  com- 
municate with  Admiral  Alexieff.  In  conclusion,  I stated  to  him 
tliat  under  the  present  circumstances  it  might  cause  serious  difficul- 
ties, even  complications,  if  we  failed  to  come  to  an  entente,  and  I 
hoped  he  would  exercise  his  best  influence  so  as  to  enable  us  to 
reach  the  desired  end. 


No.  37. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  January  ist,  1904. 
Received,  “ 2nd,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

I SAW  Count  Lamsdorff  January  1st,  and  asked  whether  any  action 


542 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


had  been  taken  regarding  our  last  propositions.  He  said  they  had 
been  fully  considered;  and  he  asked  me  to  assure  you  that  Baron 
Rosen  will  soon  be  instructed  to  proceed  with  the  negotiations  in  a 
friendly  and  conciliatory  spirit,  and  he  added  that  he  saw  no  reason 
why  we  could  not  arrive  at  an  entente. 


No.  38. 

BARON  NOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  January  7th,  1904. 

(Telegram.) 

Baron  Rosen  handed  to  me  January  6th  the  following  reply  of 
the  Russian  Government  to  our  last  propositions  of  December  21st 
last: 

“ Having  no  objection  to  the  amendments  to  Article  II  of  the 
Russian  Counter-Proposals  as  proposed  by  the  Imperial  Japanese 
Government,  the  Imperial  Government  considers  it  necessary: 

“ I.  To  maintain  the  original  wording  of  Article  V which  had 
already  been  agreed  to  by  the  Imperial  Japanese  Government, 
that  is  to  say,  ‘ mutual  engagement  not  to  use  any  part  of  the 
territory  of  Corea  for  strategical  purposes,  nor  to  undertake  on  the 
coasts  of  Corea  any  military  works  capable  of  menacing  the  free- 
dom of  navigation  in  the  Straits  of  Corea.’ 

“2.  To  maintain  Article  .VI  concerning  a neutral  zone  (this 
for  the  very  purpose  which  the  Imperial  Japanese  Government  has 
likewise  in  view,  that  is  to  say,  to  eliminate  everything  that  might 
lead  to  misunderstandings  in  the  future;  a similar  zone,  for  ex- 
ample, exists  between  the  Russian  and  British  possessions  in  Cen- 
tral Asia). 

“ In  case  the  above  conditions  are  agreed  to,  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment would  be  prepared  to  include  in  the  projected  agreement  an 
Article  of  the  following  tenor: 

“ ‘ Recognition  by  Japan  of  Manchuria  and  her  littoral  as  being 
outside  her  sphere  of  interests,  whilst  Russia,  within  the  limits  of 
that  province,  will  not  impede  Japan  nor  other  Powers  in  the 
enjoyment  of  rights  and  privileges  acquired  by  them  under  existing 
treaties  with  China,  exclusive  of  the  establishment  of  settlements.”’ 


APPENDIX  V. 


543 


No.  39. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  XURINO. 

Tokio,  January  13th,  1904. 

(Telegram.) 

You  are  instructed  to  deliver  to  Count  LamsdorfI  a Note  Ver- 
bale  to  the  following  effect,  which,  you  will  say,  is  intended  to  con- 
firm to  him  the  views  of  the  Imperial  Government  communicated  by 
me  to  Baron  Rosen  on  the  13th  January; 

The  Imperial  Government,  in  order  to  arrive  at  a pacific  solution 
of  the  pending  questions  and  to  firmly  establish  the  basis  of  good 
relation  between  Japan  and  Russia,  and  in  addition  with  a view  to 
protect  the  rights  and  interests  of  Japan,  have  given  most  careful  and 
serious  consideration  to  the  reply  of  the  Imperial  Russian  Govern- 
ment which  was  delivered  by  His  Excellency  Baron  Rosen  on  the 
6th  instant.  They  have  finally  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
following  modifications  are  necessary,  i.  e. : 

1.  Suppression  of  the  first  clause  of  Article  V of  the  Russian 
Counter-Proposals  (presented  to  the  Japanese  Government  through 
Baron  Rosen  December  iith),  that  is  to  say,  “ not  to  use  any  part 
of  Corean  territory  for  strategical  purposes.” 

2.  Suppression  of  the  whole  Article  (VI)  concerning  establish- 
ment of  a neutral  zone. 

The  Russian  proposal  concerning  Manchuria  to  be  agreed 
to  with  the  following  modifications; 

a.  Recognition  by  Japan  of  Manchuria  and  its  littoral  as 
being  outside  her  sphere  of  interest  and  an  engagement  on  the 
part  of  Russia  to  respect  the  territorial  integrity  of  China  in 
Manchuria. 

b.  Russia  within  the  limits  of  Manchuria  will  not  impede 
Japan  nor  other  Powers  in  the  enjoyment  of  rights  and  privi- 
leges acquired  by  them  under  the  existing  treaties  with  China. 

c.  Recognition  by  Russia  of  Corea  and  its  littoral  as  being 
outside  her  sphere  of  interest. 

4.  Addition  of  an  article  to  the  following  effect: 

Recognition  by  Japan  of  Russia’s  special  interests  in  Manchuria 
and  of  the  right  of  Russia  to  take  measures  necessary  for  the  pro- 
tection of  those  interests. 


544 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


The  grounds  for  these  amendments  having  been  frequently  and 
fully  explained  on  previous  occasions,  the  Imperial  Government  do 
not  think  it  necessary  to  repeat  the  explanations.  It  is  sufficient 
here  to  express  their  earnest  hope  for  reconsideration  by  the 
Imperial  Russian  Government. 

It  should  be  further  remarked  that  the  suppression  of  the  clause 
excluding  the  establishment  of  settlements  in  Manchuria  is  desired 
because  it  conflicts  with  stipulations  of  the  new  Commercial  Treaty 
between  Japan  and  China.  In  this  respect,  however,  Japan  will  be 
satisfied  if  she  receives  equal  treatment  with  another  Power  which 
has  already  acquired  similar  rights  in  regard  to  settlement  in  Man- 
churia. The  statement  in  the  Russian  reply  that  the  Japanese 
Government  have  agreed  to  the  original  wording  of  Article  V of  the 
Russian  Counter-Proposals  is  erroneous,  no  such  agreement  ever 
having  been  expressed  by  the  Imperial  Government. 

The  above-mentioned  amendments  being  proposed  by  the  Imperial 
Government  entirely  in  a spirit  of  conciliation,  it  is  expected  that 
they  will  be  received  with  the  same  spirit  at  the  hands  of  the  Im- 
perial Russian  Government  ; and  the  Imperial  Government  further 
hope  for  an  early  reply  from  the  Imperial  Russian  Government  since 
further  delay  in  the  solution  of  the  question  will  be  extremely  dis- 
advantageous to  the  two  countries. 


No.  40. 

BARON  NOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  January  23rd,  1904. 

(Telegram.) 

You  are  instructed  to  sound  Count  LamsdorfI  respecting  the  prob- 
able nature  of  Russia’s  reply  to  our  last  note  and  when  the  reply 
will  be  delivered. 


No.  41. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  January  25th,  1904. 
Received,  “ “ “ 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegram  of  23rd  instant,  I saw  Count  Lams- 


APPENDIX  V. 


545 


dorff  January  24th  and  asked  his  views  in  regard  to  our  last  proposals 
and  also  how  soon  the  Russian  answer  could  be  given.  He  was  not 
inclined  to  enter  into  details,  but  said  that  there  are  certain  points  to 
which  he  could  not  agree.  He  expects  to  lay  his  views  before  the 
Emperor  next  Tuesday,  January  26th,  and  he  hopes  to  be  able  to 
send  an  answer  before  long. 

M.  de  Hartwig,  whom  I saw  this  afternoon,  told  me  that  the 
Department  of  Foreign  Affairs  is  yet  in  communication  with  Admiral 
Alexieff,  and  he  cannot  say  how  soon  an  answer  can  be  sent  to 
Japan, 


No.  42. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  January  26th,  1904. 

(Telegram.) 

As  the  situation  admits  of  no  indefinite  delay  in  the  settlement  of 
the  questions  involved,  you  will  seek  an  interview  with  Count  Lams- 
dorff  at  the  earliest  opportunity  and  state  to  him  as  an  instruction 
from  your  Government  that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment a further  prolongation  of  the  present  st.ite  of  things  being 
calculated  to  accentuate  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  it  is  their  ear- 
nest hope  that  they  will  be  honored  with  an  early  reply,  and  that 
they  wish  to  know  at  what  time  they  may  expect  to  receive  the  reply. 


No.  43. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 


Pktf.rshurg,  January  26th,  1904. 

Received,  “ 27th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegram  of  the  26th  instant,  the  Russian  Minis- 
ter for  Foreign  Affairs  said  that  the  Ministers  of  War,  Marine,  and 
other  authorities  concerned  are  to  meet  on  the  28th  January  for  the 
consideration  of  the  question,  and  that  their  decision  will  be  submit- 
ted to  the  Emperor  for  sanction,  and  he  remarked  that  it  had  been 
the  intention  of  Admiral  Alexieff  to  come  here  ; but  that  idea  was 
now  abandoned,  and  his  opinion  will  sQpn  be  received  by  telegraph. 


546 


THE  STOR  y OF  JAPAN. 


Under  these  circumstances,  lie  says,  he  is  unable  to  give  the  exact 
date  when  the  reply  will  be  given;  but  he  can  say  it  will  not  be  much 
delayed.  He  said  that  he  had  received  reports  from  official  sources 
to  the  effect  that  Japan  had  sent  a considerable  number  of  troops, 
munitions  and  war  materials  to  Corea,  and  asked  me  whether  1 could 
give  any  explanation  regarding  it.  I simply  answered  that  I knew 
nothing  of  such  facts,  and  regretted  not  being  able  to  give  him  any 
explanation.  He  added  that  such  action  on  the  part  of  Japan  causes 
a very  bad  impression,  while  the  two  Governments  are  engaged 
seriously  in  such  important  negotiations.  Telegraph  me  for  my  in- 
formation whether  the  reports  are  true,  and  if  so,  the  details. 


No.  44. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  R'i'RINO. 

Tokiu,  January  26th,  1904. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  telegram  of  26th  instant,  you  will  see  Count 
Lamsdorff  at  an  early  opportunity  and  say  to  him  that  you  have 
been  authorized  to  deny  positively  the  statement  that  Japan  has  sent 
to  Corea  a considerable  number  of  troops,  munitions  and  war 
materials.  As  a matter  of  fact,  no  troops  have  recently  been  sent  to 
Corea  nor  any  ammunitions  have  been  sent  bevond  the  amount 
required  for  the  ordinary  use  of  the  Japanese  troops  stationed  in 
Corea.  You  will  then  ask  him  whether  the  report  that  Russian  troops 
are  being  concentrated  on  the  Corean  frontier  is  true,  and  if  so,  that 
such  military  movement  is  to  be  highly  deprecated.  Finally,  you 
will  ask  him  whether  he  is  not  able  to  acquaint  you.  for  your  own 
information,  with  the  nature  of  the  decision  taken  at  the  proposed 
conference  of  the  Ministers  on  the  2Sth  January’,  and  whether  he  can 
indicate  the  approximate  date  on  which  the  Russian  reply  is  to  be 
given. 


No.  45. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  KOMURA. 

Petersburg,  January  28th,  1904. 
Received,  “ 29th,  “ 

(Telegram.) 

Count  Lamsdorff  is  satisfied  with  the  explanation  contained  in 


APPENDIX  V. 


547 


your  telegram  of  to-day.  As  to  the  question  regarding  the  concen- 
tration of  Russian  troops  near  the  Yalu,  he  does  not  believe  it  to  be 
true,  and  he  remarked  that  such  newspaper  reports  are  very  regret- 
table. I tried  to  obtain  infoimalion  about  the  decision  of  to-day's 
meeting.  He  said  that  it  is  not  possible  for  him  to  say  anything 
concerning  it,  as  it  will  not  be  sent  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  until  the 
respective  Ministers  have  been  received  by  the  Emperor  respecting 
the  question,  nothing  can  be  said  definitely.  He  stated  that  the 
Grand  Duke  Alexis  and  the  Minister  of  Marine  are  to  be  received  in 
audience  next  Monday,  and  the  Minister  of  War  and  himself  on 
Tuesday,  and  he  thinks  an  answer  will  be  sent  to  Admiral  Alexieff 
on  the  latter  day.  I pointed  out  the  urgent  necessity  to  accelerate 
the  dispatch  of  an  answer  as  much  as  possible,  because  further  pro- 
longation of  the  present  condition  is  not  only  undesirable  but 
rather  dangerous.  I added  that  all  the  while  the  world  is  loud  with 
rumors  and  that  I hoped  he  would  take  special  steps  so  as  to  have 
an  answer  sent  at  an  earlier  date  than  mentioned.  He  replied  that 
he  knows  the  existing  condition  of  things  very  well,  but  that  the 
dates  of  audience  being  fixed  as  above-mentioned,  it  is  not  now 
possible  to  change  them;  and  he  repeated  that  he  will  do  his  best  to 
send  the  reply  next  Tuesday. 


No.  46. 

BARON  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  January  30th,  1904. 

(Telegram  ) 

I.\  reference  to  your  telegram  of  January  28th,  you  are  instructed 
to  see  Count  Lamsdorff  at  the  earliest  opportunity  and  state  to  him 
substantially  in  the  following  sense; — 

“ Having  reported  to  your  Government  that  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment would  probably  give  a reply  on  next  Tuesday,  you  have  been 
instructed  to  say  to  Count  Lamsdorff  that,  being  fully  convinced  of 
the  serious  disadvantage  to  the  two  Powers  concerned  of  the  further 
prolongation  of  the  present  situation,  the  Imperial  Government 
hoped  that  they  might  be  able  to  receive  the  reply  of  the  Russian 
Government  earlier  than  the  date  mentioned  by  Count  Lamsdorff. 
As  it,  however,  appears  that  the  receipt  of  the  reply  at  an  earlier 


35 


54« 


THE  STORY  OF  JAPAN. 


date  is  not  possible,  the  Imperial  Government  wish  to  know  whether 
they  will  be  honored  with  the  reply  at  the  date  mentioned  by  Count 
Lamsdorfl.  namely,  next  Tuesday,  or,  if  it  is  not  possible,  wliat  will 
be  the  exact  date  on  which  the  reply  is  to  be  given.” 

If  Count  Lamsdorff  specifies  the  day  on  which  the  reply  is  to  be 
given,  you  will  see  him  on  that  day  and  ask  him  to  acquaint  you 
with  the  exact  nature  of  the  reply. 


No.  47. 

MR.  N UR  1X0  TO  BAROX  KOMURA. 


Peterskurg,  February  ist,  1904. 

Received,  ‘‘  '' 

(Telegram.) 

Reg.\RDING  your  telegram  of  the  30th  January,  I saw  Count 
Lamsdorff  in  the  evening  January  31st.  He  says  he  appreciates 
fully  the  gravity  of  the  present  situation,  and  is  certainly  desirous  to 
send  an  answer  as  quickly  as  possible;  but  the  question  is  a very 
serious  one  and  is  not  to  be  lightly  dealt  with.  In  addition,  the 
opinions  of  the  Ministers  concerned  and  Admiral  Alexieff  had  to  be 
brought  into  harmony;  hence  the  natural  delay.  As  to  the  date  of 
sending  an  answer,  he  says,  it  is  not  possible  for  him  to  give  the 
exact  date,  as  it  entirely  depends  upon  the  decision  of  the  Emperor, 
though  he  will  not  fail  to  use  his  efforts  to  hurry  the  matter. 


No.  4S. 

BAROX  KOMURA  TO  MR.  KURIXO. 

Tokio,  February  5th,  1904.  2.15  p.M. 

(Telegram.) 

Further  prolongation  of  the  present  situation  being  inadmissible 
the  Imperial  Government  have  decided  to  terminate  the  pending 
negotiations  and  to  take  such  independent  action  as  they  may  deem 
necessary  to  defend  their  menaced  position  and  to  protect  their  rights 
and  interests.  Accordingly  you  are  instructed  to  address  to  Count 
Lamsdorff,  immediately  upon  receipt  of  this  telegram,  a signed  note 
to  the  following  effect; — 


AF-PENDIX  V, 


549 


“The  undersigned,  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Japan,  has  the  honor,  in 
pursuance  of  instructions  from  his  Government,  to  address  to  His 
Excellency  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  His  Majesty  the 
Emperor  of  all  the  Russias  the  following  communication; 

“ The  Government  of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Japan 
regard  the  independence  and  territorial  integrity,  of  the  Empire  of 
Corea  as  essential  to  their  own  repose  and  safety,  and  they  are 
consequently  unable  to  view  with  indifference  any  action  tending 
to  render  the  position  of  Corea  insecure. 

“ The  successive  rejections  by  the  Imperial  Russian  Govern- 
ment, by  means  of  inadmissible  amendments,  of  Japan’s  proposals 
respecting  Corea,  the  adoption  of  which  the  Imperial  Government 
regarded  as  indispensable  to  assure  the  independence  and  terri- 
torial integrity  of  the  Corean  Empire  and  to  safeguard  Japan’s  pre- 
ponderating interests  in  the  Peninsula,  coupled  with  the  successive 
refusals  of  the  Imperial  Rus.sian  Government  to  enter  into  engage- 
ments t ) icsjiect  China’s  territorial  integrity  in  Manchuria,  which  is 
seriously  menaced  by  their  continued  occupation  of  the  province, 
notwithstanding  their  treaty  engagements  with  China  and  their 
repeated  assurances  to  other  Powers  possessing  interests  in  those 
regions,  have  made  it  necessary  for  the  Imperial  Government 
seriously  to  consider  what  measures  of  self-defence  they  are  called 
upon  to  take. 

“ In  the  presence  of  delays  which  remain  largely  unexplained, 
and  naval  and  military  activities  which  it  is  difficult  to  reconcile  with 
entirely  pacific  aims,  the  Imperial  Government  have  exercised  in 
the  depending  negotiations  a degree  of  forbearance  which  they 
believe  affords  abundant  proof  of  their  loyal  desire  to  remove  from 
their  relations  with  the  Imperial  Russian  Government  every  cause 
for  future  misunderstanding.  Rut  finding  in  their  efforts  no  pros- 
pect of  securing  from  the  Imperial  Russian  Government  an  adhe- 
sion either  to  Japan’s  moderate  and  unselfish  proposals  or  to  any 
other  proposals  likely  to  establish  a firm  and  enduring  peace  in 
the  Extreme  East,  the  Imperial  Government  have  no  other  alter- 
native than  to  terminate  the  present  futile  negotiations. 

“ In  adopting  that  course  the  Imperial  Government  reserve  to 
themselves  the  right  to  take  such  independent  action  as  they  may 
deem  best  to  consolidate  and  defend  their  menaced  position,  as 


550  the  stor  y of  japan. 

well  as  to  protect  their  established  rights  and  legitimate  interests, 
“ The  Undersigned,  etc.,  etc.” 


No.  49. 

BARON  NOMURA  TO  MR.  KURINO. 

Tokio,  February  5th,  1904.  2.  15  P.  M. 

(Telegram. 7 

You  are  instructed  to  address  to  Count  Lamsdorff  a signed  note  to 
the  following  effect  simultaneously  with  the  note  mentioned  in  my 
previous  telegram: — 

“ The  Undersigned,  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Pleni- 
potentiary of  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Japan,  has  the  honor, 
in  pursuance  of  instructions  from  his  Government,  to  acquaint 
Ilis  Excellency  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  of  His  Majesty 
the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias  that  the  Imperial  Government 
of  Japan,  having  exhausted  without  effect  every  means  of 
conciliation  with  a view  to  the  removal  from  their  relations  with  the 
Imperial  Russian  Government  of  every  cause  for  future  complica- 
tions, and  finding  that  their  just  representations  and  moderate  and 
unselfish  proposals  in  the  interest  of  a firm  and  lasting  peace  in 
the  Extreme  East  are  not  receiving  the  consideration  which  is 
their  due,  have  resolved  to  sever  their  diplomatic  relations  with 
the  Imperial  Russian  Government,  which  for  the  reason  named 
have  ceased  to  possess  any  value. 

“ In  further  fulfilment  of  the  command  of  his  Government,  the 
Undersigned  has  also  the  honor  to  announce  to  His  Excellency 
Count  Lamsdorff  that  it  is  his  intention  to  take  his  departure  from 
St.  Petersburg  with  the  staff  of  the  Imperial  Legation  on. . . .date. 

“ The  Undersigned,  etc.,  etc.” 


No.  50. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  BARON  NOMURA. 

Petersburg,  February  5th,  1904.  5.5  a.m. 
Received,  " “ 5.15  p.m. 

(Telegram.) 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  Count  Lamsdorff,  I went  to  .see 


Al^PENDIX  V. 


S51 


him  at  8 p.m.  February  4th.  He  told  me  that  the  substance  of  the 
Russian  answer  liad  been  just  sent  to  Admiral  Alexieff  to  be  trans- 
mitted to  Baron  Rosen.  He  added  that  Admiral  Alexieff  may  hap- 
pen to  introduce  some  changes  so  as  to  meet  local  circumstances', 
but  in  all  probability  there  will  be  no  such  changes.  He  then  stated 
as  his  own  opinion  that  Russia  desires  the  principle  of  independ- 
ence and  integrity  of  Corea,  and  also  of  necessity  the  free  passage  of 
the  Corean  Straits.  Though  Russia  is  willing  to  make  every  pos- 
sible concession,  she  does  not  desire  to  see  Corea  utilized  for  strate- 
gic purposes  against  Russia,  and  believes  it  useful  for  the  consolidation 
of  good  relations  with  Japan  to  establish  by  common  accord  a buffer 
region  between  confines  of  direct  influence  and  action  of  the  two 
countries  in  the  Far  East.  The  above  is  expressed  entirely  as  his 
personal  opinion,  and  I cannot  say  whether  the  same  is  the  substance 
of  the  above-mentioned  answer,  though  it  seems  to  be  very  probable, 


No.  51. 

MR.  KURINO  TO  B.4R0M KOMURA. 

PETERSBURC5,  February  6th,  1904.  5.57  P.M. 
Received,  “ 7th,  “ 5.45  a.m. 

(Telegram.) 

In  reference  to  your  two  telegrams  of  yesterday’s  date,  I presented 
to  Count  Lamsdorff  to-day  at  4 p.m.  the  notes  as  instructed.  I shall 
withdraw  from  here  with  my  staff  and  students  on  the  loth  instant. 


Shtnya-saMt 

'!!{ 


KAMTSCHa'i 


A 5WUMus>rty 

^OROMU^HiM 


Jifi/Sflll 


Xmohiom*  I 


^NNtKOTKW 


'*''*'Vo6on, 


tfiiCOItl 


^^OTQottAiL: 

^^iToyo'n^^ 


URUPPI 


SMlHAHAffA 


LNTOROFU 


/i<AK\lAn»( 


iVaku' 


SMimooAi 


KUNKSH\R\ 


SlAimyAA^ 


l:'iACAM 


' NACAjtAM 


,^^rA-0A 


^SUSHINM 

i|l  I 


iniMODA' 


Irako^Aiiii- 


jSANUK-U. 


^AChUO-0'’*^ 


amahu'^ 


MAP  OF  JAPAN  ^ 


' '■  'f 


J V • 

■ w . 


s 


INDEX. 


A 

Abdication  and  adoption,  Ii8 
Abdication  of  emperors,  object 
of,  126 

Acupuncture,  308 
Adams,  William,  bis  early  life, 
2C2 ; lands  in  Japan,  292; 
appears  before  the  shogun, 
293 ; at  the  shogun’s  court, 
294  ; builds  vessels,  295  ; will 
of,  296,  note  ; his  burial-place 
identified,  296,  note 
Adoption  and  abdication,  118 
Ages  of  early  emperors,  35 
Ainos,  the  original  race,  20 ; 
present  characteristics  of,  21  ; 
number  of,  22  ; arts  of,  23  ; 
and  the  bear  feast,  24 ; meas- 
urement of,  31 

Aizu  troops,  dismissed  from 
guardianship  cf  gates,  368 ; 
offended  by  recall  of  Choshu, 

3^9  . . ^ 

Akechi  s treason  against  ISobu- 
naga,  192 

Ama-terasu-o-mi-kami,  is  pro- 
duced, 41  ; retires,  43  ; is  in- 
duced to  reappear,  44 
Animals,  domestic,  in  Japan, 
14;  wild,  in  Japan,  15;  do- 
mestic and  wild,  in  prehistoric 
times,  93 

An-jin-cho  (Pilot  Street), in  Yedo, 
296 

Anjiro,  meeting  with  Xavier,i72; 

baptism  of,  1 72 
Areas  of  Japanese  islands,  iS 


Arisugawa  - no  - miya  appointed 
commander-in-chief,  390 
Arms  in  early  times,  92 
Arquebuse  introduced  by  the  Por- 
tuguese,  170 

Arts  in  the  Tokugawa  period, 

305 

Ashikaga  shogunate,  foundation 
of,  163 

Ashikaga  Taka-uji  and  Xitta, 
feud  between,  160  ; secures 
the  principal  rewards,  160 
Aston,  W.  G.,  on  the  invasion  of 
K rea,  210,  note 
Audiences,  first,  of  foreign  rep- 
resentatives, 373 
Azuma,  origin  of  name,  71 

B 

Bear,  the,  among  the  Ainos,  24 
Bell  at  Kyoto,  289 
Henkei,  legends  concerning,  145 
Black  current  (Kuro  Shiwo),  its 
origin  and  course,  6 
Boats  in  prehistoric  times,  93 
Books  on  various  subjects  brought 
from  China,  no 

British  envoy  receives  a despatch 
concerning  Shimonoseki,  348, 
note 

British  legation  attacked,  336 ; 

the  second  time  attacked,  339 
British  troops  quartered  at  Yoko- 
hama, 350 

Buddhism,  quarrel  over  its  intro- 
i duction,  104  ; triumphant  in 
Japan,  106 


553 


554 


mDEX. 


Buddhist  books  first  introduced, 
104 

Buddhist  emblems  introduced, 

Buddhists,  Nobunaga’s  vengeance 
on,  186 

Buddhist  treason  against  Satsuma, 
201,  note 

Buel,  S.  J.,  Rev.  D.  H.,  on  the 
attitude  of  the  Jesuits,  246, 
note 

Bungo,  Prince  of,  sends  for  Pinto, 

171 

Burial  of  living  retainers,  64 
C 

Calendar,  European  adopted,  387 
Cannibalism,  inferred  from  the 
shell  heaps,  25  ; reported  by 
Marco  Polo,  26,  note 
Celestial  deities,  origin  of,  37 
Census  of  the  population,  18 
Cereals,  the  five,  14 
Chamberlain,  B.  H.,  translation 
of  the  Kojiki,  33,  note  ; con- 
tributions to  our  knowledge  of 
Japan,  81 

Cha-no-yu(tea  ceremonies)  found- 
ed, 165 

Charter  oath  of  the  emperor,  380 
China,  the  opening  of,  hastens 
Japanese  opening,  31 1 
Chinese  calendar  introduced,  no 
Chinese  literature  first  intro- 
duced, 77 

Chinese  medical  notions,  306 
Chinese  written  language,  how 
received,  94  ; difficulties  of,  272 
Choshu,  daimyo  of,  after  the 
victory  of  Hbkigahara,  231  ; 
men  of,  plot  to  seize  emperor, 
355  ; troops  removed  from 
guardianship  of  gates,  355  ; 
territory,  the  rendezvous  for 
the  disaffected,  356  ; daimyo 
of,  recalled,  368 

Christian  Enquiry,  board  of, 
established,  247 

Christianity  after  Xavier’s  death. 


178  ; condition  of,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  Tokugawa  sho- 
guns, 240  ; measures  against, 
after  the  Shimabara  rebellion, 
286  ; new  edict  against,  379  ; 
a reminiscence  of,  379 
Christian  religion  not  tolerated 
by  the  Legacy  of  leyasu,  288 
Christians,  Hideyoshi’s  edict 
against,  204  ; sent  into  exile, 
380 

Christian  valley  in  Tokyo,  267 
Chronology,  Japanese,  36 
Chuai,  Emperor,  his  capital  in 
Kyushu,  73  ; death  of,  75 
Cipango  the  object  of  explorers,  2 
Circuits,  establishment  of,  16 
Cities  in  Japan,  17 
Clay  images  to  be  buried  in  place 
of  living  retainers,  65 
Climate  of  Japanese  islands,  ii 
Cloth  cited  in  the  early  rituals,  87 
Clothing  among  the  early  Japan- 
ese, 87 

Commercial  treaties,  the  pro- 
visions of,  330 

Commercial  treaty  negotiated  by 
Townsend  Harris,  328 
Confucius,  the  doctrines  of,  286 
Constitutional  government,  prep- 
arations for,  394 
Constitution,  a written,  394 
Copper  first  discovered,  121 
Cotton,  when  first  introduced, 
88,  note 

Country,  condition  of,  at  the  rise 
of  Nobunaga,  181 
Creation  of  Japanese  islands,  38 
Creed  and  catechism  drawn  up 
by  Xavier,  173 
Cremation  first  practised,  122 
Crests,  imperial,  365  ; Tokugawa, 

239 

Cross,  trampling  on,  256 
D 

Daibutsu  at  Kamakura,  287 
Daimiates  abolished  by  imperial 
decree,  385 


INDEX. 


555 


Daimyos,  influence  of,  during  the 
Ashikaga  period,  i68  ; classes 
of,  278  ; number  of  different 
classes  of,  280  ; the  opinion  of, 
about  foreigners,  320  ; surren- 
der their  privileges,  382 
Dan-no-ura,  naval  battle  at,  142 
Dazaifu,  seat  of  a vice-royalty, 
114 

Dead  bodies  removed  to  mourn- 
ing huts,  85 

Deities,  celestial,  origin  of,  37 
Deliberative  assembly  promised, 
381 

Descent  into  Hades,  40 
Dissection  never  employed  in 
early  times,  112 

Divination  by  a tortoise  shell, 
84  ; by  the  shoulder-blade  of 
a deer,  84 

Domestic  animals  in  Japan,  X4  ; 
in  use  by  the  early  Japanese, 
92 

Doves  not  eaten  by  the  Mina- 
moto,  139 

Dragon-fly,  story  of,  loi 
Drink  in  early  times,  86 
Dutch  and  English  rivalry  in 
trade,  299 

Dutch,  first  arrival  of,  in  Japan, 
296 ; authority  of,  to  trade, 
297  ; introduced  medical  im- 
provements, 308  ; debt  of  grati- 
tude to  the,  310 ; had  warned 
the  Japanese  of  Perry’s  expedi- 
tion, 314 

Dynasties,  southern  and  northern, 
reconciled,  165 

E 

Ear-mound  at  Kyoto,  origin  of, 
220 

Earthenware  used  by  early  Japan- 
ese, 92 

Earthquakes,  occurrence  of,  8 
Ecclesiastical  and  temporal  em- 
perors, error  concerning,  149, 
note 

Education  in  prehistoric  times,  85 


E-fumi,  trampling  on  the  cross, 
256 

Embassy  sent  to  the  Pope,  187  ; 
received,  188  ; from  Japan, 
visits  foreign  countries,  338  ; 
(1864)  to  foreign  countries,  352 
Emishi,  expedition  sent  against, 
123 

Emperor  arrives  in  Yedo,  377 
Emperor,  loyalty  to,  had  grown 
formidable,  317  ; issues  edict 
against  attacks  on  foreigners, 
373 

Emperor  Mutsuhito  married,  378 
“ Emperor  of  Japan,”  letter  to, 
carried  by  Perry,  313 
Emperors,  ages  of  early,  35  ; 
list  of,  constructed,  35  ; list  of, 

491 

Empire,  founding  of,  51 
English,  effort  of  the,  to  open 
trade  with  Japan,  298  ; rivalry 
of,  with  the  Dutch,  in  trade, 
299  ; withdraw  from  Japanese 
trade,  300  ; ready  to  negotiate, 
322 

Enomoto  Izumi-no-kami  escapes 
with  men-of-war,  375 
Eia  and  keimin  relieved  from  dis- 
abilities, 387 

Etiquette  of  the  road  for  daimyo’s 
train,  342 

Expedition  of  Jimmu  into  the 
Main  island,  52 
Extent  of  Japanese  islands,  3 

F 

False  and  corrupt  school  con- 
demned, 245 

Family  names  settled  by  Emperor 
Inkyo,  96 

Favored-nation  clause,  324 
Ferreyra,  Father  Christopher,  re- 
cantation of,  255 
Feudalism  in  Japan,  269 
Feudal  privileges  surrendered, 382 
Feudal  system  established  by 
Yoritomo,  148 ; as  arranged 
by  leyasu,  277 


INDEX. 


556 


Financial  arrangements  for  abo- 
lition of  feudalism,  3S6 
Fish,  as  article  of  diet,  15  ; in 
Japanese  waters,  15 
Five  grains,  quoted  in  the  rituals, 
86 

Firearms  introduced  by  the  Por- 
tuguese, 170 

Fire-Shine  and  Fire-Subside,  le- 
gend of,  47 

Food  of  the  primitive  Japanese, 
86 

Foreigners,  attitude  towards, 
309 ; expulsion  of,  decreai, 
355 

Foreign  representatives,  ignorant 
of  the  real  difficulties,  337  ; 
invited  to  audiences,  372 
Formoca,  the  collision  with,  3S7 
Fosse,  Torment  of,  used  in  perse- 
cution of  Christians.  254 
Founding  the  empire,  51 
Franciscans  introduced  into  Ja- 
pan, 203 

French  troops  quartered  at  Yoko- 
hama, 351 

Fujiwara  family,  first  founding 
of,  iiq;  becomes  prominent, 

125 

Fuji-yama  or  Fujisan,  its  position 
and  height,  7 

Fushimi  besieged  and  destroyed, 
228 

G 

Geerts,  Dr.,  on  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Koekebacker,  258 
Girl  who  waited  eighty  years, 
100 

Go-Daigo,  the  Emperor,  in  pos- 
session of  the  insignia,  161 
Gold  coin  first  issued,  121 
Gold,  the  discovery  of,  in  Cali- 
fornia, hastens  Japanese  open- 
ing, 31 1 

Go-san-ki,  the  three  honorable 
families,  277 

Government,  early,  of  Japan,  82  • 
theory  of,  117;  new  depart- 
ments of,  376 


Grigsby,  Professor  W.  E.,  his 
paper  on  the  Legacy  of  leyasu, 
301,  note 

Gubbins,  J.  H.,  paper  on  Chris- 
tianity, 248 

H 

Hakodate',  warlike  operations  at, 

375 

Harris,  Townsend,  arrives  as 
U.  S.  consul,  327 ; admitted 
to  an  audience,  327  ; negotiates 
a commercial  treaty,  328 

Hatamoto,  the  status  of  the,  280 

Hattori  Ichijo  on  earthquakes,  8 

Heusken,  Mr.,  secretary  of 
American  Legation  assassin- 
ated 335 

Hidetada  becomes  shogun,  2gi 

Hidetsugu  banished  and  com- 
pelled to  commit  hara-kiri, 

205  ; nephew  of  Hideyoshi, 
becomes  kwambaku,  208 

Hideyori,  son  of  Hideyor-hi.  made 
heir,  2oS  ; a source  of  disquiet- 
ude, 236 

Hideyoshi,  the  elementof  comedy 
in,  182,  note  ; as  a strategist, 
183  ; as  commandant  at  Kyoto, 
184;  his  capture  of  Takamatsu, 
190;  his  expedition  into  the 
central  provinces,  190 ; his 
revenge  for  the  death  of  Nobu- 
naga,  195;  appointed  kwam- 
baku, iq8  : successive  names 
of,  19S,  note : his  expedition 
against  Satsuina,  199  ; his  gen- 
erous settlement  of  Satsuma 
difficulties,  201  ; his  relations 
to  Christianity,  202;  his  opposi- 
tion to  Christians,  reason  for, 
204 ; conference  of,  wdth 
leyasu  about  Kw  anto,  206  ; his 
letter  to  the  god  of  the  sea, 

206  ; takes  the  title  of  taiko, 

207  ; his  plans  for  invading 
Korea,  209  ; angry  at  the  pro- 
posed investiture,  217  ; his 
second  invasion  of  Korea,  219; 


INDEX. 


557 


on  his  deathbed,  220  ; appoints 
a board  of  regents  at  his  death, 
222  ; burial-place  of,  224 ; 
quarrels  after  the  death  of,  227; 
son  of,  a source  of  disquietude, 
236 

Hirado,  Portuguese  resort  to,  1 76 

Historiographers,  first  appointed, 
80 

Hitotsubashi,  made  shogun,  362 

Hojo,  hereditary  regents  of  sho- 
guns, 153 

Hojo,  the  historical  reputation  of, 

159 

Hojo  Tokimasa,  father-in-law  of 
Yoritomo,  138 ; guardian  of 
shoguns,  152 

Hojo  Ujimasa,  Hideyoshi’s  cam- 
paign against,  205 

Houses  of  the  early  Japanese,  90 

Hyogo,  foreign  representatives 
arrive  at,  370 ; opened  to 
foreign  trade,  372 

I 

lemitsu,  his  ability,  304 

lemochi,  shogun,  visits  Kyoto, 
354  ; died,  361 

leyasu,  makes  peace  with  Hide- 
yoshi,  IQ7  ; named  president  of 
board  of  regents,  222  ; suggests 
the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  of 
Daibutsu  at  Kyoto,  224 ; pedi- 
gree of,  225  ; where  and  when 
born,  225  ; Hideyoshi’s  last 
charge  to,  226  ; prepares  for  a 
contest  with  his  colleagues, 
227  ; his  use  of  a proverb  after 
the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  230  ; 
his  moderate  use  of  victory, 
231;  rearranges  daimiates,  233; 
continues  dual  form  of  govern- 
ment, 233  ; appointed  shogun, 
234  ; his  edict  against  Chris- 
tians, 243  ; condemns  “ the 
false  and  corrupt  school,  ’ 245; 
a statesman  as  well  as  general, 
269  ; portrait  of,  270  ; a ]>atron 
of  learning,  271  ; his  treatment 


of  the  daimyos,  275  ; abdicates 
the  shbgunate,  290  ; as  ex- 
shogun, 291  ; in  his  retirement, 
300 

leyoshi,  the  twelfth  shogun,  dies, 
321 

Ignatius  Loyola,  beatification  of, 
celebrated,  243 

li  Kamon-no-kami,  the  swagger- 
ing prime-minister,  333  ; mur- 
der of,  335 

Imperial  court  assumes  the  gov- 
ernment, 368 

Imperial  sanction  of  treaties,  361 
1 m petuous-male-augustness,  pro- 
duced, 42  ; visits  the  heavenly 
plains,  42;  expelled,  42;  insults 
his  sister,  43  ; retires  to  Izumo, 
44 

Implements  used  by  early  Japan- 
ese, 91 

Impurity  attached  to  birth  and 
death,  84 

Indemnity  for  death  of  Richard- 
son, 344 

Indemnity,  Shimonoseki,  349 
Inland  sea,  its  situation,  6 
Internal  disturbances  caused  by 
foreign  treaties,  325 
Interpreters,  early  practice'  of, 
335,  note. 

Investiture  of  Hideyoshi,  217 
Ito  Hirobumi  prepares  a constitu- 
tion, 394 

Ivvakura  Tomomi,  his  part  in 
negotiations  between  Satsuma 
and  Choshu,  360 
Izanagi,  creates  the  Japanese 
islands  with  Izanami,  38  ; fol- 
lows Izanami  to  Hades,  40; 
purifies  himself,  40 
Izumo,  legends  concerning,  45 

J 

Japanese  islands,  creation  of,  38 
Japanese  race,  characteristics  of, 
27  ; measurements  of,  31 
Japanese  surprised  by  Perry’s  ar« 
rival,  314 


558 


INDEX. 


Japanese  syllabary,  274 
Japan  expedition  under  Perry, 
arrival  of,  314 

Jesuit  fathers  encouraged  by  No- 
bunaga,  187 

Jesuits,  encourage  persecution  of 
Buddhists,  241  ; encouraged  by 
leyasu’s  tolerant  attitude,  242  ; 
instructions  of  Loyola  to,  245, 
note 

Jewelry,  its  use  among  the  early 
Japanese,  88 

Jimmu  leads  an  expedition  to  the 
Main  island,  52  * 

Jingo-Kogo,  the  wife  of  Chuai, 
73  ; invades  Korea,  75  ; value 
of  her  invasion  to  Japan,  76 
Jurisdiction  of  foreign  consuls, 

331 

K 

Kaempfer,  services  of,  31 1 
Kagoshima,  bombardment  of,  345 
Kagoshima,  Prince  of,  turns  | 
against  Christianity,  176  j 

Kamakura  becomes  a great  city, 
150;  destroyed  by  Kitta,  159  j 
Kanagawa  made  a port  for  trade, 

329 

Kato  Kiyomasa’s  arrival  in 
Korea,  214  ; after  the  victor)’ 
of  Sekigahara,  231  ; an  enemy 
of  Christianity,  232,  note 
Ken  (prefectures)  established,  385 
Kido  Takeyoshi,  first  appearance  | 
of,  358  ; prepares  a memorial, 

384 

Kicnchang,  a French  gunboat, 
fired  upon  at  Shimonoseki,  346 
Kinkakuji,  the  building  of,  164 
Kiyomori,  head  of  the  Taira 
family,  134 

Koeckebacker,  Mr. , in  the  Shima- 
bara  rebellion,  262 
Kogisho(parliament), established, 
381  ; the  doings  of,  381 
Kojiki,  translation  of,  33  ; first 
issue  of,  1 15 

Komei,  Emperor,  dies,  362 
Konishi’s  arrival  in  Korea,  214 


Korea,  invaded  by  Jingo-Kogo, 
75;  experiences  with,  120; 
plans  for  invasion  of,  209 ; 
ambassadors  from,  Hideyoshi 
treats  rudely,  211  ; condition 
of,  at  the  time  of  Hideyoshi’s 
invasion,  212 ; commanders 
appointed  for  invading,  213  ; 
forces  collected  by  Hideyoshi 
to  invade,  213  ; Konishi’s  ar- 
rival in,  214 ; Japanese  cam- 
paign in,  214 ; peace  with, 
negotiated,  217  ; benefits  from 
Hideyoshi’s  invasion  of,  221  ; 
relations  with,  established  by 
leyasu,  237 

Koreans,  an  unexpected  attack 
I from,  388;  expedition  against, 

I 388 

! Kudatama  and  magatama,  88 
I Kuges  sympathizing  with  Choshu 
■ are  expelled,  356 
Kumamoto,  the  castle  of,  resists 
Saigo,  390 

Kurile  islands  belong  to  Japan,  2 
Kuro  Shiwo  (black  current)  its 
origin  and  course,  6 ; its  effect 
on  the  climate,  ii 
Kusunoki  Masashige,  his  loyalty 
to  emperor,  158  ; supports 
southern  dynasty,  i6i  ; com- 
mits hara-kiri,  162 
Kwambaku  and  shogun,  the 
offices  of,  abolished,  368 
Kyoto,  capital  removed  to,  123  ; 
and  Vedo,  courts  of,  become 
more  hostile,  340 ; renamed 
Saikyo,  378  ; a hot-bed  of  anti- 
foreign  sentiment,  351  ; excite- 
ment at,  354  ; contest  in,  356  ; 
partly  destroyed  by  fire,  358 

L 

Lakes,  number  and  extent  of,  9 
Language,  early,  of  the  Japanese, 

85 

Lantern,  temple,  286 
Latitude  and  longitude  of  Japan- 
ese islands,  2 


INDEX. 


559 


Legacy  of  leyasu,  on  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  288 ; its  pro- 
visions, 301,  302 
Legality  of  the  foreign  treaties, 
326 

Legendary  events  disappear,  95 
Letters,  styles  of,  273 
Longitude  and  latitude  of  Japan- 
ese islands,  2 

Lowder,  Mr.  J.  F.,  translates  the 
Legacy  of  leyasu,  301,  note 

M 

Magatama  and  Kudatama,  88 
Main  island,  how  designated,  3 
Malay  element,  30 
Marco  Polo’s  first  mention  of 
Japan,  i 

Massage,  Japanese  origin  of,  308 
Matchlock,  introduced  by  the 
Portuguese,  170;  sword,  and 
spears,  285 

Measurements  of  the  Japanese 
and  Ainos,  31 

Medical  science  during  the  Toku- 
gawa  period,  306 
Medicine,  Chinese,  introduced, 

96. 

Meiji,  a new  year  period  adopted, 

378 

Metal  almost  unknown  to  early 
Japanese,  92 

Migrations  from  the  continent, 

29. 

Mimizuka  at  Kyoto,  origin  of, 
220 

Minamoto,  family  of,  first  be- 
comes prominent,  132  ; struggle 
of,  with  Taira,  133  ; becomes 
supreme,  143 

Miracles  alleged  to  have  been 
performed  by  Xavier,  174 
Mito  ronins  engaged  in  attack  on 
British  Legation,  336 
Mito,  the  daimyo  of,  gives  ten 
reasons,  318  ; opposed  to 
foreigners,  318  ; the  head  of 
anti-foreign  party,  325 
Mitsunari,  character  of,  226 


Mongolian  ambassadors,  put  to 
death,  156 

Mongolians  invade  Japan,  155 
Mori  Arinori  assassinated,  396 
Morse,  Professor  E.  S.,  concern- 
ing shell  heaps,  25,  note 
Mountain  ranges,  7 
Movable  types  used  in  Korea  in 
1317,  301,  note 
Moxa,  cauterization  by,  308 
Muretsu,  Emperor,  noted  for 
cruelty,  103 

Mutsuhito  becomes  emperor,  363 
Myer,  Dr.  Carl,  on  Jesuit  atti- 
tude, 246,  note 

Myths,  how  to  be  used  in  history, 

36 

N 

Nagasaki  becomes  a Christian 
city,  178  ; the  place  of  the 
severest  persecutions,  249  ; gov- 
ernor of,  searches  for  Chris- 
tians, 253 ; result  of  persecu- 
tions in,  254 

Nara,  imperial  residence  fixed  at, 
122 

Nihongi,  character  of,  33  ; first 
issue  of,  1 16 

Ninigi-no-mikoto  descends  to 
Japan,  46 

Nintoku,  Emperor,  remits  taxes, 

79 

Nintoku,  the  Sage  Emperor,  79 
Nitta  and  Ashikaga  Taka-uji,  160 
Nitta  Yoshisada,  joins  Masashige, 
158 ; casts  his  sword  in  the  sea, 
159 : supportssouthern dynasty, 
161  ; death  of,  162 
Nobeoka  the  last  stand  of  the 
rebels,  391 

Nobunaga,  origin  of,  J79;  char- 
acteristics of,  180  ; vengeance 
of,  on  the  Buddhists,  186  ; atti- 
tude of,  towards  the  Jesuits, 
187  ; relations  of,  to  the  em- 
peror, 189;  treason  against, 
191  ; complications  at  death 

of,  195 


560 


INDEX. 


Northern  dynasty  of  emperors  in 
possession  of  capital,  161 
Northern  emperors,  list  of,  166 

O 

Oban,  gold  coin,  306 

Official  rank,  Chinese  system  of, 

-.“3 

Ojin,  Emperor,  birth  of,  76  ; 

worshipped  as  god  of  war,  76 
Okubo  Toshiniichi  proposes  to 
move  the  capital,  376  ; assassi- 
nated, 3Q2 

Oldest  books  of  Japan,  32 
Orange  introduced  from  China, 

64. 

Origin  of  the  celestial  deities,  37 
Osaka,  Hideyoshi  builds  castle 
at,  199;  leyasu’s  expedition 
against,  237  ; the  castle  of, 
taken  by  leyasu,  237  ; castle  of, 
burnt,  371 ; opened  to  foreign 
trade,  372 

Outrages  on  foreigners  continued, 

352 

P 

Pacifying  the  land,  legends  of,  46 
Palace,  form  of  early  Japanese,  59 
Parkes,  Sir  Harry,  arrives  in 
Japan,  358  ; attack  on  escort 
of,  373 

Parties  in  Japan  over  foreign 
treaties,  325 

Pembroke,  an  American  ship, 
fired  upon  at  Shimonoseki,  346 
Perry,  Commodore,  entrusted 
with  an  expedition  to  Japan, 
312  ; his  preparations,  312  ; 
declines  to  take  men  of  civil 
life,  313  ; portrait  of,  315  ; de- 
livers the  President’s  letter, 
316  ; preliminary  negotiations, 
316  ; his  display  of  force,  316  ; 
returns  to  Japan,  322;  nego- 
tiates a treaty,  322 
Persecution  of  Chnstuns,  begun, 

247  ; inhuman  character  of, 

248  ; progress  of,  250 


Pine  tree,  Yamato-dake’s  poem 
to,  72 

Pinto,  arrival  of,  in  Japan,  170  ; 
experience  of,  with  the  son  of 
the  Prince  of  Bungo,  171; 
visits  the  Prince  of  Bungo,  171  ; 
second  visit  of,  to  Japan,  172  ; 
Piracy,  prevalence  of,  167 
Pit-dwellers,  evidences  of,  26 ; 

encountered  by  Jimniu,  55 
Plants  in  use  in  prehistoric  times, 

91 

Pope,  embassy  sent  to,  187  ; brief 
against  Franciscans  and  Do- 
minicans, 203 

Population  of  Japan,  18  ; popu- 
lation and  areas,  table  of,  19 
Portuguese,  first  arrival  of,  in 
Japan,  169  ; sea-captain,  indis- 
creet speech  of , 204  ; and  Span- 
ish abuse  each  other,  244 
Postponement  of  opening  of  ports, 

338 

Prefectures  (keii),  establishment 
of,  17 

President  of  U.  S.  letter  to  Em- 
peror of  Japan,  313 
Productions  of  the  Japanese 
islands,  13 

Proprietorship  of  emperor.  125 
Provinces,  division  into,  16 
Purification  of  Izanagi,  40 

R 

Races,  two  distinct,  20  ; probable 
origin  of,  28 

Railway,  the  first,  in  Japan,  387 
Rank.  Chinese  system  of  official, 
113 

Rat  at  the  altar  of  Xavier,  177 
Rebels  retreat  to  the  east  coast, 

391 

Regency  appointed  by  Hideyoshi 
on  his  death-bed,  222 
Religious  belief  among  the 
Japanese,  286 

Religious  nocions,  prehistoric,  of 
Japanese,  82 

Revision  of  treaties  desired  by 
the  Japanese,  330 


INDEX. 


Rewards  for  discovery  of  Chris- 
tians offered,  248 
Richardson,  Charles  L.,  assassi- 
nated, 343  ; excitement  over, 
344 

Rivers,  the  principal,  10 
Ronins,  the  attitude  of,  332 
Russians,  efforts  of,  to  open 
trade,  31 1 

Russian  vessels  seeking  to  nego- 
tiate, 321 

Ryukyu  islands  belong  to  Japan,  3 
S 

Saigo  Takamori  negotiates  be- 
tween Satsuma  and  Choshu, 
360 ; establishes  military 
schools  in  Satsuma,  389  ; re- 
tires from  the  government,  389 ; 
starts  with  an  expedition  to 
Tokyo,  390 ; retreats  to 
Kagoshima,  391  ; dies,  392 
Saigo  Tsuguniichi  superintends 
transmission  of  troops,  390 
Saikyo  the  new  name  of  Kyoto, 

378 

Sake,  its  use  and  its  origin,  86 
Samurai,  the  special  privileges  of, 

281  ; what  Japan  owes  to  the, 

282  ; often  left  helpless  by 
abolition  of  feudalism,  386 

Saris,  Captain,  arrives  in  Japan, 
299 

Satow,  E.  M.,  on  Shinto  rituals, 
34 ; paper  on  sepulchral 
mounds,  65,  note 
Satsuma,  clan  of,  Hideyoshi’s  ex- 
pedition against,  199  ; daimyo 
of,  after  the  victory  of  Sekiga- 
hara,  231  ; train  of,  leaves 
Yedoby  Tokaido,  342  ; leaders 
of,  impressed  by  western  arma- 
ments, 345  ; troops  of,  their 
relations  to  Choshu,  358  ; 
troops  of,  and  Choshu  oppose 
shogun’s  march,  371  ; conser- 
vatism in,  388 

Schools  first  established,  112 
Seclusion  a mistake,  310 


561 

Sekigahara,  battle  at,  229,  230  ; 

mounds  of  heads  at,  230 
Serpent,  eight-headed,  killed  in 
Izumo,  45 

Shell  heaps,  their  lessons,  25  ; at 
Omori,  25 

Shimabara  rebellion,  257 
Shimazu  Saburo,  visits  Kyoto, 

340  ; coldly  received  at  Yedo, 

341  ; retires  from  the  govern- 
ment, 389 

Shimonoseki  affair,  346 ; nego- 
tiations for  damages  at,  347  ; 
efforts  of  foreigners  to  avenge 
insults  at,  347  ; convention 
agreed  upon,  348  ; foreign  ex- 
pedition to,  348  ; indemnity  re- 
turned by  United  States,  349, 
note  ; expedition  to,  its  influ- 
ence, 350 

Shinto,  the  primitive  religion,  83 
Ships  of  the  Japanese  in  early 
times,  263 

Shogun  and  kwambaku,  the  offices 
of,  abolished,  368 
Shogun’s  government  disturbed  by 
Perry’s  demands,  317;  his  gov- 
ernment convinced  of  impossi- 
bility of  expelling  foreigners, 
352  ; resigns,  366  ; retires  to 
Osaka,  369  ; proposes  to  visit 
Kyoto  with  troops,  370  ; his 
forces  defeated  on  way  to 
Kyoto,  371  ; besought  to  com- 
mit hara-kiri,  ^ili,  note  ; his 
surrender  of  power  at  Yedo,  374 
Shoguns,  list  of,  504 
Shoguns,  Tokugawa  line  of, 
begun,  234 

Shotoku  Taishi,  principal  cham- 
pion of  Buddhism,  107  ; as  a 
law-giver,  loG  ; laws  of,  510 
Siam,  intercourse  of  Japanese 
with,  167 

Siebold,  Baron  von,  his  services, 

311 : 

Siebold,  Henry  von,  concerning 
shell  heaps.  25,  note 
Silkworms  brought  from  China, 
no 


562 


INDEX. 


Silver  first  discovered,  121 
Social  condition  during  the  Toku- 
gawa  period,  305 
Southern  dynasty  of  emperors  re- 
garded legitimate,  16 1 
Spanish  missionary  attempts  a 
miracle,  244 

Spears,  sword,  and  matchlock, 
285 

Stone  age  in  Japan,  25 
Stone  arrows  and  spear-heads,  92 
Struggle  between  the  Taira  and 
Minamoto,  133 

Succession,  unbroken  line  of,  1 18 
Sugawara  family  prominent,  129 
Sugawara  Michizane,  patron  of 
scholars,  130  ; banished  from 
Japan,  130 

Suinin,  Emperor,  legend  of  con- 
spiracy against,  62 
Sword,  claimed  to  have  been 
carried  in  descent  to  Japan, 
47,  note 

Sword-maker,  diagram  of,  283 
Swords,  samurai  carried  two,  2S2 
Sword,  the  estimation  of  the, 
284  ; the  etiquette  and  use  of 
the,  284;  spears,  and  match- 
lock, 285 

Syllabary,  Japanese,  274 
T 

Tachibana  family  prominent,  129 
Tachibana,  Princess,  sacrifices 
herself  to  save  her  husband,  71 
Taga,  ancient  monument  at,  124 
Taira  and  Minamoto,  struggle 
between,  133 

Taira  family  first  becomes  promi- 
nent, 132 

Take-no-uchi,  prime-minister  of 
Jingo-Kogo,  74 

Taxes,  first  levied,  61;  early,  paid 
in  kind,  82 

Tea  ceremonies  founded  by 
Yoshimasa,  165 

Temples,  prehistoric,  of  Japan- 
ese, 83 


Terashima  and  others  sent  to 
Europe,  345,  note 
Time,  reckoning  of,  by  the  early 
Japanese,  86 

Tokiwa  surrenders  herself,  136 
Tokugawa  crest,  239 
Tokugawa  shbguns,  character  of, 

304 

Tokyo  the  new  name  of  Yedo, 

378 

Toleration,  ideas  of,  in  i6th  and 
17th  centuries,  241  ; principles 
of,  established,  380 
Tosa,  diainyo  of,  presents  address 
to  the  shogun,  364 
Townsend  Harris  arrives  as  U.  S. 
consul,  327 

Travelling  in  prehistoric  times, 
,93  . 

Treaties,  first,  not  commercial, 
324  ; negotiated  with  other 
powers,  324  ; sanction  of,  by 
the  emperor,  360 
Treaty  negotiated  by  Perry,  322 
Types  of  the  Japanese  race,  27 

U 

United  States  of  America,  inter- 
est of,  in  opening  trade,  31 1 ; 
consul  of,  to  reside  at  Shimoda, 

327 

Uyeno,  the  battle  at,  374 

V 

Volcanoes,  number  of,  g 
W 

Wakamatsu,  the  final  battle  at, 

375 

Warenius’  description  of  kingdom 
of  Japan,  249,  note 
Weavers  and  sewers  brought 
from  China,  no 
Whale  fishery,  its  influence,  311 
Wild  animals  in  Japan,  15  ; in 
prehistoric  times,  93 
Writing,  art  of,  when  introduced, 
32 


INDEX. 


563 


X 

Xavier,  meeting  of,  with  Anjiro, 
172  ; arrival  of,  in  Japan,  173  ; 
lands  at  Kagoshima,  173  ; 
characteristics  of,  174;  tra- 
ditional portrait  of,  175  ; visits 
Hirado,  176  ; visits  Yama- 
guchi,  176;  reception  of,  at 
Kyoto,  177;  death  of,  in  China, 
177  ; buried  in  Goa,  177 

Y 

Yamaguchi,  Xavier’s  first  visit  to, 
176 

Yamato-dake,  kills  his  brother, 
66  ; kills  the  bandits  at  Ku- 
maso,  66  ; adventures  of,  in  the 
East,  6g  ; poem  to  pine-tree, 
72  ; death  of,  73 

Year-periods,  list  of,  4g6 

Yedo,  recommended  to  leyasu  as 
his  seat  of  government,  207  ; 


the  early  history  of,  235 ; chosen 
as  the  seat  of  government,  235  ; 
its  preparations  for  the  Toku- 
gawa  capital,  274  ; renamed 
Tokyo,  373 

Yengishiki,  Shinto  rituals,  34 
Yezo,  its  situation  and  extent,  6 
Yokohama  found  more  available 
for  trade,  32g 

Yoritomo  sent  into  exile,  135  ; 
organizes  rebellion  against  the 
Taira,  138  ; his  treatment  of 
Yoshitsune,  144  ; establishes 
his  capital  at  Kamakura,  146  ; 
becomes  sei-i-tai-shogun,  148  ; 
death  of,  150  ; successors  of, 

151 

Yoshiaki  installed  shdgun,  184  ; 

deposed  by  Nobunaga,  i8g 
Yoshitsune,  first  mention  of,  136  ; 
flees  to  Mutsu,  137;  conquers 
the  Taira  at  Dan-no-ura,  142  ; 
legends  concerning,  145 


INDEX  TO  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS. 


A 

Anglo-Saxon  civilization,  influ- 
ence of,  in  the  I'ar  East,  485, 
4S6 

B 

Banking  system,  422 

“Boxer”  insurrection,  425,  426 

C 

Chef 00,  treaty  between  Japan 
and  China  ratified  at,  417 

China,  sends  peace  embassies  to 
Japan,  415,  417 

Chinese  army,  equipment  and 
strength  of,  404 

Chi  no-Japanese  war,  401  et  seq., 
418,  458 

Constitution,  drafted  by  Count 
Ito,  397,  481  ; promulgated 
by  the  Emperor,  482  ; differs 
from  constitutions  of  Western 
nations,  482,  483 

Constitutional  government,  397 
ct  seq. 

Constitutional  Imperial  party, 
400,  419 

D 

Dalny,  leased  to  Russia,  458;  oc- 
cupied by  Japanese,  435 

E 

Education,  in  modern  times,  421 


Emperor,  functions  of,  397,400 

F 

Friends  of  the  Constitution,  As- 
sociation of,  420 

G 

Government  of  Japan,  under  the 
constitution,  397  et  seq. 

I 

Indemnity  from  China,  422 

Industries,  422,  423 

Itagaki,  the  “ Rousseau  of  Ja- 
pan,” 400,  420 

Ito  llirobumbi.  Count  (after- 
ward Marquis),  ]irepares  a con- 
stitution, 397,  4M  ; opinion  of 
the  constitution,  397  ; sent  on 
mission  to  Cliina,  403  ; Admi- 
ral in  Chino-Japanese  war,  407, 
414;  Minister  President,  420  ; 
reorganizes  Japanese  army  and 
navy,  424  ; negotiates  treaty 
with  King  of  Korea,  453 

J 

Japan,  raised  to  first-class  power, 
452,  453,473  : diplomatic  cor- 
respondence with  Russia,  460, 
4hi,  5 1 5 ; economic  and  finan- 
cial resources,  465-472  ; pol- 
icy and  ideals,  473  et  seq.. 


566  INDEX  TO  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS. 


47g  : civilization,  424,  475  ; 
general  condition,  476  ; not 
“ a nation  of  imitators, ”476  et 
seq.  ; advocate  of  arbitration 
484 

Japanese  army,  equipment  and 
strength  of,  404  ; reorganized, 
424 

Japanese  navy,  reorganized,  424 

Japanese  Parliament,  first,  479, 
481,  484 

K 

Katsura,  General,  operations 
against  Chinese,  416  ; Minister 
President,  420 

Komura,  Baron  Jutaro,  offers  to 
negotiate  with  Russia,  427  ; 
peace  commissioner,  450 

Korea,  the  “ Hermit  Nation”, 
relations  with  China  and  Ja- 
pan, 401  et  seq.;  a cause  of  dis- 
sension between  Russia  and 
Japan,  427,  459  ; control  of, 
assumed  by  Japan,  453 

Kurino,  Baron,  Japanese  Minis- 
ter to  Russia,  427,  428 

Kuroki,  General,  victories  of, 
432,  434,  436-438 

Kuropatkin,  General,  Russian 
commander  of  Manchuria, 
429  ; defeated,  435-437  ; ad- 
vances to  Port  Arthur,  439; 
retreats,  444  ; superseded  by 
General  Linevitch,  445 

L 

Lamsdorff,  Count,  diplomatic 
correspondence  with,  427,  428, 
.460,  515 

Liao-tung  Peninsula,  ceded  to 
Japan,  417,  45S  ; a subject  of 
controversy,  419  ; war  opera- 
tions, 434 

Liberal  party,  organized,  400 ; 
absorbed  in  constitution!  par- 
ty. 419 

Li-Hung-Chang,  signs  the  Tien-  1 


tsin  convention,  403 ; heads 
Chinese  embassy  to  Japan,  417 
Linevitch,  General,  succeeds 
General  Kuropatkin,  445 

M 

Makaroff,  Admiral,  sent  to  Port 
Arthur,  429;  death,  431 
Manchurian  question,  426,  427, 
457  et  seq.,  485,  486 
Mukden,  battle  of,  444,  445 

N 

Nogi,  General,  occupies  Kai- 
ping,  413,  416;  commands 
operations  to  reduce  Port 
Arthur,  435,  439,  et  seq. 

O 

Oku,  General,  in  Liao-tung  Pen- 
insula, 434  et  seq. 

Okuma,  the  “ Peel  of  Japan.” 
400,  420 

“ Open-door  ” principle  and  pol- 
icy, 478,  481,  486 
Oshima,  General,  victory  over 
Chinese,  406 

Oyama,  General,  against  Port 
I Arthur,  410  ; at  Liao-yang,  436 

P 

Parties  in  Japan,  political,  400 
Peace  conference  at  Portsmouth, 
X.  H.,  450 

I Peking,  siege  of,  425 
Ping-yang,  captured,  406,  407 
Port  Arthur,  advance  against, 
410;  strength  of,  411  ; taken 
by  the  Japanese,  412  ; ceded  to 
Japan  by  treaty,  417  ; leased 
to  Russia,  419,  458  ; siege  of, 
431,  439-443 

Portsmouth,  X.  H.,  peace  con- 
ference at,  450 
Progressive  party,  400,  419 


INDEX  TO  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTERS.  567 


R 

Railways,  the  first  in  Japan,  423  ; 
development  of,  423 

Rodjestvensky,  Admiral,  sent  to 
relieve  Port  Arthur,  445  ; sur- 
renders, 448 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  President 
of  the  United  States,  brings 
about  a peace  conference,  450 

Rosen,  Baron  Roman  Romano- 
vitch,  Russian  peace  commis- 
sioner, 450 

Russia,  relations  with  China,  426, 
458  et  seq.;  occupies  Man- 
churia, 426,  427,  457  et 

seq.;  negotiations  with  Korea, 
427  diplomatic  correspondence 
with  Japan,  427,  460,  515;  pre- 
parations for  war  with  japan, 
461-463  ; Manchurian  policy, 

585 

Russo-Japanese  War,  causes  and 
events  leading  up  to,  426  et 
seq.,  457-463  ; Japan’s  pre- 
parations for,  428  ; Russia’s 
preparations  for,  461-463  ; war 
declared,  429,  463,  464  ; disas- 
ters to  Russia’s  navy,  429-432  ; 
operations  on  land,  432-444  ; 
siege  and  surrender  of  Port 
Arthur,  439-443  ; battle  of 
Mukden,  444,  445  ; Russian 
fleet  destroyed,  448, 449  ; peace 
negotiations,  450,  451  ; treaty, 
451,  452  ; results,  452,  453 

S 

Saionji,  Minister  President,  420 

Samurai,  spirit  of,  401,  402,  476, 

477 

Schools,  modern  system  of,  421 

Shibusawa,  Baron,  opinion  of 
the  Japanese,  422 


Shimonoseki,  treaty  of,  417,  458 
“Shimose”  powder,  428,  436, 
477 

Siberian  railway,  458 
Stossel,  General,  surrenders  Port 
Arthur,  443 

T 

Takahira,  Kogoro,  Japanese 
peace  commissioner,  450 
Tientsin  convention,  provisions 

of,  403 

Togo,  Admiral,  at  Asan,  406  ; 
at  Port  Arthur,  429,  431  ; de- 
stroys Russian  fleet,  446-448 
Tokugawa  government,  treaties 
with,  418 

Treaties,  revision  of,  418,  419; 
on  equal  terms,  419,  426  ; with 
England,  426,  453  ; with  Rus- 
sia, 451,  452 

U 

Uriu,  Rear-Admiral,  429,  448 

W 

“ White  peril,”  489,  490 
Witte,  Count  Sergius,  Russian 
peace  commissioner,  450 

Y 

Yamagata,  Marshal,  409  ; Min- 
ister President,  420  ; reorgan- 
izes the  army  and  navy,  424 
Yamaji,  General,  takes  Kinchow, 
410;  storms  forts  of  Port  Ar- 
thur, 411  ; joins  Nogi,  416; 
occupies  Ying-kow,  417 
“ Yellow  peril,”  487-490 


The  Story  of  the  Nations. 


In  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  National  life 
is  distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and  note- 
worthy periods  and  episodes  are  presented  for  the 
reader  in  their  philosophical  relation  to  each  other 
as  well  as  to  universal  history. 

It  is  the  plan  of  the  writers  of  the  different  volumes 
to  enter  into  the  real  life  of  the  peoples,  and  to  bring 
them  before  the  reader  as  they  actually  lived,  labored, 
and  struggled — as  they  studied  and  wrote,  and  as 
they  amused  themselves.  In  carrying  out  this  plan, 
the  myths,  with  which  the  history  of  all  lands  begins, 
will  not  be  overlooked,  though  these  will  be  carefully 
distinguished  from  the  actual  history,  so  far  as  the 
labors  of  the  accepted  historical  authorities  have 
resulted  in  definite  conclusions. 

The  subjects  of  the  different  volumes  have  been 
planned  to  cover  connecting  and,  as  far  as  possible, 
consecutive  epochs  or  periods,  so  that  the  set  when 
completed  will  present  in  a comprehensive  narrative 
the  chief  events  in  the  great  Story  of  the  Nations; 
but  it  is,  of  course,  not  always  practicable  to  issue 
the  several  volumes  in  their  chronological  order. 


Nos.  i-6i,  each $1.50 

Half  leather 1.75 

Nos.  62  and  following  Nos.,  each  (by  mail,  1.50 

net  1.3s 

Half  leather  (by  mail,  $1.75) net  1.60 


For  list  of  volumes  see  next  page. 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


GREECE.  Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison. 
ROME.  Arthur  Gilman. 

THE  JEWS.  Prof.  James  K.  Hos- 
mer, 

CHALDEA.  Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
GERMANY.  S.  Baring-Gould. 
NORWAY.  Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 
SPAIN.  Rev.  E.  E.  and  Susan 
Hale. 

HUNGARY.  Prof.  A.  Varabery. 
CARTHAGE.  Prof.  Alfred  J. 
Church. 

THE  SARACENS.  Arthur  Gil- 
man. 

THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN.  Stanley 
Lane-Poole. 

THE  NORMANS.  Sarah  Ome 
Jewett. 

PERSI.\.  S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 

ANCIENT  EGYPT.  Prof.  Geo. 
Rawlinson. 

ALEXANDER’S  EMPIRE.  Prof. 
J.  P.  Mahaffy. 

ASSYRIA.  Z.  A.  Ragozin. 

THE  GOTHS.  Henry  Bradley. 
IRELAND.  Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 
TURKEY.  Stanley  Lano-Poole. 
MEDIA.  BABYLON,  AND  PER- 
SIA. Z.  A.  Ragozin. 
MEDIEVAL  FRANCE.  Prof.  Gus- 
tave Masson. 

HOLLAND.  Prof.  J.  Thorold 
Rogers. 

MEXICO.  Susan  Hale. 
PHCENICIA.  George  Rawlinson. 


THE  HANSA  TOWNS.  Helen 
Zimmem. 

EARLY  BRITAIN  Prof.  Alfred 
J.  Church. 

THE  BARBARY  CORSAIRS. 

Stanley  Lane-Poole. 

RUSSIA.  W.  R.  Morfill. 

THE  JEWS  UNDER  ROME.  W. 
D.  Morrison. 

SCOTLAND.  John  Mackintosh. 
SWITZERLAND.  R.  Stead  and 
Mrs.  A.  Hug. 

PORTUGAL.  H.  Morse-Stephens 

THE  BYZANTINE  EMPIRE.  C. 
W.  C.  Oman. 

SICILY.  E.  A.  Freeman 

THE  TUSCAN  REPUBLICS. 
Bella  Duffy. 

POLAND.  W.  R.  Morfill. 
PARTHIA.  Geo.  Rawlinson. 
JAPAN.  David  Murray. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  RECOVERY 
OF  SPAIN.  H.  E.  Watts. 
AUSTRALASIA.  Gretdlle  Tregar- 
then. 

SOUTHERN  AFRICA.  Geo.  M 
Theal. 

VENICE.  Alethea  Wiel. 

THE  CRUSADES.  T.  S.  Archer 
and  C.  L.  Kingsford. 

VEDIC  INDIA.  Z.  A.  Ragozin 
BOHEMIA.  C.  E.  Maurice. 
CANADA.  J.  G.  Bourinot. 

THE  BALKAN  STATES.  William 
Miller 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


BRITISH  RULE  IN  INDIA.  R. 
W.  Frazer. 

MODERN  FRANCE.  Andre  Le 
Bon. 

THE  BRITISH  EMPIRE.  Alfred 
T.  Story.  Two  vols. 

THE  FRANKS.  Lewis  Sergeant. 

THE  WEST  INDIES.  Amos  K. 
Fiske. 

THE  PEOPLE  OF  ENGLAND, 
Justin  McCarthy,  M.P.  Two 
vols. 

AUSTRIA.  Sidney  Whitman. 
CHINA.  Robt.  K.  Douglass. 
MODERN  SPAIN.  Major  Martin 
A.  S.  Hume. 

MODERN  ITALY.  Pietro  Orsi. 
THE  THIRTEEN  COLONIES. 
Helen  A.  Smith.  Two  vols. 

WALES  AND  CORNWALL.  Owen 
M.  Edwards.  Net  $1.35. 


MEDIEVAL  ROME.  Wm.  MiUer. 

THE  PAPAL  MONARCHY.  Wm. 
Barry. 

MEDI.^VAL  INDIA.  Stanley 
Lane-Poole. 

BUDDHIST  INDIA.  T.  W.  Rhys- 
Davids. 

THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN  RE- 
PUBLICS. Thomas  C.  Daw- 
son. Two  vols. 

PARLIAMENTARY  ENGLAND. 
Edward  Jenks. 

MEDI.«VAL  ENGLAND.  Mary 
Bateson. 

THE  UNITED  STATES.  Edward. 
Earle  Sparks.  Two  vols. 

ENGLAND.  THE  COMING  OF 
PARLIAMENT.  L.  Cecil  Jane. 

GREECE:  EARLIEST  TIMES  TO 
A.D.  14.  E.  S.  Shuckburgh. 


Heroes  of  the  Nations. 


A Series  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and 
work  of  a number  of  representative  historical  char- 
acters about  whom  have  gathered  the  great  traditions 
of  the  Nations  to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have 
been  accepted,  in  many  instances,  as  types  of  the 
several  National  ideals.  AVith  the  life  of  each 
typical  character  will  be  presented  a picture  of  the 
National  conditions  surrounding  him  during  his 
career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are 
recognized  authorities  on  their  several  subjects,  and, 
while  thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present 
picturesque  and  dramatic  “stories”  of  the  Men  and 
of  the  events  connected  with  them. 

To  the  Life  of  each  “ Hero”  will  be  given  one  duo- 
decimo volume,  handsomely  printed  in  large  type, 
provided  with  maps  and  adequately  illustrated  ac- 
cording to  the  special  requirements  of  the  several 
subjects. 

Nos.  1-32,  each $1.50 

Half  leather 1.75 

No.  33  and  following  Nos.,  each 

(by  mail  $1.50,  net  1.35) 
Half  leather  (by  mail.  Si. 7 5) net  1.6c 

For  full  list  of  volumes  see  next  page. 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS 


NELSON.  By  W.  Clark  Russell. 

GUSTAVUS  ADOLPHUS.  By  C- 
R.  L.  Fletcher. 

PERICLES.  By  Evelyn  Abbott. 

THEODORIC  THE  GOTH.  By 
Thomas  Hodgkin. 

SIR  PHILIP  SIDNEY.  By  H.  R. 
Fox-Boume. 

JULIUS  C^SAR.  By  W.  Warde 
Fowler. 

WYCLIF.  By  Lewis  Sergeant. 

NAPOLEON.  By  W.  O’Connor 
Morris. 

HENRY  OP  NAVARRE.  By  P. 
F.  Willert. 

CICERO.  By  J.  L.  Strachan- 
Davidson. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  By  Noah 
Brooks. 

PRINCE  HENRY  (OF  PORTU- 
GAL) THE  NAVIGATOR. 
By  C.  R.  Beazley. 

JULIAN  THE  PHILOSOPHER. 
By  Alice  Gardner. 

LOUIS  XIV.  By  Arthur  Hassall. 

CHARLES  XII.  By  R.  Nisbet 
Bain. 

LORENZO  DE’  MEDICI.  By  Ed- 
ward Armstrong. 

JEANNE  D’ARC.  By  Mrs.  Oli- 
phant. 

CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS.  By 
Washington  Irving. 

ROBERT  THE  BRUCE.  By  Sir 
Herbert  Maxwell. 

HANNIBAL.  By  W.  O’Connor 
Morris. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.  By  William 
Conant  Church. 

ROBERT  E.  LEE.  By  Henry 
Alexander  White. 

THE  CID  CAMPEADOR.  By  H. 
Butler  Clarke. 

SALADIN.  By  Stanley  Lane- 
Poole. 

BISMARCK.  By  J.  W.  Head- 
lam. 

ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  By 
Benjamin  I.  Wheeler. 

CHARLEMAGNE.  By  H.  W.  C. 
Davis. 

OLIVER  CROMWELL.  By 
Charles  Firth. 

RICHELIEU.  By  James  B.  Per- 
kins. 

DANIEL  O’CONNELL.  By  Rob- 
ert Dunlop. 

SAINT  LOUIS  (Louis  IX.  of 
France).  By  Frederick  Perry. 

LORD  CHATHAM.  By  Walford 
Davis  Green. 

OWEN  GLYNDWR.  By  Arthur 
G.  Bradley.  $1.35  net. 

HENRY  V.  By  Charles  L.  Kings- 
ford.  $1.35  net. 

EDWARD  I.  By  Edward  Jenks. 
$i.3S  net. 

AUGUSTUS  C^SAR.  By  J.  B 
Firth.  Si. 35  net. 

FREDERICK  THE  GREAT.  By 
W.  F.  Reddaway. 

WELLINGTON.  By  W.  O’Connor 
Morris 

CONSTANTINE  THE  GREAT.  By 
J.  B.  Firth. 


HEROES  OF  THE  NATIONS 


MOHAMMED.  By  U.  S.  I WASHINGTON.  By  J.  A. 
Margoliouth.  | Harrison. 

Other  volumes  in  preparation  are: 


MOLTKE.  By  Spencer  Wilkinson. 
JUDAS  MACCABEUS.  By  Israel 
Abrahams. 

SOBIESKI.  By  F.  A.  Pollard. 
ALFRED  THE  TRUTHTELLER. 

By  Frederick  Perry. 
FREDERICK  II.  By  A.  L. 
Smith. 

MARLBOROUGH.  By  C.  W.  C. 
Oman. 


RICHARD  THE  LION-HEARTED 
By  T.  A.  Archer. 

WILLIAM  THE  SILENT.  By 

Ruth  Putnam. 

CHARLES  THE  BOLD.  By 

Ruth  Putnam. 

GREGORY  VII.  By  F,  Urquhart. 
MAHOMET.  By  D.  S.  Margoliouth 


New  York — G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS,  Publishers — London 


Date  Due 


